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AUTHOR: 


MYERS,  PHILIP  VAN 
NESS 


TITLE: 


ROME:  ITS  RISE  AND 
FALL;  A  TEXT-BOOK 


PLACE: 


BOSTON 

DA  TE : 

1900 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

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Restrictions  on  Use: 


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lyij.  i.HjWtWiP     ^W!,jip[/^JJim^iiHlii|i    n.pi|ji|j.i      ..Jiiiwiij 


Myers,  Philip  Van  Ness,  1846-1937. 

Eome:  its  rise  and  fall;  a  text-book  for  high  schools'^ 
and  colleges.     By  Philip  Van  Ness  Mvers   ...     Boston. 
Ginn  &  CO.,  1900.  •  *  ' 

xii,  554  p.     front.,  illus.,  maps.     19*^™. 


1.  Rome— Hist. 


■  « 


Library  of  Congress 


(       )■  '      Aug.  30, 1900-38 

DG210.M99    Copyright 


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1 


ROME:  ITS  RISE  AND  FALL 


A    TEXr-HCOK  FOR  HIGH  SCHOOLS 
AND  COLLEGES 


P.Y 


PHILIP  VAN   NESS   MYERS,  L.H.D. 

Author  of  "A   History  of  Greece,"  "  Medi.*:vau  ano   Mc^dkrn 
History,"  "A  General  History,"  etc. 


BOSTON,  U.S.A. 
GINN  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

1900 


V 


•    .• 


^Ji 


>-\ 


PREFACE. 


V 


jt^oi^i 


C0PYRIGHT/19OO,   BY 

PHILIP  VAN   NESS  MYERS 


ALL  Rir.HTS  RESF.KVEl) 


GIVEN  BY 

CHARLES  DOWNER  HAZE\ 

JULY  1937 


g  T  4 


1 


This  book  has  been  written  in  response  to  requests  from 
many  teachers  that  the  author  should  expand  his  little  text- 
book on  Roman  history  into  a  more  extended  account  of 

Roman  afifairs.  Although  the  entire  narrative  has  been 
laid  on  the  lines  drawn  in  the  earlier  book,  still  the  present 
volume  is  practically  a  new  work.  The  development  of  the 
Roman  constitution  during  republican  times  has  been  traced 

carefully  step  by  step ;  while  special  emphasis  has  been  laid 
upon  the  causes  that  undermined  the  institutions  of  the 
republic,  and  which  later  brought  about  the  fall  of  the 
empire.  A  somewhat  larger  space  than  usual  has  been 
given  to  the  decay  of  paganism  and  to  the  rise  and  progress 
of  Christianity  in  the  empire.  Three  chapters  at  the  end 
of  the  volume  are  devoted  to  an  account  of  Roman  civiliza- 
tion.    The  whole  work  is  bound  toge'ther  with  numerous 

cross-references  from  paragraph  to  paragraph,  and  the  text 

supplemented  by  maps,  illustrations,  chronological  tables, 
lists  of  colonies  and  provinces,  census  rolls  and  tabulated 

Statements,  which,  it  is  believed,  will  be  found  especially 
serviceable  to  both  teachers  and  students. 

The  title  of  the  work  has  designedly  been  given  a  form 
calculated  to  make  prominent  the  unity  of  the  history  of 

ill 


PREFACE.  • 

IV 

Rome,  son.eth.ng  that  is  apt  to  be  obscured  by  the  way 
in  wh.ch  the  transUion  from  the  republic  to  the  emp.re  .s 
often  represented.     It  is  worth  while,  we  think,  to  u.press 

upon  the  mind  of  the  student  that  the  empire  simply  carried 
to  completion  the  work  begun  by  the  republic  -  the  mak- 
in.  of  the  whole  world  Roman  ;  and  that  the  essence  of 
the  history  of  Rome,  as  is  so  admirably  shown  by  Thierry  m 
his  Tableau  dc  r Empire  Remain^  is  the  uninterrupted  story 
of  how  she  acted  upon  the  world  about  her  and  how  that 
world  reacted  upon  her. 

From  the  preface  of  the  original  work  I  transfer  tO  this 
place  my  acknowledgment  of  special  indebtedness  m  the 
preparation  of  the  earlier  slight  sketch,  which  forms  the 
nucleus  of  the  present  volume,  to  the  following  authors  and 
works:  Arnold's,  Mommsen's,  Niebuhr's,  Merivale's,  Lid- 
dell's.  Gibbon's,  and  Leighton's  histories  of  Rome  ;  Long's 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic;  Smith's  Rome  and 
Carthage;   Froude's  Ccesar ;  Guhl  and  Koner's  Life  of  the 

Greeks  and  Romans  ;    Hadley's  Introduction  to  Roman  La7V  ; 

Dunlop's  and  C'ruttwell's  works  on  Roman  literature;  and 
Lanciani's  admirable  work.  Ancient  Rome  in  the  Light  of 

Recent  Discoveries. 

The  works  that  I  have  used  in  the  present  revision  and 
expansion  are  mentioned  in  the  reference  lists  which  follow 
the  chapters  throughout  the  book.  In  the  case  of  impor- 
tant works  that  have  appeared  in  different  editions,  as,  for 

instance,  Gibbon's  and  Mommsen's,  the  editions  used  have 
been  indicated  in  connection  with  the  first  mention  of  these 

publications,  and  as  a  further  aid  to  the  searcher  after  the 


PREFACE.  V 

passages  recommended  for  parallel  reading,   the  references 

have  been  made  to  chapter  and  subject  as  well  as  to  page. 

The   maps    and    illustrations  that  enriched  the  earlier 

volume  were,  in  the  main,  selected  from  various  sources  by 
the  late  Prof.  William  F.  Allen,  my  associate  in  the  prepa- 
ration of  Allen  and  Myers'  Anciefit  History,  for  his  part  of 
that  work.  It  was  through  the  kind  permission  of  his  repre- 
sentatives that  they  afterward  reappeared  in  my  little  his- 
tory of  Rome.  In  the  present  volume  a  large  part  of  the 
illustrative  material  is  new  ;  in  cases  where  the  old  cuts  and 

maps  have  been  retained,  they  have  in  almost  every  instance 

been  re-drawn  and  reengraved.  A  considerable  number  of 
the  maps  in  color  are  based  on  the  charts  accompanying 
Freeman's  Historical  Geography  of  Europe.  A  fair  propor- 
tion of  the  cuts  are  from  photographs ;  the  remainder  are 
chiefly  a  selection  from  Baumeister's  Detikmaeler  dcs  klassis- 
chen  Altertu??is,  Oscar  Jaeger's  Weltgeschichte,  and  Schreiber's 
Atlas  of  Classical  Antiquities. 

It  remains  for  me  to  express  to  my  friends  Dr.  E.  W. 
Coy,  Principal  of  Hughes  High  School,  Cincinnati,  Dr. 
George    B.    Wakeinan,    Instructor-elect    in    History    in    the 

University  of  California,  and  Mr.  Joseph  E.  White,  of 
the  Franklin  School,  Cincinnati,  my  grateful  appreciation 
of  the  kindly  interest  they  have  taken  in  the  progress  of 
this  work  and  the  generous  aid  they  have  given  me  in  its 
preparation. 


P.  V.  N.  M. 


College  Hill,  Ohio, 
June,   1900. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


•<>» 

PAGE 

Prepack "i 

List  of  Illustrations ix 

List  of  Maps •      •      •     •  ^^ 

Tables  and  Chronolooical  Summaries xii 

PART    I.       ROME   AS   A   KINGDOM. 

(753  ?-S09  ^C-) 
CHAPTER 

I.    Italy  and  its  Early  Inhabitants i 

II.  The  Society  and  Government  of  Early  Rome ii 

HI.     The  Roman  Religion 25 

IV.    Rome  under  the  Kings 39 


I 


i 


PART  II.  -  ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 

(509-31     BC) 

V.    The  Pearly  Republic ;   Plebeians  become  Citizens  with  Eull 

Rights.     (509-367  B  c.) 62 

VI.    The  Conquest  of  Italy.     (367-264  B.C.) m 

VIL  The  First  Punic  War.    (264-241  B.C.) ijQ 

VIII.     Rome   and    Carthage    between    the    First    and    the    Second 

Punic  War.    (241-218  B.C.) 154 

Section    I.  —  Rome i54 

Section  II.  —  Carthage 158 

IX.   The  Second  Punic  War.     (218-201  B.C.) 162 

X.    Kvents   between   the    Second  and   the  Third   Punic   War: 

Conquest  of  the  East  by  Rome.     (201-146  B.C.)  .     .  181 

Xr.    The  Third  Punic  and  Numantine  Wars 200 

Section  I.  — The  Third  Punic  War.     (149-146  b.c.)  200 

Section  II.  — The  Numantine  War.     (143-133  «-^)  ~^S 

•  • 
Vll 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 
Vlll 

CHAPTER  1^  ^^    cR   V,C\    .       ■       •       '       '       -°7 

VTT     The  Period  of  the  Revolution  (i33-9»  «-^-^  ,  o   ^«  «  r  ^     2^^ 

XII.   The  I  er  o  ^^-^j,  IContiniu'i/)-  (9^-78  «-^-)     ^35 

Kill.    The  Period  of  the  Kevoiuuuii  y 

XIV.    The  Period  of  the  Revolution  (C.«.A-/-/)-  (7«    3^  ^ 

PART  III.  -  ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 

(jl   B.C.-A.D.  476-) 

,  ,.  u         f    r^f    the    Emoire   and    the    Reign    of 
XV    The   Establishment  of  the   tmpir 

•^  ^  /-.T   K  r -A  D.  14)       •      •      •      •      ■      ^    -^ 

Augustus  Caesar.     (31  ^•^-  ^■^-  '"^^ 

XVII.  The  Empire  under  Commodus  and    The 

perors."      (A.D.  180-284)      ■■''''  38, 

Will     The  Reign  of  Uiocktian.     (a.d.  284-305)  ■■     ■     '     • 
V.X     ReL.  of  Constantine  the  Great  and  Kstabhshment  ot 
■^'''-         '     Christianity  as  the  Favored  Religion  of  .he  Em-     ^^^ 

pire.     (A.D.  306-337) •     •     '     '     * 

XX.   Julian  the  Apostate  and  the  Pagan  Restoration.     (a.i>.     ^^^ 

XXPTheLa^^eiryo^^  ^,^ 

XXII.  SuniJrrofttVcaus:softheFalloftheK^^^^^       •     •     445 

PART     lY.  -  ARCHITECTURB,     LITERATURE.     LAW. 

AND    SOCIAL   LIFE. 

4S6 

XXIII.  Architecture  . ^^^ 

XXIV.  Literature,  Philosophy,  and  Law  .     .     • '     ^^^ 

XXV.    Social  Life  

527 

Index  and  Pronouncing  Vocabulary 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


After  photographs  and  from  cuts  taken  from   Baumeister's  r>enkf?taeler-  ties  klassischett 

Altertums,  Oscar  Jaeger's  Weltgeschkhte,  .Schreiber's  Atlas  of 
Classical  Antiqjtities,  and  other  reliable  sources. 


PAGE 


10 
I  I 

12 

»3 

14 

'5 


The  Roman  F'orum I^'rontisp 


lece 


5 
7 
8 

9 

27 


Scene  on  the  Tiber 

An  Ancient  Etruscan  Tomb 

Wall- Pain  ting  of  an  Etruscan  Banquet 

Ruined  Temples  at  Paestum 

Sacrificial  Victims  ^ 

Head  of  Janus 29 

Vestal  Virgin 30 

Divining  by  Means  of  the  Appearance  of   the   Entrails  of  a 

Sacrificial   Victim 31 

The  Site  of  Tibur,  the  Modern  Tivoli 40 

An  Ancient  Roman  Coin  bearing  the  I*ro%v  of  a  Ship      .       .       .  46 

A  Section  of  the  Servian  Wall 47 

The  Cloaca  Maxima 48 

View  of  the  Capitoline 49 

Roman  Soldier 53 

16.  The  Capitoline  Wolf 58 

17.  Lictors 63 

Samnite  Warrior 116 

View  on  the  Appian  Way 1 24 

The  Prow  of  a  Roman  War-Ship 14  c 

The  Column  of  Duillius 147 

Augur's  Birds i^i 

Hannibal 162 

Philip  V.  of  Macedonia' 17c 


18 

»9 

20 

21 

23 

24 


*  From  a  photograph  secured  at  Rome  by  Miss  Lucy  RL  Blanchard,  the  author's  for- 
mer pupil,  and  kindly  loaned  by  her  for  reproduction. 

ix 


X  LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIOJVS. 

TAGK 

25.  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  (Africanus  Major) |79 

26.     Coin  of  Antiochus  the  (Jreat '7 

^7    Perseus  of  Macedonia 

.  ...        2^2 

28.  Manns 

29.  Coin  of  the  Italian  Confederacy 240 

70.   Mithradates  the  Oreat ^^7 

31.     Pompey  the  Great "^ 

\i.  Roman  Trading  Vessel -7 

'>QQ 

33.  Julius  Caesar "^^ 

34.  Marcus  Brutus 3^ 

33.    Mark  Antony 3^3 

36.  Octavius  as  a  Youth 3^5 

37.  Cicero -5° 

38.  Augustus 3 

39.  Mxcenas 3- 

40.  The  Pantheon  (Exterior) 3^9 

41.  Tiberius 334 

42.  Galba 346 

43.  Vespasian 347 

44.  "Judaea  Capta" 348 

45.  Triumphal  Procession  from  the  Arch  of  Titus 349 

46.  The  Colosseum  (Exterior) 35° 

47.  A  Street  in  Pompeii 35 ^ 

48.  Trajan 355 

49.  Bridge  over  the  Danube,  built  by  Trajan 356 

50.  Trajan's  Column 357 

51.  Battle  Scene  from  Trajan's  Column 358 

52.  Pesieging  a  Daclan  City 359 

53.  The  Roman  Wall  in  Northern  Britain 361 

54.  Hadrian 303 

55.  Roman  Soldiers  attacking  a  German  Fortress 367 

56.  Commodus  (as  Hercules) 371 

57.  Caracalla 375 

58.    Triumph  of  Sapor  over  Valerian 378 

59.   Diocletian 381 

60.  Arch  of  Constantine,  as  it  appears  to-day 393 

61.  Julian  the  Apostate 407 

62.  Germans  crossing  the  Rhine 416 

63.  Roman  Signal-Towers,  Sentries,  and  Storehouse  on  the  Danube      418 

64.  The  Pantheon  (Interior) 457 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.  Xl 

PAGB 

65.  Ruins  of  Theatre  at  Aspendos 439 

66.  The  Colosseum  (Interior) 461 

67.  Grotto  of  Fosilipo 464 

68.  The  Pont  du  Card,  near  Nimes 465 

69.  The  Claudian  Aqueduct 467 

70.  (ireat  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian 469 

7E  Bathing  Chair 470 

72.  I'eristyle  of  a  Pompeian   House 47' 

73.  Ruins  of  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars 472 

74.  Mausoleum  of  Hadrian 47^ 

75.  Vergil 48S 

76.  The  Orator  Quintus  Hortensius 495 

77.  Seneca 501 

78.  Chariot- Racing 517 

79.  Gladiators 519 

80.  Semicircular  Dining-Couch 521 

81.  Roman  Lamentation  for  the  Dead 523 


LIST   OF   COLORED    MAPS. 

1.  Italy  before  the  Growth  of  the  Roman  Power    ....  after  2 

2.  The    Mediterranean    Lands    at    the    Beginning   of    the    Second 

Punic  War,  218  B.c 140 

3.  The  Roman  Dominions  at   the    Lad   of   the    Mithradatic  War, 

64  B.C 280 

4.  The  Roman  Empire  at  the  Death  of  Augustus,  a.d.  14    .     .     .  320 

5.  The  Roman  Empire  under  Trajan,  a.d.  117    -      -      .      .♦    .      .      .  360 

6.  The  Roman  Empire  divided  into  I'refectures 400 

7.  Barbarian  Inroads  on  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire.      .      .      .  434 

8.  General  Reference  Map  of  the  Roman  Empire  at  its  (Greatest 

Extent 444 


LIST    OF    SKETCH    MAPS. 

1.  The  Mountain  System  of  Italy 1 

2.  Rome  under  the  Kings 50 

3.  The  Ager  Romanus  (B.C.  450) 70 


Xll 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 


4.  The  Ager  Romanus  (B.C.  338) "^ 

5.  Route  of   Hannibal *"3 

6.  Central  Italy  at  the  Time  of  the  Second  Punic  War   ....  167 

7.  Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Cannae I?© 

8.  Roman  Britain 353 

9.  Rome  under  the  Empire Jl^ 


TABLES    AND    CHRONOLOGICAL    SUMMARIES. 

1.  The   Senate,   the   Assemblies,  and    the    Magistrates  of   the    Re- 

public        ^°7 

2.  Table  of  Latin  Colonies  in  Italy ^Zl 

3.  Table  of  Civic  [Roman]  Colonies  in  Italy 13'"^ 

4.  Chronological  Summary  of  Roman  History  to  the  End  of  the 

Republic 312 

5.  List  of  Roman  Provinces  chronologically  arranged      .     .     .     .  313 

I.  —  Provinces  Organized  under  the  Republic 313 

II. —  Provinces  Organized  under  the  Empire 314 

6.  Table  showing  the  Number  of  Roman   Citizens  at  Different 

Periods  of  the  Republic  and  the  Empire 333 

7.  Table  of    Roman  Kmperors  from  Augustus  to  Marcus  Aurelius  368 

8.  Table   of    Roman   Emperors   from   Commodus   to   Romulus 

Augustus 444 

9.  Final  Partition  of  the  Roman  Empire ,     .     .  444 


ROME:     ITS     RISE    AND    FALL. 


-00^:0:^00- 


Part  I.— Rome  as  a  Kingdom. 

(753  ^-509  B.C.) 


CHAPTER    I. 

ITAEY    AND    ITS    EAREY     INHABITANTS. 

I.  Divisions  of  the  Italian  Peninsula.  — Before  Rome  rose 
to  greatness,  the  name  Italia  was  limited  to  a  small  district 

in  the  southwestern  part  of  modern  Italy.  By  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Christian  era,  however,  it  had  come  to  embrace 

the  whole  of  the  peninsula  from  the  Alps  to  the  Sicilian 
straits.      We    shall,   from    the  outset,  use  the    name    in    its 

latest  and  widest  application. 

As  a  matter  of  convenience,  the  Italian  peninsula  is 
generally  conceived  as  consisting  of  three  sections,  — 
Northern,  Central,  and  Southern  Italy.  The  first  com- 
prises the  great  basin  of  the  river  Po  {Padus),  lying  between 
the  Alps  and  the  Apennines.     In  ancient  times  this  part 

of  Italy  included  three  districts,  namely,  Liguria,  Gallia 
Cisalpina,  and  Venetia.  Liguria  embraced  the  southwest- 
ern and  Venetia  the  northeastern  part  of  Northern  Italy. 
Gallia  Cisalpina  lay  between  these  two  districts,  occupying 


2  ROME    AS    A    KINGDOM. 

the  finest  portion  of  the  valley  of  the  ro.  It  received  Us 
name  which  means  "Gaul  on  this  (the  Italian  s.de  of  the 
C"  1  the  Gallic  tribes  that  abont  the  hfth  century 
.11  our  era  found  their  way  over  the  mountains  and 

settled  upon  these  rich  lands.  . 

The   countries   o£    Central    Italy   were    Etrur.a,    Lat.um, 

.     ,    •       ,up  Western   or  Tyrrhenian  bea; 

and  Campania,   facing    the  Western,   or       > 

Umbria  and   Picenum,   looking  out  over  the  *'-'-"'- 

Adriatic  Sea ;  and  Samnium  and  the  country  of  the  Sab.nes, 

occupying  the  rough  mountain  districts  of  *'-  AP-"'"-- 
Southern  Italy  comprised  the  districts  of  -M-J'^^;     -^X^^;, 

„ia,  Calabria,  and  liruttium.    Calabria  >  formed  the    hee^ 
and  Bruttium  the  "toe,"  of  the  boot-like  penmsula^  the 

coast  region  of  Southern  Italy  ^vas  called  Magna  Gncna, 
or  "Great  Greece,"  on  account  of  the  nuntber  and  impor- 
tance o£  the  Greek  cities  that  during  the  period  of  Hel- 
lenic supremacy  were  established  on  these  shores. 

2  Islands. -The  large  island  of  Sicily,  lying  3"st  off 
the  mainland  on  the  south,  may  be  regarded  simply  as  a 
detached  fragment  of  Italy,  so  intimately  has  its  history 
been  connected  with  that  of  the  peninsula.  In  ancient 
times  it  was  the  meeting-place  and  battle-ground  of  the 
Carthaginians,  Greeks,  and  Romans. 

This  island  had  some  such  influence  upon  Roman  history 
as  the  islands  of  the  -Kgean  Sea  exerted  upon  the  history 
of  Greece.  As  the  islands  which  stud  that  sea  Were,  in 
effect,  stepping-stones  that  drew  the  inhabitants  of  conti- 
nental Greece  to  the  shores  of  Asia  Minor  and  thus  made 

'  During  the  Middle  Ages  this  name  was  transferred  to  the  south- 
waste™  part  of  Italy,  that  is,  to  the  toe  of  the  peninsula,  and  this  forms 

the  Calahria  of  to-day. 


^ 

ITALY  AND  ITS  EARLY  INHABITANTS. 


those  lands  a  part   of   the   Greek  world,   so  was   Sicily  a 

Stepping-stone  that,  as  we  shall  learn  (par.  %%\  enticed 

the  Romans  to  the  African  shore,  and  thus  started  them 
on  a  career  of  foreign  conquest  which  did  not  end  until 
their  armies  had  made  not  only  North  Africa  but  all  the 

Other  Mediterranean  lands  a  part  of  the  empire  of  Rome. 


IV Longitude         13        East    from       14       Grpt-nwich        -.v-jr^' 


The  great  islands  of  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  lying  to  the 
west  of  Italy,  were  early  taken  possession  of  by  the  Romans 
(par.  97),  yet  they  exerted  no  special  influence,  as  Sicily 
did,  upon  the  course  of  their  fortunes. 

3.  Mountains  and  Rivers.  —  Italy,  like  the  other  two 
peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe,  Greece  and  Spain,  has  a 
high  mountain  barrier,  the  'Alps,  along  its  northern  frontier. 
Cicero  once  said  that  the  gods  had  raised  this  wall  to  pro- 
tect the  peninsula  from  the   northern  barbarians.      If  such 


(• 


ROME  AS  A  KINGDOM. 
4 

was  the  purpose  of  the  celestial  --"^^^^^"^^^^^^'^ "" 

a  strange  oversight  OH  their  part  that  they  Should  have 

left  a  great  gap  in  the  Eastern,  or  Julian  Alps  .  for  her  .s 
a  low  pass  through  which  the  barbarians,  as  we  shall  learn, 
often  poured  like  devastating  floods  into  Italy. 

Corresponding  to  the  Pindus  range  in  Greece,  the  Apen- 
nines run  as  a  great  central  ridge  through  Italy.  East- 
ward of  the  ancient  Latium  they  spread  out  into  broad 
uplands,  which  in  early  times  nourished  a  race  of  hardy 

mountaineers,  ;vho  incessantly  harried  the  territories  of  the 

more  civiUzed  lowlanders  of  Latium  and  Campania.  1  hus 
the  physical  conformation  of  this  part  of  the  peninsula 
shaped  large  sections  of  Roman  history  (par.  76),  just  as 

in  the  case  of  Scotland  the  physical  contrast  between 

the  north  and  the  south  was  reflected  for  centuries  in  the 
antagonisms  of  highlanders  and  lowlanders. 

Italy    has    only  one    really  great    river,  the    Po,   which 

drains  the  large  northern  valley,  already  mentioned,  lying 

between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines.  The  streams  run- 
ning down  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Apennines  are  short 
and  of  little  volume.  Among  them  the  Aufidus,  the 
Metaurus,   and   the   Rubicon    are   connected   with   great 

matters  of  history.  On  the  banks  of  the  Aufidus  was 
fought  the  great  battle  of  Cannne  (par.  in);  upon  the 
Metaurus,  Hasdrubal,  the  brother  of  Hannibal,  was  defeated 
in  the  Second  Punic  War  (par.  ii8);  and  into  the  Rubicon 

it  was  that  Csesar  plunged  when  he  cast  the  die  for  the 
empire  of  the  world  (par.  195). 

Among  the  rivers  draining  the  western  slopes  of  the 
Apennines,  the  one  possessing  the  greatest  historic  interest 
is  the  Tiber,  on   the  banks  of  which   Rome   arose.      North 


ITALY   AArn    ITS    EARLY   IJVUABITAATTS.  $ 

of  this  Stream  is  the  Arno  {Arnus)^  which  watered  a  part 
of  the  old   Etruria ;  and  south  of  it,  the  Liris,  one  of  the 

chief  rivers   of  Campania. 

4.  The  Front  and  the  Back  of  the  Land. — The  physical 
structure  of  a  country,  that  is,  the  position  and  the  trend  of 
its  mountain   chains,  the  course  of  its  rivers,  the  slope  of 


Scene  on  the  Tiber. 
(After  an  old  engraving.) 

its  plains  and  valleys,  "and  the  distribution  of  its  seaports, 
determines  which  side  shall  be  the  front  and  which  the  back 
of  the  country  —  a  matter  often  of  very  great  importance. 
Now  Northern  Italy  fronts  the  east.      This  circumstance 

brought  it  about  that  the  field  of  mercantile  and  political 
enterprise  of  the  great  city  of  Venice,  which  in  mediaeval 

times  grew   up   near  the-  mouth   of  the   Po,  should   be  the 
countries   of   the    P>astern    Mediterranean. 

But  Middle  and  Southern  Italy,  on  the  other  hand,  front 


ROME    AS    A     A'/JVCnOM. 


ITALY   AJVn    ITS    EARLY  UVUABTTAiVTS. 


the  west.  The  Apennines  here  hug  the  eastern  shore  of 
the  peninsula,  and  thus  render  that  coast  precipitous,  w.th 

few  good  havens  for  ships.  On  the  west,  however,  the 
mountains  recede  from  the  sea,  and  several  wide  and  rich 
plains  stretch  from  their  feet  to  the  waters  of  the  Tyrrhe- 
nian Sea.     On  this  side  also  are  several  fine  harbors,  the 

most  celebrated  of  which  is  that  of  Naples  {Neapolls). 

Thus,  as  we  have  said,  this  part  of  the  peninsula  turns 
its  face  westward.  What  makes  it  important  for  us  to 
notice  this  circumstance  is  the  fact  that  Greece  faces  the 
east,  and  that  thus  these  two  peninsulas,  as  the  historian 
Mommsen  expresses  it,  turn  their  backs  tO  each  Other.'"' 
This  brought  it  about  that  Rome  and  the  cities  of  Greece  had 
almost  no  dealings  with  one  another  for  many  centuries. 
Had  the  two  lands  faced  each  other,  their  fortunes  might 
early  have  been  united,  and  thus  the  whole  COUrse  of  the 
history  of  antiquity  might  have  been  changed. 

5.  Early  Inhabitants  of  Italy.  —  There  were  in  early  times 
three  chief  races  in  Italy:  the  Italians,  the  Etruscans,  and 
the  Greets.^  The  Italians,  a  branch  of  the  Aryan  family, 
embraced  two  principal  stocks,  —  the  Latin  and  the  Iniibro- 
Sabellian  (Umbrians,  Sabines,  Samnites,  Lucanians,  etc.), — 
the  various    tribes   or   nations  of    which   occupied    nearly 

2  u  -While  the  regions  on  which  the  historical  development  of  Greece 
has  been  mainly  dependent  —  Attica  and  Macedonia  —  look  to  the  east, 

Etruria,  Latium,  and  Campania  look  to  the  west.    In  this  way  the  two 

peninsulas,    so    close    neighbors    and    almost    sisters,    stand    as    it    were 

averted  from  each  other."  — MoMxMSEN,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  27. 

3  Besides  these  principal  races  there  were  the  lapygians  in  Calabria, 
and  the  Venetians  and  the  Ligurians  in  the  "north  of  the  peninsula. 
The  Ligurians  were  of  non-Aryan  race,  but  the  others  were  seemingly 

of  Aryan  relationsliip. 


all  Central,  and  a  considerable  part  of  Southern,  Italy." 
Most  important  of  all  the  Italian  peoples  were  the 
Latins,  who   dwelt   in    Latium,  between   the   Tiber  and  the 

Liris.  These  people,  like  all  the  Italians,  were  near  kin- 
dred of  the  Greeks,  and  brought  with  them  into  Italy  those 
customs,  manners,  beliefs,  and  institutions  that  formed  the 


An  Ancient  P^trhscan  Tomb. 
(This  is  the  so-called  "  Tomb  of  Reliefs,"  at  Cervetri,  the  ancient  Casre,  in  Etruria. 

The  walls  and  pillars  are  decorated  ■with  arms  and  utensils  in   painted  relief, 

doubtless  intended  as  a  substitute  for  the  articles  themselves.  —  Schkeibek, 

Atlas  of  Classicnl  A-ntiquities .) 

common   possession  of  the  various  branches  of  the  great 
Aryan    race.      Their    life    was    for    the    most    part    that    of 

shepherds  and   farmers.     The   leading   representatives   of 

*  Notice  carefully  the  large  area  covered  by  the  Italian  color  on  the 
accompanying  map  (p.  2).     The  Italian  race  formed  the  best  part  of  the 

material  out  of  which  the  real  Roman  nation  was  formed. 


g  ROME  AS  A   KINGDOM. 

this  branch  of  the  Italians  were  the  Romans,  of   whose 

focial    and    reUgious    life    and    poHtica.    arrangements    we 
shall   come  to  speak  in   subsequent   chapters. 

Ion.  the  Umbro-Sabellian  folk,  the  Samnites  are  of 
special  interest  to  the  student  of  Roman  history  for  the 

reason  that  they  were  one  of  the  most  formidable  of  the 
enemies  of  early  Rome,  and  were  conquered  by  the  Romans 
only  after  long  and  stubborn  fighting. 

The    Ktruscans,    a   wealthy,    cultured,    and    sea-fanng 

people  of  uncertain  race  and  origin,  dwelt  in  F.truna, 
now  called  Tuscany  after  them.  They  here  formed  a 
league  of  twelve  cities,  prominent  among  which  were 
Volsinii,  Tarquinii,  Veii,  Ca.re,  Clusium,  and  Arretium. 
Before  the  rise  of  the  Roman  people  they  were  the  lead- 


I 


Wall-Painting  of  an  Etruscan  Banquet. 

(From  an  Etruscan  tomb  of  the  fifth  centur>-  b.c.     This  cut  illustrates,  among  other 

things,  the  State  of  art  among  the  Etruscans  at  that  early  date.    Banqueting 

scenes  are  favorite  representations  on  Etruscan  tombs,  sarcophagi  and  funeral 

urns.  The  participators  "  were  represented  in  the  height  of  social  enjoyment 
to  symbolize  the  bliss  on  which  their  spirits  had  entered."  —  Dennis,  Ctttes 
and  Cemeteries  of  Etruria,  vol.  i.  p.  445-) 

ing  race  in  the  peninsula.  Numerous  art  remains,  rock- 
cut  tombs,  fragments  of  walls,  massive  dikes  to  keep  back 
the  sea,  and  long  drainage  tunnels  piercing  the  sides  of 


I 


ITALY  AND    ITS   EARLY  INHABITANTS.  Q 

hills,  show  the  advance  in  civilization  that  they  had  made 
at  a  very  remote  date.  Certain  elements  in  their  culture, 
as  for  instance  the  alphabet  they  used,  lead  us  to  believe 


'> 


.:-^ 


/-' 


^ 

J 


.(. 


ir- 


iffc^s? 


Rl;inki>  Tfmpi.ks  at   P^stum. 

(P;e.4um  was  the  Greek  Posidonia.  in  Lucania.    These  ruins  form  the  most  note- 
worthy existing  monuments  of  the  early  (Jreek  occupation  of  Southern  Italy.) 

that  they  had  learned  much  from  the  Greek  cities  in  South- 
ern Italy.      The  Etruscans  in  their  turn  became  the  teachers 

of  the  early  Romans  and  imparted  to  them  at  least  some 
minor  elements  of  civilization,  including  hints  in  the  art 
of  building  and  various  religious  ideas  and  rites  (par.  23). 

Some  five  hundred  years  before  our  era,  the  Gauls  came 
over  the  Alps,  pressed  the  Etruscans  out  of  Northern  Italy, 

in  which  quarter  this  people  had  in  very  early  times 
formed  a  confederacy  like  that  they  established  in  Etruria, 
and  settling  in  those  regions,  became  the  most  formidable 
enemies  of  the  infant  republic  of  Rome  (par.  68). 


m 


lO 


ROME  AS  A   KINGDOM. 


The  Cireeks  began  their  settlement  in  lower  Italy  during 
the  .^^e  of  Greek  colonial  expansion,  that  is  to  say,  towards 
the  end  of  the  eighth  century  B.C.  Among  the  cities  that 
they  founded  here  was  Tarentum  (Taras),  which  at  one 
time  had  a  severe  fight  with  Rome  (par.  82  ).      The  Greeks 

also  established  many  colonies  in  the  eastern  portion  of 
Sicily  Of  the  cities  here,  Syracuse  was  the  one  of  most 
importance  for  Roman  history  (par.  114).  Through  the 
medium  of  these  various  Greek  cities  the  Romans  were 
taught  the  use  of  letters  and  given  valuable  suggestions 
in  matters  of  law  and  constitutional  government. 

Rfferencks.  -  [The  books  that  at  the  ends  of  the  different  chapters 

have  been  suggested  for  parallel  reading,  are,  of  course,  only  a  selection 

out  of  a  vast  literature.  With  very  few  exceptions,  the  references 
have  been  restricted  to  ^vorks  in  English.  The  particular  books  and 
chapters  which   it  has  been   thought  would  prove   most    helpful   and 

Stimulating  to  young  readers  have  been  indicated  by  asterisks.    The 

most  of  the  books  thus  marked,  aside  from  the  extended  histories 
of  Mommsen,  Ihne,  Merivale,  and  Gibbon,  are  monographs  or  one- 
volume  works  on  special  subjects,  and  consequently  can,  at  small 
expense,  be  added  to  the  school  library,  should  it  happen  that  they 
have  not  already  found  a  place  there.  For  further  references,  and  for 
valuable  hints  and  suggestions  in  regard  to  courses  of  study  and  read- 
ing in  Roman  history,  the  student  should  consult  the  latest  edition  of 
C.K.Adams'    Manual  of  Historical  Literature.'] 

Mom  M  SEN  (T.),  *  History  of  Rome  (trans,  by  W.  1'.  Dickson),  vol.  i. 
chaps,  i.  and  ii.  Freeman  (E.  A.),  T/ie  Historical  Geography  of  Europe, 
vol.  i.  (text)  pp.  7-9,  43-49-  ToZER  (II.  F.),  Clusual  GeOSraphy  (Lit- 
erature Frimers,  edited  by  John  Richard  Green),  chaps,  ix.  and  x. 
Merivale  (C),  History  of  the  Romans  tinder  the  Empire,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  414-416;  for  some  interesting  observations  on  the  evidence 
afforded  by  ancient  geographical    names   of   the  wooded   character   in 

early  times  of  the  districts  al)out  Rome.    Dknms  ((Iko.),  The  Cities 

and  Cemeteries  of  Etruria,  vol.  i.  "  Introduction."     The  author  probably 

exaggerates  the  debt  which  the  early  civilization  of  Rome  owed  to  the 
preceding  culture  of  Etruria. 


CHAPTER    II. 

TIIK    SOCIETY    AND   GOVERNMENT   OF   EARLY    ROME. 

6.  The  Roman  Family.  —  One  great  difference  between 
modern  and  ancient  society  is  that  modern  society  is  made 

up  of  individuals,  while  ancient  society  was  made  up  of 
groups  of  individuals.  Thus  in  early  Rome  —  and  Rome 
in  this  respect  is  representative  of  all  the  primitive  cities 
of  (Ireece  and  Italy  of  which  we  possess  any  knowledge  — 

we  find  composing  the  community  various  groups,  bodies, 
or   associations   of  persons. 

First,  at  the  bottom  as  it  were  of  Roman  society  and 
forming  its  ultimate  unit,  was  the  family ;  a  group,  how- 
ever, quite  different  in  its  composition,  and  in  the  rules 
and  usages  determining  the  mutual  duties  and  relations  of 
its  members,  from  the  group  that  among  us  bears  the  same 
name. 

The  typical  Roman  family  consisted  of  the  father  {pater- 
familias) and  mother,  the  sons,  together  with  their  wives 
and  sons,  and  the  unmarried  daughters.  When  a  daughter 
married  she  became  a  member  of  the  family  to  which  her 
husband  belonged.  Marriage  in  early  times  was  usually 
solemnized  by  a  sacred  religious  ceremony,''  for  the  reason, 

7  Marriage,  however,  assumed  different  forms  among  the  Romans, 
and  was  hrought  about  by  different  ceremonies.     The  most  formal  and 

sacred  rite  was  that  known  as  confarreatio,  from  the  cake  of  meal 
{farreus  pauis)  that  constituted  the  offering.  In  later  times  marriage 
lost  its  sacredness  and  the  marital  tie  became  very  lax  (par.  312). 

II 


J  2  ROME  AS  A    KINGDOM. 

as  .e  shall  see  in  a  moment,  that  the  family  .as  a  group 
of  co-worshippers,  as  well  as  a  group  of  kinsmen  and  the 
bringing  in  of  a  new  member,  like  the  young  wtfe,  was  a 
„.atter  that  concerned  the  guardian  spirits  of  the  aSSOCiatlOn. 

The  most  Important  feature  or  dement  of  this  fam.ly 

group  was  the   authority   of  the   father.      His   power  over 
each  and  all  of  its  members  was  legally  absolute.'     He  was 

the  proprietor  of  the  family  in  almost  the  Same  sense  that 

he  was  the  proprietor  of  its  goods  and  lands.  He  could 
sell  his  wife  or  his  son  just  as  he  could  sell  one  of  h>s 
slaves      He   was  the   sole   judge  of    the   members   of    the 

family,  and  could  put  to  death  without  appeal  even  a  son 
grown  to  man's  estate,     lor  the  son,  though  married  and 

livin-  in  his  own  house,  and  holding  perhaps  high  office 
in  the  state,  remained  under  the  power  of  the  father  durmg 

the  father's  lifetime.    Late  in  the  period  of  the  republic  a 

father  actually  put  to  death  his  son  who  was  at  the  t.me  a 

senator."* 

But  although  this  power  of  the  father  was  in  early  Rome 

thus  wholly  unlimited  by  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the 

state,  still  it'was  restricted  by  custom  and  religion,  just  as 
among  ourselves  many  acts  are  legal  which,  however,  are 
disapproved  by  conscience   and  public  opinion.     Custom 

required  that  the  father  in  exercising  his  authority  as 

judge  should  seek  the  advice  of  the  nearest  relatives  of  the 

8  The  husband's  authority  over  his  wife,  however,  was  not  absolute 
unless  his  marriage  had  been  celebrated   in  one  of  the  three  ways  {co7i- 

farmitio,  mmptio,  and  usus)  which  alone  could  transfer  the  daughter 

out  of  the  father's  power  into  that  of  her  husband.      This  branch  of  the 

power  of  the  pater-famiUas  was  designated  by  the  term  manus;  and 

that  which  concerned  his  children  was  known  as  the  patria  potestixs. 
9  The  son  was  implicated  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline  (par.  i88). 


SOCIETY  AN^D    GOVERNMENT. 


13 


accused,  although  he  was  not  bound  to  follow  the  counsel 

they  might  give.  And  religion  and  the  public  conscience 
also  laid  their  restraints  upon  the  father.      The  father  who 

exercised  his  authority  with  flagrant  injustice  or  tyranny 
was  execrated  by  his  fellow-citizens  and  was  regarded  as 
accursed. 

The  father  was  the  high  priest  of  the  family ;    for  the 

family,  as  we  have  said,  had  a  common  worship.    This 

was  the  cult  of  its  dead  ancestors.  The  spirits  of  these 
were  believed  to  linger  near  the  old  hearth.  If  provided 
with  frequent   offerings  of  meat   and   drink,  they  would,  it 

was  thought,  watch  over  the  living  members  of  the  family 

and  aid  and  prosper  them  in  their  daily  work  and  in  all 
their  undertakings.  If  they  were  neglected,  however,  these 
spirits  became  restless  and  suffered  pain,  and  in  their  anger 

would  bring  trouble  in  some  form  upon  their  undutiful 

kinsmen. 

It   was   this  worship  of   ancestors   that,  as  we   have    inti- 
mated,   made    the    Roman    family    a    religious    body,    and 

which  caused  it  to  be  so  exclusive  and  to  close  its  doors 

against  all  strangers  ;  for  the  spirits  of  its  dead  members 
could  be  served  only  by  their  own  kith  and  kin.  It  was 
sacrilege  for  a  stranger  to  sacrifice  at   a  family  altar  not 

his  own.  But  by  a  certain  religious  ceremony  such  a  per- 
son could  be  adopted  into  a  family,  and  thus  could  acquire 
the  same  rights  as  its  members  by  birth  or  by  marriage  to 
participate  in  its  worship  and  festivals. 

When  the  father  died,  the  sons  became  free,  and  each  in 

his  own  household  now  came  to  exercise  the  full  authority 
that    the    father    had    held.      The    mother    and    unmarried 

daughters  became  the  wards  of  their  nearest   male  rela- 


M 


ROME    AS    A    KINGDOM. 


SOCIETY  AND    GOVERNMENT. 


15 


tives,  so  that  frequently  the  mother  came  under  the  tutelage 

of  her  sons,  and  the  daughter  under  that  of  her  brothers. 

7.  Dependents  of  the  Family  :  Clients  and  Slaves.  — Besides 
those  members  constituting  the  family  proper,  there  were 
attached  to  it  usually  a  number  of  dependents.     These 

were  the  clients  and  slaves.  The  client  was  a  person  stand- 
ing to  the  head  of  the  family,  who  was  called  his  patron, 
in  a  relation  which,  in  some  respects,  was  like  that  of 
the  mediaeval  serf  to  his  lord,  and  in  others  like  that  of  the 

feudal  vassal  to  his  suzerain.  He  held  a  'position  between 
the  slave  and  the  son.  The  class  of  clients  was  probably 
made  up  of  homeless  refugees  or  strangers  from  other  cities, 
or  of  manumitted  slaves,  dwelling  in  their  former  master's 

house.  They  were  looked  upon  as  members  of  the  family 
to  the  extent  that  they  were  allowed  to  participate  in  its 
worship  and  its  festivals.  They  were  free  to  engage  in  busi- 
ness at  Rome,  and  to  accumulate  property,  though  whatever 
they  gathered  was  legally  the  property  of  the  patron. 

The  duty  of  the  patron  was  in  general  to  look  after  the 
interests  of  his  client,  especially  to  represent  him  before 
the  legal  tribunals.     The  duty  of  the  client,  on  the  other 

hand,  was  faithfulness  to  his  patron,  and  the  making  of  con- 
tributions of  money  to  aid  him  in  meeting  unusual  expenses. 
The  clients,  as  we  shall  see,  were  an  influential  class  in 
early  Rome,  while  the  usage  or  principle  of  clientage  con- 
stituted at  all  periods  of   Roman  history  a  most   Important 

feature  of  Roman  life  and  society.     A  large  clientage  was 
regarded  as  the  crown  and  glory  of  a  patrician  house.^" 

1*^  There  were  also  clients  of  the  gens  and  of  the  state.  But  gener- 
ally the  clients  are  represented  as  dependents  of  special  patrician  fam- 

iUes.      Clientship  disappeared   very  early   as  a  legal   system,   but    lived 

on  as  a  social  institution. 


The  slaves  were  simply  adjuncts  of  the  family.      They 
constituted    merely    a    part    of    its    property.      There    were 

only  a  few  slaves  in  the  early  Roman  family,  and  these 
were  held  for  service  chiefly  within  the  home  and  not  in 
the  fields.      They  relieved  the  mother  and  daughters  of  the 

family  of  the  coarser  work  of  the  household.     It  was  not  until 

later  times,  when  luxury  crept  into  Rome,  that  the  number 
of  domestic  slaves  became  excessively  great  (par.  318). 

8.  The  Place  of  the  Family  in  Roman  History. — Such   in 

briefest  outline  was  the  early  Roman   family.      It  would  be 

difficult  to  overestimate  the  influence  of  this  group  upon 
the  history  and  destiny  of  Rome.  It  was  the  cradle  of  at 
least  some  of  those  splendid  virtues  of  the  early  Romans  that 

contributed  so  much  to  the  strength  and  greatness  of  Rome, 

and  that  helped  to  give  her  the  dominion  of  the  world. 

It  was  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  family  that  were  nour- 
ished in  the  Roman  youth  the  virtues  of  obedience  and  of 

deference  to  authority.      When  the  youth  became  a  citizen, 

obedience  to  magistrates  and  respect  for  law  was  with 
him  an  instinct  and  indeed  almost  a  religion.  And,  on 
the  other  hand,   the   exercise  of  the   parental  authority  in 

the  family  taught  the  Roman  how  to  command  as  well 
as  how  to  obey  —  how  to  exercise  authority  with  wisdom, 
moderation,   and   justice. 

9.  The  Clan  or  Gens.  —  Having  gained  some  idea  of  the 

Roman  family,  we  may  pass  with  briefer  notice  the  other 
groups  or  bodies  in  the  Roman  community,  for  the  reason 
that  each  of  these  larger  associations  seems  to  have  been 
modelled  upon  the  family,  and.  consequently  repeated  many 

of  its  characteristic  features. 

First  above  the  family  stood  the  clan  or  gens.     This  was 


i6 


KOME  AS  A  KINGDOM. 


probably  in  the  earliest  times  simply  the  expanded  family, 

the  members  of  which  had  OUtgrown  the  remembrance  of 

their  exact  relationship.  Vet  they  all  believed  themselves 
to  have  had  a  common  ancestor  and  called  themselves  by 
his  name -as,  for  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  Fabii,  the 
Claudii,  the  Julii,  and  so  on.    The  gens,  like  the  family, 

had  a  head  or  chief,  though  he  did  not  possess  the  exten- 
sive authority  of  the  pater-familias ;  and  its  members  par- 
ticipated in  a  common  worship. 

As  the  family  circle  could  be  enlarged  by  the  adoption  of 

individuals  into  the  group,  so  could  the  clan  be  augmented 
by  the  adoption,  in  a  similar  way,  of  families.  Even  en- 
tire clans  could  be,  and  often  were,  formed  artificially,  the 

natural  clan  of  kinsmen  being  taken  as  a  model.    In  such 

a  case  the  ancestor  worshipped  by  the  clansmen  was  of 
course  a  factitious  personage. 

10.   The  Curia.  —  The  family  and  the  gens  of  which  we 
have  been  speaking  were  simply,  at  the  time  when  Rome 

first  appears  before  us  as  a  city,  social  and  religious  groups, 

and  not  political  divisions  of  the  state.  If  they  ever  had 
been  political  units  or  bodies,  they  had  now  lost  all  politi- 
cal significance.  But  it  was  different  with  the  next  highest 
group  or  division  of  the  community,  namely,  the  curia, 
which  has  been  compared  to  the  ward  of  the  modern  city. 

This  was  the  most  important  political  division  of  the 
people,  as  the  family  was  the  most  important  social  group. 
So  important  was  it  that  according  to  some  authorities  it 

gave  a  special  name  to  the  Romans  —  Quiritcs,  that  is, 
"men  of  the  curies."  ^ 

^  Mommsen,  however,  derives  this  name  from  (pdris  or  curis,  •'  lance," 

and  ire.      Ifistory  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 


SOCIEJY  AND    GOVERNMENT. 


17 


We  do  not  know  whether  the  members  of  a  curia  looked 

upon  themselves  as  kinsmen,  as  did  the  members  of  the 

family  and  of  the  gens.  They  had,  in  any  event,  a  com- 
mon worship,  held  common  festivals,  and  possessed  priests 
who  in  the  name  of  the  association  offered  sacrifices  on 
the  common  altars. 

What  made  the  curia  so  important  a  division  of  the 
community  was  the  fact  that  the  levies  for  the  army  were 
made  by  curies,  and  that  the  voting  in  the  primitive 
assembly  of  the  people,  as  we  shall  explain  presently  (par. 

15),  was  done  by  these  same  bodies.  There  were  thirty 
curies  in  the  original   Rome. 

11.  The  Tribe.  —  Above  the  curies  was  the  tribe,  the 
largest   subdivision   or  subgroup  of   the  community.      It 

had,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  goes,  neither  magistrates  nor 
assemblies  of  its  own.  In  early  Rome  there  were  three 
tribes,  each  composed  of  ten  curies. 

12.  The  City. — These  various  groups  or  organizations, 

—  the  families,  the  gentes,  the  curies,  the  tribes,  —  forming 
successive  strata,  as  we  have  indicated,  of  the  social  and 
political  structure,  made  up  the  community  of  early  Rome. 
This  city,  like  all  the  cities  of  ancient  Greece  and  Italy, 
was  a  "city-state,"  that  is,  an  independent  sovereign  body 
like  a  modern  nation.  As  such  it  possessed  a  constitution 
and  government  which  bound  all  the  different  groups  or 
bodies  which  we  have  been  describing  into  an  organic 
whole,    directed    and    controlled    their    common    activities, 

and  brought  the  many-membered  community  into  inter- 
national relations  with  the  similar  communities  by  which 
it  was  surrounded. 

Of  this   constitution   and  government   we   will   now   pro- 


i8 


ROME  AS  A    KINGDOM. 


ceed,  In  the  paragraphs  immediately  following,  to  give  a 
short  account. 

13.  The  King.  —  At  the  head  of  the  early  Roman  state 
stood  a  king,  the  father  of  his  people,  holding  essentially 
the  same  relations  to  them  that  the  father  of  a  family  held 
to  his  household.     He  was  at  once  ruler  of  the  nation, 

commander  of   the  army,  and  judge  and  high  priest    of   his 

people.  In  theory  his  power  was  absolute.  He  was  pre- 
ceded by  servants  called  lictors,  each  bearing  a  bundle  of 
rods  (the>^w)  with  an  ax  bound  therein,  the  symbol  of  his 
power  to  punish  by  Hogging  and  by  putting  to  death  (par.  45). 
14.  The  Senate.  — Next  to  the  king  stood  the  senate,  or 
"council  of  the  old  men,"  composed  of  the  ''fathers"  or 
heads  of  the  families  of  the  community.     It  consisted  of 

three  hundred  members,  a  number  corresponding  to  the 
traditional  number  of  gentes  composing  the  early  city. 
This  number  remained  unchanged  until  the  later  period 
of  the  republic  (par.  178).  The  senators  were  appointed 
by  the  king  and  held  their  position  for  life. 

One  special  duty  of  the  senate  was  the  election  of  a 
king  in  cases  where  the  king  died  without  having  named 
a  successor.  This  was  done  in  the  following  way:  One  of 
the    senators   \v  is    chosen   as   a   "  between-klng  "  or    "  king 

for  an  interval"  {interrex).  On  or  before  the  expiration 
of  five  days  this  temporary  king  chose  another  of  his 
colleagues  as  Interrex.  And  thus  the  kingly  office  con- 
tinued   to   be    Tilled    by  this   system   of    rotation    until    the 

permanent  king  was  named. 

Another  very  important  function  of  the  senate  was  its 
right  and  duty,  acting  rather  in  a  judicial  than  in  a  legisla- 
tive capacity,  to  examine  carefully  every  law  or  resolution 


SOCIETY   AA^n    GOVERA^MEATT. 


19 


passed  in  the  public  assembly  (par.  15),  and  if  it  was 
found  to  violate  the  constitution  of  the  state,  or  any  treaty 

Rome  had  entered  into  with  another  city,  or  the  rights  of 
any  citizen,  to  nullify  it  by  refusing  to  give  to  the  measure 
the  vote  of  ratification  required  to  render  it  legal  and 
binding. 

A  third  function  of  the  senate  was  to  give  counsel  to  the 

king  whenever  he  desired  it.     Especially  was  the  opinion 

of  the  senators  sought  by  the  king  on  resolutions  which  he 
was  proposing  to  lay  before  the  assembly  of  citizens.  The 
king  thus  learned  beforehand  whether  they  were   likely  to 

ratify  the  proposal  after  its  approval  by  the  people. 

15.    The    Popular    Assembly.  —  The     popular    assembly 
{lomitia  cnridfd)  comprised   all  the  citizens  of   Rome;   that 

is,  all  the  members  of  the  patrician  families  (par.  16)  old 
enough  to  bear  arms.     It  was  this  body  that,  acting  upon 

proposals  laid  before  it  by  the  king,  enacted  the  laws  of 
the  state,  determined  upon  offensive  war,  and  also  elected 

the  king,  or  at  least  ratified  the  king's  nomination  of  his 
successor.'^  It  also  confirmed  the  wills  of  citizens  and 
sanctioned  the  adoption  of  a  stranger  by  a  family,  or  the 
admission  of  a  new  clan  among  the  clans  of  a  tribe  (pars. 

6  and  9).  Every  resolution  or  measure  of  this  assembly, 
however,  as  has  already  been  explained  (par.  14),  required 

for  its  validity  the  confirming  vote  of  the  senate. 

The  manner  of   taking  a  vote  in  this  assembly  should  be 

noticed,  for  the  usage  here  was  followed  in  all  the  later 
legislative  bodies  of  the  republican  period.     The  voting 


2  Mommsen  supposes  that  the  assembly  simply  concurred  in  the 
nomination  made  by  the  ruling  king,  who  before  his  death  thus  pro- 
vided for  the  succession. 


20 


ROME    AS   A    AVJVGnOM. 


was  not  by  individuals,  but  by  curies ;  that  is,  each  curia 
had  one  vote,  and  the  measure  before  the  body  was  carried 

or  lost  according  as  a  majority  of  the  curies  voted  for  or 

against  it. 

It  should  be  further  noticed  that  this  assembly  was  not 
a  representative  body,  like  a  modern  legislature,  but  a 
primary  assembly,  that  is,  a  meeting  composed  of  all  the 
citizens  of  Rome,  each  being  present  in  his  own  person  as 
a  member  of  the  community,  and  not  as  a  delegate  repre- 
senting some  division,  or  some  class,  of  the  state.     All  of 

the  later  assemblies  at  Rome  were  like  this  primitive 
assembly  of  patricians.  The  Romans  never  learned,  or 
at  least  never  employed,  the  principle  of  representation, 
which   constitutes   the    very  basis   of    modern    democratic 

government,  and  without  which  device  government  by 
the  people  in  the  great  states  of  the  present  day  would 
be  impossible.  How  important  the  bearing  of  this  was 
upon  the  political  fortunes  of   Rome,  we  shall  learn   later 

(par.   166). 

16.  The  Patricians  and  the  Rights  of  the  Roman  Citizen. 
—  The  heads  of  the  families  at  Rome  were  called  patres^ 
or  "fathers";  from  this  it  came  that  all  the   members  of 

these  families  were  called  patricians,  that  is,  '*  children 
of  the  fathers."  These  patricians  formed  the  Q^x\y  populus 
Ro?nanus,  "the  Roman  people." 

By  virtue  of  his  place  in  the  family  group,  each  patri- 
cian was  also  a  member  of  a  gens,  of  a  curia,  and  of  a 

tribe.  His  membership  in  the  family  also  made  him  a  full 
citizen  of  Rome,  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
city. 

And  here  we  must  acquaint  ourselves  with  what  the 


SOCIETY   AATD    COVER ATMK ATT. 


21 


rights  and  privileges  of  full  Roman  citizenship  embraced. 
The  rights  of  the  Roman  citizen  were  divided,  first,  into 

private   rights   and   public   rights. 

The  chief  private  rights  were  two,  namely,  the  right  of 
trade  i^jus  commercii)  and  the  right  of  marriage  [jus  con- 
?ii{l)ii).     The  right  of  trade  or  commerce  was  the  right  to 

acquire,  to  hold,  and  to  bequeath  property  (both  personal 
and  landed)  according  to  the  forms  of  the  Roman  law. 
This  in  the  ancient  city,  where  business  and  property  both 
tended  towards  a  monopoly  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens, 

was  an  Important  right  and  privilege.^ 

The  right  of  marriage  was  the  "right  of  contracting  a 
full  and  religious  marriage."  Such  a  marriage  could  take 
place  only  between  patricians.  Marriage  between  clans- 
men and  non-clansmen  was  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
ancient  city ;  and  it  was  only  after  a  long  struggle,  as 
we  shall  learn  (par.  63),  that  the  non-clansmen  at  Rome 
acquired   this   important    right   of    intermarriage  with    the 

members  of  the  exclusive  social  and  religious  organiza- 
tions which  we  have  described  in  the  earlier  part  of  this 
chapter. 

The  three  chief  public  or  political  rights  of  the  Roman 

citizen  were  the  right  of  voting  in  the  public  assemblies 
{Jus  suffragii),  the  right  to  hold  office  {jus  honor wm)^  and 
the  right  of  appeal  from  the  decision  of  a  magistrate  to 
the  people   {^jus  provocationis^. 

These  rights  taken  together  constituted  the  most  highly 

valued  rights  and  prerogatives  of  the  Roman  citizen.     What 

« 

3  In  some  modern  states  aliens  are  not  allowed  to  acquire  landed 
property;  in   Roman  terms  there  is  withheld  from  them  a  part  of  the 

JUS  commercii 


22 


ROME    AS   A    KINGnOM. 


we  should  particularly  notice  is  that  the  Romans  adopted 

the  practice  of  bestowing  these  rights  in  instalments,  so 
to  speak.  For  instance,  the  inhabitants  of  one  vanquished 
city  would  be  given  a  part  of  the  private  rights  of  citizen- 
ship, those  of  another  perhaps  all  of  this  class  of  rights, 

while  upon  the  inhabitants  of  a  third  place  would  be 
bestowed  all  the  rights,  both  private  and  public.  This 
usac^e  created  many  different  classes  of  citizens  in  the 
Roman  state;  and  this,  as  will  appear  later,  was  one  of 
the   most   important   matters    connected   with    the   internal 

history  of  Rome. 

Now  in  primitive  Rome  the  patricians  alone,  that  is, 
the   clansmen,   possessed  all  these  rights    of   citizenship. 

Some  of  the  private  rights  they  shared  with  an  inferior 
class  in  the  state,  as  will  appear  in  the  following  para- 
graph, but  the  political  rights  they  jealously  guarded  as 
the  sacred  patrimony   of  their  own   order. 

17.  The  Plebeians  or  the  Non-Citizens.  —  When  Rome 
first  appears  in  history,  we  notice  a  large  class  of  non- 
citizens  among  her  inhabitants.  We  cannot  be  quite  cer- 
tain as  to  how   this   class   of  residents  was  first   formed, 

but  it  seems  to  have  embraced  (i)  refugees  from  various 

quarters,  (2)  the  inhabitants  of  subjugated  Latin  towns 
and  other  places,  (3)  immigrant  traders  from  other  cities 
who  had  taken  up  their  permanent  residence  at  Rome  and 

entered  into  business  there,  and  (4)  freedmen  and  other 

clients^   (P^^r.    7). 

4  This  latter  class  seem  only  gradually  to  have  detached  themselves 
from  the  interests  of  the  patrician  order,  and  to  have  cast  in  their  for- 
tunes with  the  other  plebeians.    At  any  event,  in  historical  times,  they 

formed  a  most  important  element  of  the  lower  order. 


SOCIETY  AND   GOVERNMENT. 


23 


The  greater   number  of    the   plebeians  were  petty  land- 
owners, holding  and  tilling  with  their  own  hands  farms 

of  a  few  acres  in  extent  in  the  near  neighborhood  of 
Rome. 

From   what   has   already   been    said    of    them,    it   will   be 

seen  that  these  plebeians  possessed  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  namely,  the  private 
right  of  engaging  in  trade.  But  from  the  other  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  citizen  as  enumerated  in  the  preceding 

paragraph,  they  were  wholly  shut  out.     They  could  not 

contract  a  legal  marriage  w^ith  one  of  the  patrician  order. 
Thev  were  wholly  without  political  rights,  being  allowed 
neither  to  vote  nor  to  hold   office,  nor  to  appeal  from  the 

decision  of  a  magistrate.     They  were  practically  strangers 

and  aliens  in  Rome,  holding  some  such  position  in  the 
community  as  unnaturalized  immigrants,  like  the  Chinese, 
hold  in  our  own  states.  A  large  part  of  the  early  history 
of  Rome  is  made  up  of  the  struggles  of  these  plebeians  to 

secure  for  themselv^es  social  and  political  equality  with  the 
patricians.'^ 

^  The  student  who  consults  different  authorities  is  apt  to  be  con- 
fused by  the  fact  that  some  writers,  like  the  historian  Ihne,  refer  to 

the  plebeians  of  early  Rome  as  citizens,  while  others,  like  Mommsen, 
call  them  non-burgesses  or  "  tolerated  aliens."  This  is  simply  a  mat- 
ter of  definition.  All  that  is  necessary  on  the  part  of  the  student  in 
order  to  avoid  mental  confusion  is  to  bear  in  mind  what  is  said  in  par. 

16  about  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  being  bestowed  in  instal- 
ments, and  the  creation  thereby  of  many  different  grades  of  citizens. 
Whether  the  bestowal  upon  any  class  of  one  of  these  several  rights,  as, 
for  instance,  the  jus  cotJimcrcii^  which  the  plebeians  possessed,  shall  be 
allowed  to  constitute  them  citizens,  though  of  course  citizens  with  only 

partial  rights,  is,  as  we  have  said,  a  mere  matter  of  definition. 


24 


ROME  AS  A   KINGDOM. 


References.  —  MuMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  chap.  V.  pp. 

88-122,    "The    Original    Constitution    of    Rome."      TiGHE    (A),    ** The 

Development  of  the  Roman  Constitution,  chaps,  ii.  and  iii.  pp.  28-58. 
This  little  book  gives  a  rapid  but  admirable  survey  of  the  growth  of  the 
constitution  up  to  the  time  of  the  empire.      The  student  would  do  well 

to  read  it  carefully  before  taking  up  Mommsen's  history  or  Ihne's  larger 
work.  CouLANGES  (FusTEL  I)e),  *  The  Ancient  City  (from  the  French), 
bk.  ii.  chap,  i.,  "  Religion  was  the  Constituent  Principle  of  the  Ancient 
Family";  and  chap,  x.,  "The  Gens  at  Rome  and  in  Greece."  Ihne 
(W.),  *Early  Rome  (Epoch  Series),  chaps,  vii.  viii.  and  ix.  pp.  104-106. 
Fowler  (W.  W.),  The  City-State,  chaps,  ii.  and  iii. ;  deals  suggestively 
with  the  genesis  and  nature  of  the  city-state  in  Greece  as  well  as  in 

Italy.  MoKEY  (\Vm.  C),  **Oiitlincs  of  Koman  Laiv,  chap,  i.,  "The 
Organization   of  Early   Roman    Society." 


CHAPTER    III. 


THE    ROMAN    RELIGION. 


18.  The  Place  of  Religion  in  Roman  History.  —  In  Rome, 
as  in  all  the  ancient  cities  of  Italy  and  Greece,  religion 
and  the  state  were  not  separated,  as  they  are  in  some  of 
the  most  advanced  nations  to-day,  as,  for  example,  in  our 
own  country.  Religion  was  a  part  of  the  constitution  of 
the  city.  And  this  part  of  the  constitution  was  not  worked 
by  a  special  class  of  persons.  There  was  no  priesthood 
at  Rome,^  such  as  we  find  in  Egypt,  India,  and  most  other 
oriental  lands.  The  ordinary  magistrates  of  the  city  pos- 
sessed a  sort  of  sacerdotal  or  priestly  character.     So  wise 

and  prudent  did  this  union  of  civic  and  religious  functions 
in  the  same  persons  seem  to  Cicero  that  he  declared  that 
the  fathers  who  arranged  it  thus  must  have  been  inspired 
by  the  gods. 
Since   almost  every  magisterial  act  was  connected  in 

some   way  with   the   rites   of   the  temple  or  the   sacrifices 

of  the  attar,  it  happens  that  the  political  or  secular  history 

6  T\\Q  Jlamines  ("  kindlers"  ?),  or  priests  appointed  to  maintain  the 

cult  of  particular  deities,  and  the  members  of  the  sacred  colleges 

(par.     24)    cannot    be    regarded    as    forming    such    a    caste.      They   were 

chosen  from  the  body  of  citizens,  and  were  simply  the  religious  servants 
of  the  state.  "  The  Romans,  notwithstanding  all  their  zeal  for  religion, 
adhered  with  unbending  strictness  to  the  principle  that  the  priest  ought 

to  remain  completely  powerless  in. the  state,  and,  excluded  from  all 
command,  ought  like  any  other  burgess  to  render  obedience  to  the 
humblest  magistrate."  — MoMMSEN,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  232. 

25 


26 


ROME    AS   A    KINGDOM. 


of  the  Romans  is  closely  interwoven  with  their  religion. 
Therefore,  in  order  to  understand  the  transactions  of  the 
period  upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter,  we  must  first 
acquaint  ourselves  with  at  least  the  prominent  features  of 

the    religious    institutions    and    beliefs    of    the    Romans. 

19.  The  Nature  of  the  Roman  Gods.  —  The  Roman  idea 
of  the  gods  was  very  different  from  the  (ireek  conception. 
The  Greeks  possessed  a  lively  imagination,  and  pictured 

to  themselves  the  divinities  of  Olympus  under  clear-cut 
human  form  and  figure.  So  vivid  was  this  picturing  that 
often  the  shining  forms  of  the  gods  appeared  to  the  pious 
Greek  in  his  dreams  —  and  sometimes  in  his  waking  hours. 

So  real  were  they,  and  so  like  men  in  all  their  feelings  and 
passions,  that  the  Greeks  invented  a  thousand  stories  about 
their  loves  and  hates,  their  occupations  and  adventures. 
Hence  the  beautiful  mythology,  and  art  too,  of  the  Greeks. 
Now  the  Romans  possessed  little  or  none  of  this  vivid 
Greek  imagination.  Their  gods  were  simply  vague  per- 
sonifications of  the  parts,  powers,  and  processes  of  nature, 
and  of  every  thought,  act,  and  relation  of  men.     The  early 

Roman    temples    are   said    to    have    contained   no  images  or 

Statues  of  the  gods,  but  merely  some  symbol  of  divinity, 
as,  for  instance,  "a  stone  for  Jupiter,  the  holy  lance  for 
Mars,  the  fire  for  Vesta."'  The  Romans  first  learned  to 
represent  their  gods  under  human  form  from  the  Greeks, 
either  directly  or  through  the  medium  of  the  Etruscans. 

But  this  dim  world  of  spirits  formed  nevertheless  a  very 
positive  factor  in  the  life  of  the  ancient  Roman.  He  con- 
ceived the  two  worlds,  this  visible  world  of  men  and  that 
invisible  world  of  spirits,  to  be  very  closely  related.     He 

'  Leighton,  History  of  Rome,  p.  37. 


THE  ROMAN  RELIGION, 


27 


thought  of  the  gods  as  watchful  of  the  conduct  of  their 
worshippers,  and  as  interested  in  their  affairs.  Hence  the 
Roman  was  in  his  way  very  religious,  and  exceedingly  scru- 
pulous in  rendering  to  the  divinities  the  worship  due  them. 

20.    The  Utilitarian  Character  of  the  Religion.  —The  Roman 
did  not,  however,  serve  his  gods  for  naught ;   he  expected 


Animals  for  thk  Sacrifice:  Sus-Ovis-Taurus. 


from  them  a  full  equivalent    for    the  sacrificial  victims    that 

he  offered  them,  for  the  incense  that  he  burned  upon  their 

altars,  for  the  gifts  he  hung  up  in  their  temples,  and  for 

8  The  animals  here  shown  — a  swine,  a  sheep,  and  a  bull  — were 

offered  as  a  lustratory  sacrifice  which    ended    the   Ambarvallan  festivals 

(par  23  n.  3),  in  which  the  fields  were  purified  and  blessed.  This 
interesting  piece  of  relief-sculpture  was  recently  discovered  in  the  great 
forum  at  Rome. 


28 


A'OAf^    AS   A    A'lJVGnOM, 


THE  ROMAN  RELIGION. 


29 


the  costly  games  and  spectacles  he  provided  for  their 
entertainment  in  the  circus  and  the  amphitheatre. 

And  the  gods,  on  their  part,  were  ready  to  meet  this 
expectation.  They  gave  counsel  and  help  to  their  faithful 
followers,  and  secured  them  good  harvests  and  a  successful 
issue  of  their  undertakings.     On  the  other  hand,  neglect 

angered  the  gods  and  caused  them  to  bring  upon  their 

unfaithful  worshippers  all  kinds  of  troubles  and  calam- 
ities—  dissensions  within  the  state,  defeat  of  their  armies  in 
the  field,  drought,  fire  and  flood,  pestilence  and  famine. 

But  their  anger  could  be  turned  aside  or  appeased  by 

expiatory  sacrifices  and  offerings.  "The  profound  and 
fearful  idea  of  substitution  also  meets  us  here :  when  the 
gods  of  the  community  were  angry  and  nobody  could  be 

laid  hold  of  as  definitely  guilty,  they  might  be  appeased 

by  one  who  voluntarily  gave  himself  up  (devorcrc  SC)  : 
noxious  chasms  in  the  ground  were  closed,**  and  battles 
half  lost  were  converted  into  victories,  when  a  brave 
burgess  threw  himself  as  an  expiatory  offering  into  the 
abyss    or   upon    the    foe. "  *° 

21.  The  Legal  Character  of  .the  Religion.  —  Another  note- 
worthy feature  of  the  Roman  religion  was  its  legal  char- 
acter;    for    the    Roman    religion    was   a   sort   of    contract 

between  the  gods  and  their  worshippers.  If  the  wor- 
shippers performed  their  part  of  this  contract,  then  the 
gods  were  bound  to  fulfil  theirs. 

9  The  reference  is  to  the  legend  of  Marcus  CurtiUS.  In  ttlC  year 
359  BC.,  a  great   chasm    having  opened  in  the  forum,  this   heroic   youth, 

mounting  his  horse,  plunged  into  the  gulf,  and  through  such  self-sacri- 
fice appeased  the  gods,  and  closed  the  crevice.     See  Livy  vii  6 

-  Mommsen,  ///./..^  .y  AW..,  vol.  i.  pp.  .32,  233.  For  instances  of 
commanders  voluntarily  devoting  themselves  to  death,  see  pars.  Jj  and  8 1 


But  the  Roman  was  ever  ready  to  take  advantage  of 
a  flaw  in  a  contract  and  to  overreach  in  a  bargain,  and 
making  his  gods  like  unto  himself,  he  imagined  that  they 
would  act  in  a  like  manner.  If  the  worshipper  through 
itrnorance,  inadvertence  or  accident  had  failed  to  carry  out 
his  part  of  the  contract  in  every  particular  and  to  the 
very  letter,  the  gods  were  supposed  to  be  ready  and  dis- 
posed to  take  advantage  of  this  in  order  to  avoid  carrying 
out  their  part  of  the  engagement.  Hence  the  anxious  care 
with  which  the  Romans  performed  all  the  prescribed  reli- 
o-ious    rites   and   ceremonies.      If    there   was   any   mistake 

made  in  the  recital  of  the  given  formulas,  or  any  inter- 
ruption of  the  sacred  ceremony,  then  the  whole  must  be 
repeated  in  order  to  insure  that  there  be  no  flaw  in  the  pro- 
ceedings which  might  be  taken  advantage  of  by  the  gods. 

22.     The    Chief    Roman    Deities  ;    the    Lares    and    Penates. 

At  the  head  of  the  Roman  pantheon  stood  Jupiter,  iden- 
tical in  all  essential  attributes 
with  the  Hellenic  Zeus.  He 
was  the  special  protector 
of  the  Roman  people.  To 
him,  together  with  Juno  and 
Minerva,   was    consecrated   a 

magnificent  temple  upon  the 
summit  of  the  Capitoline  hill, 
overlooking  the  forum  and 
the   city. 

Mars,  the  god  of  war,  stand- 
ing    next     in     rank,     was     the. 
favorite   deity   and   the   fabled   father  of    the   Roman   race, 
who   were   fond    of    calling   themselves   the    "  Children   of 


Heafi    of    Janus. 
(From  a  Roman  coin.) 


I 


30 


ROME  AS  A  KINGDOM, 


Mars."  They  proved  themselves  worthy  offspring  of  the 
war-god.  Martial  games  and  festivals  were  celebrated  in 
his    honor    during    the    first    month    of    the    Roman    year, 

which    bore,  and   still 


y^;.;:.r^:.:: 


bears,    in    his    honor, 
the  name  of  March. 

Janus  was  a  double- 
faced  deity,  "  the  god 
of  the  beginning  and 
the     end     of      e  very- 


thin 


or 


n 


&• 


The    month 


^;-N%., 


of  January  was  sacred 
to  him,  as  were  also 
all   gates    and    doors. 


■' '  f 


Vestal   Virgin. 


The  gates  of  his  tem- 
ple were  always  kept 
open  in  time  of  war 
and  shut  in  time  of 
peace. 

The  fire  upon  the 
household  hearth  was 
regarded  as  the  sym- 
bol  of  the  goddess 
vesta,  Her  worship  was  a  favorite  one  with  the  Romans. 
The  nation,  too,  as  a  single  great  family,  had  a  common 
nafonal  hearth,  in  the  Temple  of  Vesta,  where  the  sacred 
hres  were  kept  burning  from  generation  to  generation  by 

^'^^  Virgins,  daughters  of  the  Roman  state.' 

Vesfall,  ZoXtZ^T"  "'  *""  ^^™^'"'  "'  "•«  "-'-  °f  'he 
^'^"'  "J  ^'"I't  Viscmeriis,  chap.  vi. 


THE  A'OMAN  KKLIGION. 


y 


The  Lares  and  Penates  were  household  gods.  Their 
images  were  set  in  the  entrance  of  the  dwelling.  The 
Lares  were  the  spirits  of  ancestors,  which  were  thought  to 
linger  about  the  home  as  its  guardians. 

This  worship  of  ancestors  was  one  of  the  most  important 
elements  in  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Romans.  It  was 
this  religion  of  the  domestic  hearth  that  helped  greatly  to 


Divining    by   Means  ok    THK   APPEARANCE  OK   THE    ENTRAILS    OF 

A  Sacrificial  Victim. 

(This  was  with  the  Romans  a  usual  way  of  foretelling  future  events.^ 

make  the  Roman  family  what  It  was,  that  gave  the  father 
his  priestly  authority  (par.  6),  and  that  organized  many 
of  the  institutions  of  the  Roman  state.'^  The  student 
should  bear  this  feature  of  the  early  Roman  religion  care- 
fully in  mind,  for  the  reason  that  It  formed  to  the  very  kst 
the  most  vital  element  in  it,  and  for  the  further  reason 
that  it  was  the  germ  out  of  which  later  grew  important 

•^  Read  Coulanges,  The  Ancient  City. 


32 


ROME  AS  A  KINGDOM. 


religious  developments,  as,  for  instance,  the  strange  cult 
of  the  Caesars  (par.  216). 

23.  Oracles    and     Divination.  —  The    Romans,    like    the 

Greeks,  thougKt  that  the  will  of  the  gods  was  communicated 
to  men  by  means  of  oracles,  and  by  strange  sights,  unusual 
events,  or  singular  coincidences.  There  were  no  true  ora- 
cles at  Rome.      The  Romans,  therefore,  often  had  recourse 

to  those  among  tlie  Greeks.  Particularly  in  great  emer- 
gencies did  they  seek  advice  from  the  celebrated  oracle 
of  Apollo  at  Delphi. 

From  Etruria  was  introduced  the  art  of  the  haruspices, 
or  soothsayers,  which  consisted  in  discovering  the  will  of 
the  gods  by  the  appearance  of  the  entrails  of  victims  slain 
for  the  sacrifices. 

24.  The  Sacred  Colleges.  —The  four  chief  sacred  colleges, 

or  societies,  were  the  Keepers  of  the  Sibylline  Books,  the 

College  of  Augurs,  the  College  of  Pontiffs,  and  the  College 
of  the  Heralds.^ 

A  curious  legend  is  told  of  the  Sibylline  Books.     An  old 

woman  came  to  Tarquinius  Superbus  (par.  39)  and  offered 

to  sell  him,  but  at  an  extravagant  price,  nine  volumes.  As 
the  king  declined  to  pay  the  sum  demanded,  the  woman 
departed,  destroyed  three  of  the  books,  and  then  returning, 

^  Among  the  minor  colleges  or  priesthoods  there  were  two  companies 
or  guilds  of  the  Salii,  or  Reapers,"  and  two  of  the  Luperci,  or 
"wolves."  The  duplication  of  these  guilds  arose  probably  through 
the  union  of  primitive  communities.  In  the  month  of  March,  the 
Sahi  "  performed  a  war-dance  in  honor  of  Mars,  and  accompanied  it 

by  a  song."    The  Luperci  celebrated  each  year  a  festival  known  as  the 

z«/.r.a/..,  xn  honor  of  the  god  Faunus,  the  Roman  Counterpart  of 
the  Greek  god  Pan.  The  Frafres  Ar^>ales,  or  "  field  brothers,"  twelve 
in  number,  constituted  a  guild  or  company  whose  duty  it  was  to 
celebrate  certain  festivals  known  as  the  Ambarvalia 


THE    ROMAN  RELIGION. 


33 


offered  the  remainder  at  the  very  same  sum  that  she  had 
wanted  for  the  complete  number.  The  king  still  refused 
to  purchase,  so  the  sibyl  went  away  and  destroyed  three 

„.ore  of  the  volumes,  and  bringing  back  the  remaining 

three,  asked  the  same  price  as  before.  Tarquin  was  by 
this  time  so  curious  respecting  the  contents  of  the  myste- 
rious books  that  he  purchased  the  remaining  volumes.     It 

was  found  upon  examination  that  they  were  filled  with 

prophecies  respecting  the  future  of  the  Roman  people. 
The  books,  which  were  written  in  Greek,  were  placed  m  a 
stone  chest,  and  kept  in   a  vault  beneath  the  Capitohne 

temple-  and  special  custodians  were  appointed  to  take 

charge  of  them  and  interpret  them.  The  number  of 
keepers  throughout  the  most  important  period  of  Roman 
history  was   fifteen.     The  books   were   consulted   only  in 

times  of  extreme  danger. 

The  duty  of   the   members  of    the   college  of    Augurs  was 

to  interpret  the  omens,  or  auspices,  which  were  casual 
sights  or  appearances,  particularly  the  flight  of  birds,  by 
Which  means  it  was  believed  that  Jupiter  made  known 
his  win.  Great  skiU  was  required  in  the  "takir^g  of  the 
auspices,"    as   it   was    called.       No    business   of    importance, 

public  or  private,  was  entered  upon  without  the  auspices 
being  first  consulted,  to  ascertain  whether  they  were  favor- 
able. The  public  assembly,  for  illustration,  must  not  con- 
vene, to  elect  officers  or  to  enact  laws,  unless  the  auspices 
had  been  taken  and  found  propitious.  Should  a  peal  of 
thunder  occur  while  the  people  were  holding  a  meeting,  that 
was  considered  aa  unfavorable  omen,  and  the  assembly 
must  instantly  disperse. 

It  is  easy  to  see  how  the  power  of  the  augurs  might  be 


34 


ROME   AS   A    KINGDOM. 


THE    ROMAN  RELIGION. 


35 


used  corruptly  for  political  ends.  At  first  all  the  members 
of  the  college  were  patricians,  and  very  frequently  they 
would  prevent  the  plebeians  from  holding  a  meeting  by 

giving  out  that  the  auspices  were  not  favorable ;  and  some- 
times, when  matters  were  not  taking  such  a  course  in  the 
popular  assembly  as  suited  the  nobles,  and  some  measure 
obnoxious  to  their  order  was  on  the  point  of  being  carried, 

they  would  secure  an  announcement  from  the  augurs  that 

Jupiter  was  thundering,  or  manifesting  his  displeasure  in 
some  other  way ;  and  the  people  were  obliged  to  break  up 
their  meeting  on  the  instant.  One  of  the  privileges  con- 
tended for  by  the  plebeians  was  admission  to  this  college, 

that  they  might  assist  in  watching  the  omens,  and  that 
thus  this  important  matter  might  not  be  left  entirely  in 
the   hands   of  their  enemies. 

The  College  of  Pontiffs  was  so  called  probably  because 
one  of  the  duties  of  its  members  was  to  keep  in  repair  the 
Bridge  of  Piles  over  the  Tiber.''  This  guild  was  the  most 
important  of  all  the  religious  institutions  of  the  Romans  ; 
for  to  the  pontiffs  belonged  the  superintendence  of  all 

religious  matters.  In  their  keeping,  too,  was  the  calendar, 
and  they  could  lengthen  or  shorten  the  year,  which  power 
they  sometimes  used  to  extend  the  term  of  office  of  a  favorite, 
or  to  cut  short  that  of  one  who  had  incurred  their  displeas- 
ure. The  head  of  the  college  was  called  rontifex  Maximus, 
or  "Chief  Bridge-builder,"  which  title  was  assumed  by  the 

fortified  hill   that  formed  the    Ron.an   outpost   against  the  Etruscans  In 

the.r  side  Of  the  Tiber.  It  is  possible,  according  to  Mommsen,  that 
y^...ong.naiiy  signified  not  "bridge,"  but  "way"  generally,  and  that 

tontifex  therefore  meant   "constructor  of  ways." 


Roman  emperors,  and  after  them  by  the  Christian  bishops 

of  Rome ;  and  thus  the  name  has  come  down  to  our  times. 

The  College  of   Heralds  {Ictiaks)  had  the  care  of  all 

public  matter^  pertaining  to  foreign  nations.    Its  members 

were  the  keepers  of  the  treaties  which  Rome  had  made 
with  other  peoples,  and  the  interpreters  of  international 
law       If  the  Roman  people  had  suffered  any  wrong  from 

another  state,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  heralds  to  demand 

satisfaction.  If  this  was  denied,  and  war  determined  upon, 
then  a  herald  proceeded  to  the  frontier  of  the  enemy's 
country  and  hurled  over  the  boundary  a  spear  dipped  in 
blood.      This   was   a    declaration   of    war.     The    Romans 

were    very    careful    in    the    observance   of    this    ceremony. 

25.  Sacred  Games  and  Festivals.  —  The  Romans  had 
many  religious  games  and  festivals.  Prominent  among 
these  were  the  so-called  Circensian  Games,  or  Games  of 
the    Circus,   which    were    very  similar    to    the    sacred    games 

of  the  Greeks.      They  consisted,  in  the  main,  of  chariot- 
racing,  wrestling,  foot-racing,   and   various   other   athletic 

contests. 

These  festivals,  as  in  the  case  of  those  of  the  Greeks, 
had  their  origin  in  the  belief  that  the  gods  delighted  in 
the  exhibition  of  feats  of  skill,  strength,  or  endurance  ;  that 
their  anger  might  be  appeased  by  such  spectacles  ;  or  that 
they  might  be  persuaded  by  the  promise  of  games  to  lend 
aid  to  mortals  in  great  emergencies.^  At  the  opening  of 
the   year   it   was   customary   for   the   Roman   magistrate,  in 

5  "  The  games  were  an  entertainment  offered  to  the  guests  [the  gods, 

who  were  "  the  guests  of  honor  "  ],  which  were  as  certainly  believed  to  be 
gratifying  to  their  sight  as  a  review  of  troops  or  a  deer  hunt  to  a  modem 
European  sovereign."  —  Wheeler,  Diouysos  and  Immortality,  p.  n. 


3^ 


J^OMJ£    AS    A    JCIJVGnOM. 


behalf  of  the  people,  to  promise  to  the  gods  games  and 
festivals,  provided  good  crops,  protection  from  pestilence, 
and  victory  were  granted  the  Romans  during  the  year. 
So,  too,  a  general  in  great  straits  in  the  field  might,  in  the 
name  of  the  state,  vow  plays  to  the  gods,  and  the  people 
were  sacredly  bound  to  fulfil  the  promise.      Plays  given  in 

fulfilment  of  vowg  thus  made  were  called  votive  games.'^ 

Towards  the  close  of  the  republic  these  games  lost  much 
of  their  religious  character,  and  at  last  became  degraded 
into  mere  brutal  shows  given  by  ambitious  leaders  for  the 

purpose  of  winning  popularity. 

The  Satimialia  were  a  festival  held  in  December  in 
honor  of  Saturn,  the  god  of  sowing.  It  was  an  occasion 
on  which  all  classes,  including  the  slaves,  who  were  allowed 

their  freedom  during  the  celebration,  gave  themselves  up 

to  riotous  amusements ;  hence  the  significance  we  attach 
to  the  word  satiinialian.  The  well-known  Roman  Carnival 
of  to-day  is  a  survival  of  the  ancient  Saturnalia. 

26.  Defects  of  the  Religious  System. -What  we  have 
already  said  has  revealed  some  of  the  most  serious  defects 
of  the  Roman  religion  ;  but  an  additional  observation  or 
two  at  this  point   respecting  these  will  help  us  all   the 

better  to  understand  some  facts  in  the  rdigious  life  Of  the 

Romans  which  will  later  come  under  our  notice. 

First,  the  character  of  the  Roman  divinities  and  their 
relation  to  their  worshippers  were  such  that  the  system 
did  not  awaken  or  nourish  devotional  feeling,  aS  did,  for 
instance,    the   religion    of  the    ancient    Hebrews.      There    is 

nothing  in  the  remains  of  Roman  literature  Corresponding 
to  the  devotional  Psalms  of  the  Bible. 

« For  the  festivals  of  the  Lupercali,  and  Ambarvalia,  see  par.  24,  n.  3. 


THE  ROMAN  RELIGION, 


37 


A^ain,  in  this  religion,  so  legal  and  formal  (par.  21), 
there  was  an  almost  entire  separation  of  morality  and 
worship.  The  state  of  the  heart  of  the  worshipper  was 
a  matter  of  no  concern,  if  only  the  prescribed  acts  were 
performed,  and  the  prescribed  words  pronounced,  precisely 
in  accordance  with  the  given  formulas.  Such  a  religious 
belief  could,   of  course,   afford  but  feeble  support  to  true 

morality,  or  do   little   in    the  way  of    awakening   and   foster- 
ing the  sentiments  of  love,  gratitude,  and  reverence  towards 

the  gods. 

These,    together    with    other    defects    of    their    religious 

system,    such   as   its  vague  and  unsatisfactory   teachings  in 

regard  to  the  future  life,   caused  the  Romans,  at  an  early 

period,  to  begin  to  supplement   it  by  borrowings  from   the 

reli"-ious  systems  of  the  various  peoples  with  whom  they 

came    in    contact.       To     meet    the    lack    of     companionable 
gods,    they   borrowed   the    attractive    divinities    of    Greece, 
or   transferred   the   attributes   of  these   to   their  own   gods. 
To  supply  those  emotional  elements  that  were  so  conspicu- 
ously wanting  in  their  own  system,  the  Romans  introduced 
into    it    the   venerable,  mysterious,   and  awe-inspiring  cults 
of  the  Orient,   such   as   the  worship   of   the  Great  Mother 
(Cybele)  of   Phrygia,   of   Isis  of   Egypt,  and  of  Mithra  of 
Persia.      To   supply   the   lacking   moral    element   tKere   waS 
a  late  effort  made  to  borrow  the  morality  of    Christianity 

(par.    256). 

But  none  of  these  additions  or  borrowings  changed  fun- 
damentally the  system  as  It  stood  at  first.  There  came  a 
time  when  it  no  longer  satisfied  the  religious  wants  and 
cravings  of  men,  and  it  gave  place  to  another  religion 
which  had  been  worked  out   by  Judoea,  and  which  taught 


38 


ROME   AS  A    KINGDOM. 


new  views  of  God  and  his  relations  to  man,  and  new  con- 
ceptions of  duty  and  of  the  future  life. 

References.  —  Mommsen  (T.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  bk.  i.  chap, 
xii.  pp.  218-245.  Ihne  (W.),  ** Early  Rome  (Epoch  Series),  chap.  vi. 
pp.  92-104,  "Religious  Institutions  in  the  Time  of  the  Kings."  Ince 
(W.  R.),  Society  in  Rome  under  the  Casars^  chap.  i.  pp.  1-8  ;  deals  with 

the    religion    of    the    early    Romans.      Coulanoes    (Flistel    de),    *T/ie 
Ancient  City,  bk.  i.  chaps.  l.-Iv.,  "  Ancient  Beliefs." 


CHAPTKR    IV. 
ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS. 

27.  Latium  before  Rome.  —  What  was  the  origin  of  the 
city  of  Rome  ?  What  was  the  genesis  of  that  remarkable 
social  and  political  constitution  with  which  it  first  appears 
in  history,  and  which  we  have  endeavored  to  describe  m  a 
preceding  chapter  ?  ' 

We  shall  best  find  answers  to  these  questions  by  first 
noticing  what  the  condition  of  Latium  was  before  Rome 
arose.  W^th  the  aid  of  tradition  and  the  science  of  primi- 
tive culture,  or  comparative  ethnology,  we  can  form  some 
sort  of  a  picture  of  the  land  and  its  people  in  prehistoric 
times  — a  picture  which,  though  somewhat  dim  and  blurred 
in  its  details,  we  may  rely  upon  with  a  gOod  degree  of  Cer- 
tainty as  corresponding,  in  its  broad  outlines,  very  nearly 
with   actual  fact. 

In  very  early  times  Latium,  the  "flat  country,"  as  the 
name  probably  signifies,  lying  south  of  the  lower  course  of 
the  Tiber,  was  dotted  with  settlements  of  the  Latin  people. 
These  settlements  were  merely  groups  of  clans  (par.  9),  or 

village  communities,  to  which  has  been  given  the  name  of 

cantons.  The  villages  constituting  any  given  canton  were 
generally,  it  would  seem,  scattered  over  the  little  cantonal 
territory,  in  order  that  the  villagers,  who  were  petty  farmers 

"  Chap.  ii. 
39 


40 


ROME    AS   A    KIA'CnOM. 


an 


d  shepherds,  might  be  near  the  land  they  cultivated  or 
the  common  pastures  out  upon  which  they  drove  their 
sheep  and  cattle ;  but  sometimes  the  villages  appear  to 
have  been  huddled   together   on  some  eligible   spot,   such 

as  a  low  hill  might  afford.  Whether  or  not  the  clans  form- 
ing a  canton  were  united  by  blood  or  descent  is  unknown  ; 
but  at  any  rate  they  had  a  common  worship,  and  thus 
were  closely  united  by  the  tie  of  religion,  if  not  by  that 

of  relationship. 


The  Site  of  Tibur,  the  Modern  Tivoli. 

(After  an  old  engraving.     To  the  left,  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  temple  of  Vesta.) 

Each   canton    had  a  central   stronghold,  which  SCrvCd  aS 

a  refuge  for  the  villagers  in  times  of  danger,  and  as  a 

common  meeting-place  for  their  markets  and  religious  fes- 
tivals.   The  site  chosen  for  this  canton-centre  was,  when- 

ever  practicable,  some  easily  defended  rock  or  hill,  of  which 
the   situation   of   Tibur,   built  on   a  spur  of  the  Apennines 


ROM  J-:    UNDER    THE    KINGS. 


41 


jutting  out  Into  the  Campagna,  and  that  of  Alba  Longa, 
on  the  isolated  Alban  Mount,  are  good  illustrations.*^ 

According  to  tradition  there  were  in  all  Latium  in  pre- 
historic times  thirty  of  these  clan-clusters,  or  embryo-cities, 

as  we,  with  our  eye  upon  their  future,  may  designate  them. 

Each  formed  a  sovereign,  independent  state,  with  power 
to  wage  war  against  its  neighbors  or  to  make  treaties 
with    them.     Before   the  dawn  of   history   these   cantons 

had  formed  an  alliance  among  themselves  known  as  the 
Latin  League.  The  leadership  in  this  confederacy  was 
held  at  first  by  Alba  Longa,  just  referred  to,  the  "Long 
White  City,"  which  received  its  name  from  the  circum- 
stance that  the  buildings  of  the  place  stretched  along 

the  summit  of  a  white  ridge  of  the  Alban  Hills. 

The  confederated  cantons  possessed  a  common  god,  Jupi- 
ter Latiaris,  who  had  a  sanctuary  on  the  Alban    Hills, 

whence  he  kept  watch  and  ward  over  the  Latian  plain. 

On  the  mount  was  celebrated  each  year  what  w^as  known 
as  the  "Latin  Festival." 

28.    The  Beginnings  of  Rome.  —  It  was  in  the  midst  of  such 

an  environment  as  that  which  we  have  described  in  the  pre- 
ceding paragraph  that  Rome  arose  and  grew  into  greatness. 
Among   the   cantons  or   embryo-cities  of   early    Latium 
was    one    formed    by    the    Ramnes, — whence    the    name 

Romans,  —  a  community  of  the  Latin  stock.  The  canton 
embraced  three  clans  or  villages,  the  dwellings  of  which 
were  upon  the  slopes  or  at  the  foot  of  the  Palatine  mount, 
one  of  a  cluster  of  low  hills  on  the  left  or  south  bank  of 
the  Tiber,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  sea.  On  the  sum- 
mit of  the  hill  was  the  citadel  or   stronghold  of  the  settle- 

^  See  map  opposite  page  78. 


'f 


42 


ROME   AS   A    KINGDOM. 


ROME    UNDER    THE    KINGS. 


43 


ment.  Modern  excavations  have  revealed  portions  of  the 
foundations  of  the  ancient  walls,  together  with  remains  of 
two  of  the  gates,      rhe  enclosure  seems  to  have  been  large 

enough  to  allow  at  least  many  of  the  villagers  to  reside 

within  its  walls."  This  little  Palatine  settlement  was  called 
Roma  Quadrata,  or  ''Square  Rome." 

This  little  fortress-town  we  may  regard  as  the  nucleus 

around  which  grew  up  the  Rome  of  history.    It  was 

intended  doubtless  to  serve  as  an  outpost  to  protect  the 
northern  frontier  of  Latium  against  the  Etruscans,  —  the 
most  powerful  and  aggressive  neighbors  of  the  Latin 
people, —  and  thus  its  inhabitants  early  became  inured 
to  military  discipline  and  learned  those  military  virtues 
which  made  them  preeminent  among  their  neighbors  in 
the  art  of  war  even  in  a  warlike  age. 

29.  How  Greater  Rome  was  formed.  —  In  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Uttle  Palatine  settlement  were  two  other 
canton-communities.  One  of  these  seems  to  have  been 
a  settlement  established  on  the  Quirinal,  a  hill  close  to 
the  Palatine,  by  the  Sabines,  a  sturdy  people  of  near 
kin  to  the  Latins.  Respecting  the  exact  location  of  the 
other  community,  we  know  nothing,  nor  are  we  informed 
as  to  their  relationship  to  the  Ramnes,  but  we  may  con- 
jecture that  they  were  of  the  Latin  stock. 

In  times  before  history  there  took  place  between  these 
three  cantons  something  which,  so  far  as  our  knowledge 
goes,  never  occurred  in  the  case  of  any  others  of  the  clan- 
clusters  of  Latium.  After  hostile  relations  had  been  long 
maintained  and  much  hard  fighting  had  taken  place 
between   the   rival   communities,  —  for  in  this   way  we  may 

^  See  chart  on  page  50. 


summarize  the  legend  of  these  prehistoric  times,'"  —  they 
accommodated  their  differences,  united  on  equal  terms  to 
form  a  single  nation,  and  learned  to  call  themselves  by 
the  same  name.  The  Capitoline  hill  was  chosen  for  the 
location  of  the  stronghold  of  the  new  and  enlarged  city. 

Each  of  the  old  cantons  constituted  a  tribe  (trilms)  or 
division  of  the  new  state.  Each  tribe  was  composed  of 
ten  curies.     There  were  thus  in  the  new  city  three  tribes, 

known  as  the  Ka7n?ics.^  the  T^ifies^  and  the  Luceres.,^^  thirty 
curies,  and,  if  we  are  to  follow  the  numbers  given  by  tra- 
dition, three  hundred  gentes  or  clans.  The  cults  and 
other  institutions  of  the  uniting  communities  were  com- 
mingled and  gradually  modified  to  meet  the  needs  of 
the  new  nation.  fhus  came  into  existence  the  Rome  of 
the  kings,  with  those  social  features  and  those  political 
arrangements  that  we  have  alreadv  described.^ 


30.  Importance  of  this  Prehistoric  Union. — This  confed- 
eration of  the  three  little  communities  by  the  Tiber,  by 
whatsoever  means  effected,  was  one  of  the  most  important 
matters,    not    only    in    the    history    of    Rome,    but    in    the 

^^  See  pars.  40-44,  in  which  are  summarized  the  accounts  which  the 
Romans  themselves  gave  of  these  matters. 

^1  Some  modern  historians  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  tribe  bearing 
the  name  of  Titles  was  confederated  with  the  Ramnes  in  the  way  related 
in  par.  41,  and  the  Luceres  in  the  manner  set  out  in  par.  42.    Others, 

however,  conceive  both  the  Sabines  and  the  Albans  to  have  been 
incorporated  with  the  Roman  state  subsequent  to  the  formation  of  the 
threefold  community  by  an  original  confederation  effected  in  the  earliest 
times,  and  of  which  even  tradition  had  lost  all  remembrance. 

^  See  chap.  ii.  In  the  new  enlarged  city,  the  earlier  clans  and  can- 
tons of  course  at  once  or  gradually  lost  their  political  significance,  and 
sank  to  the  position  of  mere  divisions  of  the  larger  aggregate,  or  lost 
all  connection  whatsoever  with  the  political  life  of  the  new  state,  and 
retained  their  old  organization  for  social  or  religious  purposes  alone. 


m 


44 


/^OAfE   AS  A   KINGDOM. 


history  of  civilization.  It  laid  the  basis  of  the  greatness 
of  Rome,  and  foreshadowed  her  marvellous  political  for- 
tunes, just  as  the  union  of  the  thirteen  English  colonies 
on  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  now  over  one  hundred  years 
ago,  laid  the  basis  of  our  greatness  as  a  nation,  and  deter- 
mined what  should  be  the  political  fortunes  of  the  American 
people.  Vox  in  each  case  it  was  not  the  mere  fact  of  the 
creation  of  the  wider  union  that  w^as  significant,  but  rather 
the  nature  of  that  union  and  the  mode  of  its  formation. 
In  each  instance  what  should  be  the  principle  of  national 
expansion  or  growth  in  all  after  time  was  established. 
In   the   case  of   early   Rome   the    principle  of    national 

expansion  adopted  was  what  we  may  call  the  principle  of 
incorporation.  Now  the  ancient  city  was  a  very  exclusive 
association.  On  religious  and  other  grounds  it  closed  its 
gates  against  strangers.  The  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
citizens  were  not  shared  with  aliens.  The  vanquished 
were  made  subjects  or  tributaries.  But  Rome  at  the  very 
outset  of  her  career  adopted  a  more  liberal  policy  than 
that   adopted  by   any  other    ancient    city-state.      And   for 

seven  hundred  years  and  more  the  Romans  followed,  more 
or  less  steadily  and  consistently,  this  good  precedent  set 
them  in  prehistoric  times,  and  bestowed  the  freedom  of 
their  city,  that  is,  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Roman 
citizenship,  upon  the  peoples  they  successively  conquered, 
until  at  last  the  roll  of  Roman  citizens  had  increased 
from  a  few  thousand  to  several  million  names.^  The  way 
in  which  they  did  this,  the  reluctance  at  times  with  which 

they  granted  the  boon  to  the  vanquished,  — this  makes 

up  a  very  large  part  of  the  internal  history  of  Rome,  and 
2  See  the  table  of  the  census  lists  on  page  333. 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


45 


constitutes   also  a  chief  element  of  its  interest  and   instruc- 


tiveness.^ 


31.  The  Influence  of  Geography  upon  the  Early  History  of 
Rome. — It   was,   without    doubt,    close    neighborhoodship 

that  brought  about  the  union  of  the  cantons  which  called 
the  Rome  of  history  into  existence,  —  that  forced  upon  the 
city  at  the  very  outset  of  her  career  that  policy  of  expansion 
through  incorporation  under  which  the  city  never  ceased 
to  grow,  or  the  list  of  her  citizens  to  increase,  until 
"  Rome  was  the  whole  world  and  all  the  world  was  Rome." 
This  is  the  ground  of  the  declaration  made  by  the  his- 
torian Freeman  to  the  effect  that  "the  course  of  all  history 

has  been  determined  by  the  geological  fact  that  certain 
hills  by  the  Tiber  were  lower  and  nearer  together  than 
the  other  hills  of  Latium.'"*  The  thought  in  the  mind 
of  the  historian  Ihne  is  the  same  when  he  assigns  as  a 
chief  cause  of  Rome's  greatness  "  the  proximity  of  the 
Seven    Hills   to   each    other."  ^ 

32.  Influence  of  Commerce  upon  the  Growth  of  Early  Rome. 
—  Besides  the  primary  cause  given  in  preceding  para- 
graphs of  the  remarkable  fortunes  of  Rome,  various 
secondary  causes  contributed  without  doubt  to  the  early 
and  rapid  growth  of  the  city. 

Among  these  a  prominent  place  must  be  given  to  the 
advantages  in  the  way  of  trade  and  commerce  afforded  by  the 
fortunate  situation  of  the  city  upon  the  Tiber.  Its  distance 
from  the  sea  protected  it  against  the  depredations  of  the 
pirates  who  in  early  times  swarmed  in   the   Mediterranean 

• 

3  Consult  particularly  chap.  v.  and  pars.  TJ-,  164,  219,  and  233. 

4  Chief  JPeriods  of  History,  p.  41. 
^  Early  Rovic^  p.  6. 


46 


ROME    AS   A    KINGDOM. 


and  swept  away  the  cattle  and  the   CropS  frOlll  thC  fidds  Of 

the  coast  settlements,  while  its  location  on  the  chief  Stream 
of  Central  Italy  naturally  made  it  the  centre  of  the  lucra- 
tive trade  of  a  wide  reach  of  inland  territory  bordering 

upon  the  Tiber  and  its  tribu- 
taries. The  early  founding 
by  the  city  of  the  seaport  of 
Ostia   at    the   mouth    of    the 

Tiber,  and  the  adoption  for 

its  early  coinage  of  the  device 
of  a  ship's  prow,  are  cited  as 
evidences    of    the    important 

place  that  commerce  held  in 

the  early  life  of  the  Romans." 

Without  doubt,  it  was  this 

commercial    element    in    the 

(From  the  use  of  this  symbol  on  the  city's  jjj^  ^j  ^^  inhabitants  of  carly 

money  we   may  assume  that  commerce 

held  an  important  place  in  the  life  of     Rome     that     helped     tO     form 

early  Rome.)  ^^^  tcmpcr  and   bcHt  of  the 

Roman  mind,  and  that  contributed  to  give  the  city  that 
place  of  influence  and  authority  it  held  among  the  towns 

of  Latium  when  first  it  appears  in  the  light  of  history. 

33.  The  Legendary  Kings.  —  For  nearly  two  and  a  half 
centuries  after  the  legendary  founding  of  Rome  (from  753 
to  509  B.C.)  the  government  was  a  monarchy.     To  span  this 

period,  the  legends  of  the  Romans  tell  of  the  reigns  of  seven 
kings, — Romulus,  the  founder  of  Rome  \  Numa,  the  lawgiver  ; 
TuUus  Hostilius  and  Ancus  Martius,  conquerors  both  \  Tar- 

6  "  Rome  was  in  fact  a  commercial  city,  which  was  indebted  for 
the  commencement  of  its  importance  to  international  commerce."  — 
MoMMSEN,  History  of  Rome ^  vol.  i.  p.  128. 


An  Ancient  Roman  Coin 

IJEARINli   THE    PROW  OF  A    SHH' 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


47 


quinius  Priscus,  the  great  builder ;  Servius  Tullius,  the  reor- 

ganizer  of  the  government  and  second  founder  of  the  state ; 
and  Tarquinius  Superbus,  the  haughty  tyrant  whose  oppres- 
sions led  to  the  abolition  by  the  people  of  the  office  of  king. 
The  traditions  of  the  doings  of  these  monarchs  and  of 

what  happened  to  them  blend  hopelessly  fact  and  fable. 
We  cannot  be  quite  sure  even  as  to  their  names.  Respect- 
ing Roman  affairs,  however,  under  the  last  three  rulers  (the 


1      f     . 


A  Section  of  the  Servian  Wall.     (Present  condition ) 


Farqulns),  who  were  of  Etruscan  origin,  some  important 
things  are  related,  the  substantial  truth  of  which  we  may 
rely  upon  with  a  fair  degree  of  certainty ;  and  these 
matters  we  shall   notice  in   the   following  paragraphs. 

* 

34.    Growth  of  Rome  under  the  Tarqulns.  —  The  Tarquins 
extended  their  authority  over   the  whole  of   Latium.      The 


48 


ROME   AS  A    KINGDOM. 


position  of  supremacy  thus  given  Rome  was  naturally 
attended  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  city  in  population 
and  importance.  The  original  walls  soon  became  too 
strait  for  the  increasing  multitudes ;   new  ramparts  were 

built  -  tradition  says  under  the  direction  of  the  king 

ServiuS  Tullius  — which,  with  a  great  circuit  of  seven 
miles,   swept   around   the   entire   cluster    of   seven   hills   on 


-^      .^      'I    T'f 


The  Cloaca  Maxima. 

the  south  bank  of   the  Tiber,  whence  the   name  that  Rome 
acquired  of  "the  City  of  the  Seven  Hills." 

A  large  tract  of  marshy  ground  between  the  Palatine 
and  Capitoline  hills  was  drained  by  means  of  the  Cloaca 
Alnxifna^  the  "Great  Sewer,"  which  was  so  admirably  con- 
structed that  it  has  been  preserved  to  the  present  day. 
It  still  discharges  its  waters  through  a  great  arch  into  the 
Tiber.''     The  land  thus  reclaimed  became  the  Foriun^  the 

"^  "  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  work  is  simply  wonderful.     An  immense 
sewer,  built  twenty-five  centuries   ago,  on  unstable  ground   under  enor- 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


49 


assembling-place  of  the  people.    At  one  angle  of  this  public 

square,  as  we  should  term  it,  was  the  Coviitium^  a  large 
platform,  where  the  assemblies  of  the  patricians  were  held. 
Standing  upon  this  platform,  so  placed  that  the  speaker 

could  command  with  his  voice  both  the  plebeians  in  the 

forum  and  the  patricians  in  the  comitium,  was  the  Rostra^^ 
or  desk,  from  which  the  Roman  orators  delivered  their 
addresses. 


ViKW     GV    THK    CaI'ITOI.INE. 

(A  Reconstruction.) 

This  assembling-place  in  later  times  was  enlarged  and 
decorated  with  various  monuments  and  surrounded  with 
splendid   buildings    and    porticoes.      It    was    the    centre    of 

mous  practical  difficulties,  which  still  answers  well  its  purpose,  is  a  work 
to  be  classed  among  the  great  triumphs  of  engineering."  —  Lanciani, 

Anciefti  Rome  In  the  Light  of  Recent  Dtseo7>eries,  p.  54. 

8  So  called  because  decorated  with  the  beaks  {rostra)  of  war-galleys 
taken  from  enemies  (see  par.  77). 


so 


ROME   AS   A    KINGDOM. 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


51 


the  political,  the  religious,  and  the  business  life  of  Rome. 

Here  more  was  said,  resolved  upon,  and  done,  than  upon 
any  other  spot  in  the  ancient  world. 

The  Senate-house  occupied  one  side  of  the  forum ;  and 
facing  this  on  the  opposite  side  were  the  Temple  of  Vesta 


Rome  under  the  Kings. 

1.  •'  Square  Rome"  (Roma  Quadrata),  the  City  of  Romulus.     2.  The  Comitium. 

3.  The  Sabine  City.   4.  The  Wall  of  Servius  Tullius. 

and  the  palace  of  the  king.  Overlooking  all  from  the 
summit  of  the  Capitoline  was  the  famous  sanctuary  called 
the  Capitol,  or  the  Capitoline  Temple,  where  beneath  the 
same  roof  were  the  shrines  of  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva, 
the  three  great  national  deities. 


Upon  the  level  ground  between  the  Aventine  and  the 

Palatine  was  located  the  Circus  Maximus^  the  *' Great 
Circle,"  where  were  celebrated  the  Roman  games.  The 
most  noted  of  the  streets  of  Rome  was  the  Ha  Sacra^  or 
^< Sacred  Way,"  which  traversed  the  forum  and  led  up  the 

Capitoline  hiU  to   the   temple   of  Jupiter.     This  was  the 
street  along  which   passed  the  triumphal  processions  of 
the  Roman  conquerors. 
35,  The  Reforms  of  Servius  Tullius  :  the  Five  Classes  and 

the  Four  New  Tribes.  —  It  was  the  second  king  of  the 
Ktruscan  house,  Servius  Tullius  by  name,  to  whom  tradi- 
tion attributes  a  most  important  change  in  the  constitution 
of  the  Roman  state.''  He  made  property  instead  of  birth, 
or  membership  in  the  patrician  clans  (par.  9),  the  basis  of 
the  constitution. 

Up  to  this  time  service  in  the  army  had  been  the  duty 
and  the  privilege  of  the  patricians,^  each  of  the  three  tribes 

{  par.  11)  furnishing  to  the  army  one  thousand  foot  sol- 
diers and  one  hundred  horsemen.  But  the  growing  state 
had  come  to  need  a  larger  military  force  than  the  patrician 
order  alone  could  maintain.  Servius  Tullius  increased  the 
army  by  requiring  all  landowners,  whether  patricians  or 
plebeians,  between  seventeen  and  sixty  years  of  age,  to 
assume  a  place  in  the  ranks. 

The  whole  body  of  persons  thus  made  liable  to  military 

service  was  divided  into  five  classes,  according  to  the 
amount  of  land  each  possessed.  The  largest  landowners 
were  enrolled   in  the  first   three  classes,  and  were  required 

9  The  reform  itself  is  an  historical  fact,  but  it  is  possible  that  it  was 

not  effected  by  the  efforts  of  any  particular  king.  It  may  have  been 
the   result   of  a  long  period  of  slow  constitutional  development. 


52 


ROME    AS   A    KIJVGDOM. 


ROME   UNDER    THE  KINGS. 


53 


to  provide  themselves  with  complete  armor ;  the  smaller  pro- 
prietors, who  made  up  the  remaining  two  classes,  were  called 
upon  to  furnish  themselves  with  only  a  light  equipment. 

For  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the  levy  or  conscrip- 
tion of  the  army,  Servlus  Tulllus  cllvlded  the  City  and 
its  territory  into  four  districts,  which  were  like  our  wards 
and  townships.^*'  All  of  the  landowners  residing  in  any 
one  of  these  regions  formed  a  tribe.  There  were  thus 
created  four  new  tribes,  made  up  of  freeholders.  These 
tribes  superseded  the  three  original  patrician  tribes  (par. 
ii).  Though  they  bore  the  same  name,  still  they  were 
very  different   in  character.     Membership   in   one   of  the 

old  tribes  was  determined  by  birth  or  relationship,  while 

membership  in  one  of  the  new  tribes  was  determined  by 
residence  in  a  particular  district,  although  after  a  person 
had  once  been  enrolled  in  a   certain   tribe  he  remained 

a  member  of  that  tribe,  notwithstanding  he  changed  his 
dwelling-place.^^  Once  a  member  of  a  tribe,  always  a 
member,  was  the  rule  in  both  cases. 

The  formation  of  these  new  tribes  was  a  matter  of  very 

great  importance  for  the  internal  history  of  Rome.    Such 

a  grouping  of  the  patrician  and  the  plebeian  landowners 
tended  of  course  to  break  down  the  wall  of  separation 
between  the  two  orders  and  to  unite  them  in  a  single  body. 

These  tribal  divisions,  too,  as  we  shall  learn,  because  they 

became  voting  units  in  the  later  legislative  assemblies  of 
the  people,  acquired  great  political  importance.     As  fresh 

10 These  regions  bore  the  following  names:  the  Palatine,  the  Siib- 
uran,  the  Esgnilme,  and  the  Collinc.  Each  district  embraced  not 
only  a  portion  of  the  city  proper,  but  also  lands  outside  the  city  walls. 

"  This  was  not  the  rule  at  the  very  first,  but  it  soon  came  to  be  the  law. 


territory  was  acquired  by  the  Romans  through  conquest, 

new  tribes  were  created,  until  there  were  finally  thirty-five, 
which  number  was  never  exceeded. 

36.  The  Army;  the  Legion.  —  The  unit  of  the  military 
organization  was  the  century,  probably  containing  at  this 

time,  as  the  name  (^centuna)  indicates,  one  hundred  men.^ 
Forty-two  centuries  were  united  to 
form  the  legion,  which  thus  at  this 
period  probably  numbered  four 
thousand  two  hundred  men,  its 
normal  strength.  The  tactical  forma- 
tion of  the  legion  was  the  old  Grecian 
phalanx,  which  seems  to  have  been 

borrowed  from  the  Dorian  cities  of 
Magna  Groecia.  This  legion-phalanx 
had  probably  a  front  of  five  hundred 
men,  and  a  depth  of  six  ranks.  The 
heavy-equipped  citizens  made  up  the 
front,  the  light -equipped  the  rear, 
ranks.  Attached  to  the  legion,  yet 
without  constituting  an  organic  part 

of     it,    was    a    considerable    body    of 

carpenters,  musicians,  and  common   workmen,  made  up  of 

non-freeholders. 

There  were  at  the  period  of  the  Servian  reform  four 
legions.  Two,  composed  of  the  younger  men,  were  for 
service  in  the  field  ;  the  remaining  two,  made  up  of  the 
older  citizens,  formed  a  sort  of  home   guard.'-      Besides  the 

1  Later  the  number  of  the  body  was  increased  so  that  the  term 

century   lost   all    numerical    significance. 

2  The  first  class,  known  as  the  juntores^  comprised  all  persons  between 


Roman  Soldier. 


54 


ROME   AS  A    KINGDOM. 


four  legions  there  was  a  cavalry  force  of  eighteen  hundred 
men  (eighteen  centuries),  made  up  of  the  richest  land- 
owners. This  brought  the  total  strength  of  the  army  up 
to  about  twenty  thousand  men. 

37.  The  Comitia  Centuriata.  —  The  assembling-place  of 
those  liable  to  military  service,  thus  organized  into  cen- 
turies and  classes,  was  on  a  large  plain  just  outside  the 
city  walls,  called  the  Campus  Martins,  or  *'  Field  of  Mars." 

TKe  meeting  of  these  military  orders  was  called  the  comiini 
centuriata,  or  the  "assembly  of  hundreds."^  This  body, 
which  of  course  was  made  up  of  patricians  and  plebeians, 
came  in   the  course   of  time   to   absorb   the   most   of   the 

powers  of  the  earlier  patrician  assembly  (comitia  curiata). 
As  the  voting  in  the  comitia  curiata  was  by  curies  (par. 
15),  so  was  the  voting  in  the  comitia  centuriata  by  centuries. 
Since  out  of  the  total  number  of  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
three  centuries  eighty  were  embraced  in  the  first  class  and 
eighteen  in  the  cavalry,  this  manner  of  voting  threw  the 
preponderance  of  power  in  the  assembly  into  the  hands  of 
the  wealthy  citizens. 

38.  Importance  of  the  Servian  Reforms.  — The  reforms  of 
Servius  Tullius  were  an  important  step  towards  the  estab- 
lishment of  social  and  political  equality  between  the  two 
great  orders  of  the  state  —  the  patricians  and  plebeians. 

The  new  constitution,  indeed,  as  Mommsen  says,  assigned 

to  the  plebeians  duties  only,  and  not  rights:  but  being 
called  to  discharge  the  duties  of  citizens,  it  was  not  long 

the  ages  of  seventeen  and  forty-six  ;  the  second  class,  known  as  the 

seniores,   embraced   the   remaining  persons   liable   to   military   duty. 

^This  assembly  was  not  organized  by  Servius  Tullius,  but  it  grew 
out  of  the  military  organization  he  created. 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


55 


before  they  demanded  the  rights  of  citizens  ;  and  as  the 
bearers  of  arms,  they  were  able  to  enforce  their  demands. 
Indeed,  so  changed  was  their  position  in  the  state  by  these 
Servian  reforms,  that  from  this  time  on  we  shall  in  refer- 
ring to  them  call  them  citizens,  though  of  course  they  were 
as  yet  only  passive  citizens,  or  persons  in  the  way  to 
acquire   the   rights   of  full   and   active   citizenship. 

Viewed  from  another  standpoint,  the  standpoint  of  the 

sociological  student,  the  reforms  attributed  to  Servius 
Tullius  mark  simply  one  step  in  the  transition  of  Roman 
society  from  the  clan-stage  of  organization  to  the  terri- 
torial.    That  is  to  say,  they  mark  the  transition  from  that 

primitive  form  of  society  in  which  the  unit  is  a  group  of 
kinsmen  (par.  6)  and  the  political  status  of  the  individual 
is  determined  by  the  fact  of  his  membership  or  lack  of 
membership  in  such  a  group,  to  that  form  of  society  in 

which  the  individual  is  the  unit,  and  the  possession  of  a 
certain  amount  of  property,  or  more  generally  residence 
alone,  determines  his  status  and  his  public  rights  and 
duties. 

This  reform  movement  at  Rome  was  part  of  a  revolution 
which  was  participated  in  by  all  the  peoples  of  Greece 
and  Italy  who  had  reached  the  city  stage  of  development. 
Thus,  for  instance,  at  just  about  the  time  that  tradition 

represents  Servius  Tullius  as  effecting  his  reform  at  Rome, 

Solon,  the  great  Athenian  legislator,  was  instituting  a 
similar  reform  in  the  constitution  of  Athens.  There,  also, 
the  rule  that  no  one  could  be  a  citizen  unless  he  was  a 

member  of  one  of  the  ancient  clans  of  the  city  was  abro- 
gated, and  the  new  and  more  democratic  rule,  which  made 
the  ownership  of  a  certain  amount  of  property  and  not 


56 


ROME  AS  A    KINGDOM. 


birth  in  some  family  or  clan  the  ground  of  participation  in 
the  rights  and  duties  of  citizenship,  was  established. 

39.    The    Expulsion   of    the   Kings. — The   legends   make 

Tarqulnius  Superbus,  or  ''Tarquln  the  Proud,"  the  last 
king  of  Rome.  He  Is  represented  as  a  monstrous  tyrant, 
whose  arbitrary  acts  caused  both  patricians  and  plebeians* 
to  unite  and  drive  him  and  all  his  house  into  exile.  This 
event,  according  to  the  Roman  annalists,  occurred  in  the 
year  509  B.C.,  only  one  year  later  than  the  expulsion  of 
the   tyrants  from   Athens.^ 

So   bitterly  did   the  people   hate  the    tyranny  they   had 

abolished  that  they  all,  it  is  said,  the  nobles  as  well  as  the 
commons,  bound  themselves  by  most  solemn  oaths  never 
again  to  tolerate  a  king,  enacting  that,  should  any  one  so 
much  as  express  a  wish  for  the  restoration  of  the  mon- 
archy, he  should  be  considered  a  public  enemy,  and  be  put 
to  death. 

*  From  the  situation  existing  immediately  after  the  establishment  of 
the  republic  we  must,  despite  what  tradition  says  of  the  matter,  regard 
the  revolution  as  having  been  effected  by  the  patricians  and  in  the 

interest   of   their   own    order   exclusively. 

^  The    sixth    and   fifth    centuries    B.C.    in    ancient    history   correspond 

politically  to  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  in  modern  history.  As  the 
later  period  is  characterized  in  the  political  sphere  by  the  substitution 
of  democracy  for  monarchy,  so  was  the  earlier  era  marked  by  the  decay 
of  monarchical  and  the  growth  of  popular  forms  of  government. 
Speaking  of  the  abolition  of  monarchy  at  Rome,  Mommsen  says: 
"How  necessarily  this  was  the  result  of  the  natural  development  of 
things  is  strikingly  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  the  same  change  of 
constitution   took  place   in   an  analogous   manner  through   the   whole 

circuit  of  the  Italo-Grecian  world.    Not  only  in  Rome,  hut  likewise 

among  the  other  Latins  as  well  as  among  the  Sabellians,  Etruscans, 
and  Apulians,  —  in  fact,  in  all  the  Italian  communities,  just  as  in  those 
of  Greece,  —  we  find  the  rulers  for  life  of  an  earlier  epoch  superseded 
in  after  times  by  annual  magistrates." 


ROME    UNDER    THE  KINGS. 


57 


LEGENDARY  TALES   PERTAINING  TO  THE  EARLY 

HISTORY    OF   ROME.6 

40.  ^neas  and  his  Trojan  Companions  arrive  in  Italy.— 

After  Troy  had  been  taken  by  the  d reeks,  /llneas,  led  by  the 
Fates,  came  in  search  of  a  new  home  to  the  Laurentian"  shores. 
King  Latinus,  when  he  learned  that  the  leader  of  the  band  was 
/Eneas,  the  son  of  Anchises  by  Venus,  made  a  league  of  friend- 
ship with  the  strangers,  and  gave  his  daughter  Lavinia  in  marriage 

to  the  Trojan  hero,  ^neas  built  a  town  which  lie  called  Lavlnium, 
after  the  name  of  his  wife. 

The  Trojans  and  the  people  of  Latium  were  soon  engaged  in 
war  with  Turnus,  king  of  the  Rutulians,  to  whom  Lavinia  had 
been  affianced  before  the  coming  of  yl^^neas.  In  the  batde  that 
followed,  the  Rutulians  were  defeated,  but   Kin*;  Latinus  was 

Killec!  ;    and  thenceforth  ^neas  was  king:,  not  only  of  the  Trojans, 

but  also  of  the  people  over  whom  Latinus  had  ruled.     To  both 

nations  be  gave  the  common  name  of  Latins. 

/Eneas  was  followed  in  the  government  by  his  son  Ascanius, 
who,  finding  Lavinium  too  strait  for  its  inhabitants,  left  that  town, 
and  built  a  new  city  on  the  Albaii  Mount,  to  which  was  given  the 

name  of  Alba  Longa.  In  this  city  ruled  Ascanius  and  a  long  line 
of  his  descendants.  At  length,  by  force  and  violence,  ruled 
Amulius.  He- had  gained  possession  of  the  kingdom  by  dethron- 
ing his  brother  Numitor,  putting  to  death  his  male  offspring,  and 
making  his  daughter,    Rhea   Sylvia,   a  vestal,    in  order  that  she 

should  remain  unmarried.    But  Rhea  brou^dit  forth  twins,  of 

whom  the  g^od  Mars  was  declared  to  be  the  father.  The  cruel 
king  ordered  the  children   to  be   thrown   into  the  Tiber.      Now  it 

so  happened  that  the  river  had  overflowed  its  banks,  and  the 

cradle  in  which  the  children  were  borne  was  finally^  left  on  dry 
ground  by  the  retiring  flood.  Attracted  by  the  cries  of  the  chil- 
dren, a  she-wolf  directed  her  course  to  them,  and  with  the  greatest 

tenderness  fondled  and  nursed  them.  There,  in  the  care  of  the 
wolf,  a  shepherd  named  Faustulus  found  them,  and  carried  them 
home  to  his  wife,  to  be  reared  with  his  own  children. 

When  the  boys  had  grown  to  be  men,  they  put  to  death  the 
usurper  Amulius,  and   restored  the   throne  to   their  grandfather 

Numitor.    Numitor  now  reigned  at  Alba;  but  Romulus  and 


Remus  —  for  so  the  brothers  w^ere    named 


had   a  strong  desire 


6  From  Livy's  History  of  Rome,  i.  and  ii.  In  this  connection  read 
Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  Kotne.  As  to  the  credibility  of  these 
legends,  see  par.  301.  'Italian. 


58 


jeOMJ^    AS    A    K'/JVCnOM. 


to  build  a  city  on  the  spot  where  they  had  been  exposed  and  res- 
cued. A  shameful  contest,  however,  arose  between  the  brothers 
as  to  which  of  the  two  should  giv^e  name  to  the  new  city.      It  was 

determined  that  the  matter  should  be  decided  by  augury  (par.  24). 
Romulus  chose  the  Palatine  and  Remus  the  Aventine  hill,  from 
which    to   watch    for    the   omens.      To    Remus   first    appeared  six 


?-, 


The  Capitoline  Wolf. 

vultures ;  afterwards  twelve  appeared  to  Romulus.  Hereupon 
each  was  proclaimed  king  by  his  followers,  —  Remus,  on  the 
ground  that  the  birds  had  shown  themselves  to  him  first ;  Romu- 
lus, on  the  ground  that  the  greater  number  had  appeared  to  him. 
A  quarrel  ensuing,  Remus  was  killed.  Another  account,  however, 
says  that  Remus,  when  the  walls  of  the  new  citv  had  been  raised 
to  only  a  litde  height,  leaped  over  them  in  derision ;  whereupon 
Romulus    In    anger    slew    him,    at    the    same   time    uttering    these 

words:  "So  perish  everyone  that  shall  hereafter  leap  over  my 

wall/'  The  city  was  at  length  built,  and  was  called  Rome,  from 
the  name  of  its  founder. 

41.  The  Romans  capture  the  Sabine  Women  for  Wives.  — 
The  new  city,  having  been  made  by  Romulus  a  sort  of  asylum  or 
refuge  for  the  discontented  and  the  outlawed  of  all  the  surround- 
ing States,  soon  became  very  populous,  and  more  powerful  than 
either  Lavinium  or  Alba  Longa.  But  there  were  few  women 
among  its  inhabitants.  Romulus  therefore  sent  embassies  to  the 
neighboring  cities  to  ask  that  his  people  might  take  wives  from 
among  them.    But  the  adjoining  nations  were  averse  tO  entering 


ROM£     UATDEJ^     TIIJ^    JsTIJVGS. 


59 


into  marriage  alliances  with  the  men  of  the  new  city.  Thereupon 
the  Roman  youth  determined  to  secure  by  violence  what  they  could 
not  obtain  by  other  means.  Romulus  appointed  a  great  festival, 
and  invited  to  the  celebration  all  the  surrounding  peoples.  The 
Sabines  especially  came  in  great  numbers  with  their  wives  and 
daughters.  In  the  midst  of  the  games,  the  Roman  youth,  at  a 
preconcerted  signal,  rushed  among  the  spectators,  and  seized  and 
carried  off  to  their  homes  the  daughters  of  their  guests.  This 
violation  of  the  laws  of  hospitality  led  to  a  war  on  the  part  of  the 

mjurea  Sabmes  against  the  Romans.       Peace,  however,  was   made 

between  the  combatants  by  the  young  women  themselves,  who,  as 

the  wives  of  their  captors,  had  become  reconciled  to  their  lot. 
The  two  nations  were  now  combined  into  one,  the  Sabines  remov- 
ing to  one  of  the  Seven  Hills.  Each  people,  however,  retained 
its  own  king  ;    but  upon  the  death  of  the   Sabine  king,  Titus 

Tatius,    Romulus   ruled   over   both    the    Romans   and   the    Sabines. 

During  a  thunderstorm  Romulus  was  caught  up  to  the  skies,  and 
Numa  I'ompilius  ruled  in  his  stead. 

42.    The  Combat  between  the  Horatii  and  the  Curiatii. —  In 
process  of  time  a  war  broke  out  between  Rome  and  Alba  Longa. 

It  might  be  called  a  civil  war,  for  the  Romans  and  Albans  were 

alike    descendants    of    the    Trojan    exiles.       The    two    armies    were 

ready  to  engage  in  battle  when  it  was  proposed  that  the  contro- 
versy should  be  decided  by  a  combat  between  three  Alban  brothers 

named  the  Curiatii,  and  three  Roman  brothers  known  as  the  Horatii. 
The  nation  whose  champions  gained  the  victory  was  to  rule  over 

the  Other.    On  the  signal  being  given,  the  combat  began.    Two  ol 

the  Romans  soon  fell  lifeless,  and  the  three  Curiatii  were  wounded. 
The  remaining  Roman,  who  was  unhurt,  was  now  surrounded  by 
the  three  Albans.  To  avoid  their  united  attack,  he  turned  and 
fled,  thinking  that  they,  being  wounded,  would  almost  certainly 
become  separated   in  following  him.      This  did  actually  happen; 

and  when  Horatius,  looking  back  as  he  fled,  saw  the  Curiatii  to 

be  following  him  at  different  intervals,  he  turned  himself  about 
and   fell  upon  his  pursuers,  one   after  the  other,   and  despatched 

them. 

^  So  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which  the  two 
cities  had  made,  conditioned  on  the  issue  of  the  fight  between  the 

champions,  Rome  held  dominion  over  Alba  Longa.  But  the 
league  between  the  Romans  and  the  Albans  was  soon  broken, 
and  then  the  Romans,  demolishing  the  houses  of  Alba  Longa, 
carried  off  all  the  inhabitants  to  Rome,  and  incorporated  them 
with  the  Roman  state.^ 

^  For  the  sequel  of  this  story,  see  Livy,  i.  26. 


6o 


ROME   AS  A    KINGDOM. 


43.  The  Exploit  of  Horatius  Cocles.  —  After  the  expulsion  of 

the  Tarquins  from  Rome,  they  besought  Porsenna,  king  of  Clu- 
sium,  a  powerful  city  of  Etruria,  to  espouse  their  cause,  and  help 

them  to  regain  the  kingly  power  at  Rome.    Forsenna  lent  a 

favorable  ear  to  their  solicitations,  and  made  war  upon  the  Roman 
state.  As  his  army  drew  near  to  Rome,  all  the  people  from  the 
surrounding  country  hastened  within  the  city  gates.  The  bravery 
of  a  single  man,  Horatius  Cocles,  alone  prevented  the  enemy 
from  effecting  an  entrance  into  the  city.      This  man  was  posted 

as  a  guard  on  the  Sublician  Bridge,  which  led  across  the  Tiber 
from  the  citadel  of  the  Janiculum.  The  Janiculum  having  been 
taken  by  the  enemy,  its  defenders  were  retreating  in  great  dis- 
order across  the  bridge,  and  the  victors  following  closer  after. 
Horatius  Cocles  cahed  after  his  fleeing  companions  to  break 
down  the  bridge,  while  he  held  the  pursuers  at  bay.     Taking  his 

Stand  at  the  farther  entrance  of  the  bridge,  he,  with  the  help  of 

two  comrades,  held  the  enemy  in  check,  while  the  Structure  was 
being  destroyed.      As  the  bridge  fell  with  a  crash  into  the  stream. 

Codes  leaped  into  the  water,  and  amidst  a  shower  of  darts  swam 
in  safety  to  the  Roman  side.  Through  his  bravery  he  had  saved 
Rome.      His  grateful  countrymen  erected  a  statue  to  liis  honor  in 

the  comitlum,  and  voted  him  a  plot  of  land  as  large  as  he  could 
plough  in  a  single  day. 

44.  The  Fortitude  of  Mucins  Scaevola.  —  Failing  to  take  Rome 
by  assault,  Porsenna  endeavored  to  reduce  it  by  a  regular  siege. 
After  the  investment  had  been  maintained  for  a  considerable  time, 
a  Roman  youth,  Gains  Mucius  by  name,  resolved  to  deliver  the 

city  from  the  presence  of  the  besiegers  by  going  into  the  camp  of 

the  enemy  and  killing  Porsenna.     Through  a  mistake,  however, 

he  slew  the  secretary  of  the  king  instead  of  the  king  himself.  He 
was  seized  and  brought  into  the  presence  of  Porsenna,  who 
threatened  him  with  punishment  bv  fire  unless  he  made  a  full 
disclosure  of  the  Roman  plots.     Mucius,  to  show  the  king  how 

little  he  could  be  moved  by  threats,  thrust  his  right  hand  into  a 
flame  that  was  near,  and  held  it  there  unflinchinglv  until  it  was 
consumed.  Porsenna  was  so  impressed  by  the  fortitude  of  the 
youth,  that  he  dismissed  him  without  punishment.      From  the  loss 

^^^!^^^  /'^'^^^  ^^^"^'  Mucius  received  the  surname  of  Sccevola, 
"The  Left-handed." 

The  sequel  of  the  story  is   that  Porsenna,  having   learned    from 

Mucins  that  three  hundred  Roman  youth  had  entered  into  a  vow 
to  sacrifice  themselves,  if  need  be,  in  order  to  compass  his  death 
made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the   Romans  and  withdrew  his  armv 
from  before  their  city.  ^ 


ROME    UNDER    THE   KINGS. 


61 


References.  —  Plutarch,  Lives  of  Romulus  and  Numa.     (Stew- 
art and  Long's  translation,  4  vols.,  is  recommended).     In  the  case  of 

these  particular  lives,  the  student  will  of  course  bear  in  mind  that  he 

is  reading  Roman  folklore  ;  but  it  is  worth  while  for  the  Student  of 
Roman  history  to  know  what  the  Romans  of  later  times  themselves 
believed  respecting  their  early  kings. 

LiVY  (Bohn),  i.     For  a  word  in  regard  to  the  way  in  which  Livy's 

account  of  the  affairs  of  the  eady  Romans  should  be  read,  see  par.  301. 

MoMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  bk.  i.  chaps,  vi.  and  vii.  pp. 
123-159.  IHNE  (W.),  **AW/j/  Rome  (Epoch  Series),  chaps,  i.-v.  pp. 
1-91,  and  chaps,  vii.-ix.  pp.  104-116;  and  the  same  author's  History 
of  Rome  {y^n^\^\\  edition),  vol.  i.  bk.  i.  chap.  xiii.  pp.  108-124,  "The 
Roman  People  in  the  Times  of  the  Kings."  Macaulay  (T.),  Z^z/j-  of 
Ancient  Rome. 


Part   II.  —  Romh  as  a    Rhpublic. 

(509-31   B.C.) 


chapti:r  v. 

THE   EARLY    KEPUP.LIC  ;    PLEBEIANS  BECOME   CITIZENS 

WITH    FULL    RIGHTS. 
(509-367   B.C.) 

45.    Republican  Magistrates  ;  the  Ccisuls  and  the  Dictator.  — 

With  the  monarchy  overthrown  and  the  last  king  and  his 

house  banished  from  Rome  (par.  39),  the  people  set  to 
work  to  reorganize  the  government.  In  place  of  the  king, 
there  were  elected  (509  b.c.),  by  the  comitia  centuriata,  in 

which  assembly  the  plebeians  had  a  vote,  two  patrician 

magistrates,  called  at  fvxsi  pmtors,  or  "leaders,"  but  later, 
consuls,  or  "colleagues."  These  magistrates  were  chosen 
for  one  year,  and  were  invested  with  all  the  powers,  save 

some  priestly  functions,'  that  had  been  exercised  by  the 

king  during  the  regal  period.  In  public  each  consul  was 
attended,  as  the  king  had  been,  by  twelve  lictors,  each 
bearing  the  "dread  fasces"  (pan  13). 

Each  consul  had  the  power  of  obstructing  the  acts  or 

vetoing  the  commands  of  the  other.  This  was  called  the 
"right  of  intercession."     This  division  of  authority  w^ak- 

»  These  were  devolved  upon  a  magistrate  known  as  rex  sacrorum, 
or  "king  of  the  sacrifices." 

63 


TUB    EARLY   R^rUBLIC. 


^3 


ened  the  executive,  so  that  in  times  of  great  public  danger 
it  was  necessary  to  supersede  the  consuls  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  special  officer  bearing  the  title  of  Jirh/or,  whose 


Lictors. 


term  of  office  was  limited  to  six  months,  but  whose  power 
during  this  time  was  as  unlimited  as  that  of  the  kin<r  had 
been.  He  was  nominated  by  one  of  the  consuls  acting 
under  an  order  of  the  senate  which  must  be  obeyed,  and 

was  clothed  with  his  sovereign  authority  {imperium)  by  the 


j^.  al 


64 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


comitia  atriata}^  He  was  preceded  by  twenty-four  lictors. 
The  dictator  always  named  as  his  lieutenant  and  repre- 
sentative a  magistrate  known  as  the  "  master  of  the  horse  " 
{magisfer  cquitufti).     Sometimes  a  dictator  was  appointed 

merely  to  hold  an  election,  or  to  perform  some  religious 
ceremonial   act. 

A  consul  could  not  be  impeached,  or  reached  by  any 
legal  or  constitutional  process,   while  in  office  ;   but  after 

the  expiration  of  his  term  he  could  be  prosecuted  for  any 
misconduct  or  illegal  act  of  which  he  might  have  been 
guilty  while  holding  his  magistracy.  This  rule  was  applied 
to  all  the  other  magistrates  of  the  republic.^^ 

Lucius  Junius  Erutus  and  Tarquinius  Collatinus  were 
the  first  consuls  under  the  new  constitution.  Hut  it  is 
said  that  the  very  name  of  Tarquinius  was  so  intolerable 
to  the  people  that  he  was  forced  to  resign  the  consulship, 
and  that  he  and  all  his  house  were  driven  out  of  Rome.^"^ 
Another  consul,  Publius  Valerius,  was  chosen  in  his 
stead. 

46.    Conspiracy  to  restore  the  Tarquins ;  the  Consul  Brutus 

condemns  his  Sons  to  Death  (509  ii.c.).  —  The  exiled  kin^  had 

1'^  Our  authorities  usually  represent  the  dictator  as  being  appointed 
by  the  senate  without  any  reference  to  the  consuls.  PracticaUy  the 
senate  did  appoint  him  :  "  According  to  an  usage  never  established 
by  law  but  never  violated  in  practice,  the  creation  of  a  dictatorshij) 

depended  simply  upon  the  resolution  of  the  senate,  and  the  fixing  of 
the  person  to  be  nominated,  although  constitutionally  vested  in  the 
nominating  consuls,  really  under  ordinary  circumstances  lay  with  the 
senate."  — MoMMSEN,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  bk.  ii.  p.  402. 

"  "  No  accusation  was  ever  brought  against  an  actual  magistrate." 
—  IhNE,  History  oj Rome,  vol.  Iv.  p.  82. 

^'■^  The  truth  is,  he  was  related  to  the  exiled  royal  family,  and  the 
people  were  distrustful  of  his  loyalty  to  the  republic. 


THE   EARL  Y  REPUBLIC. 


65 


partisans  In  Rome  who  v^^ere  ready  to  take  part  in  any 
movement  looking  to  his  restoration.  An  opportunity  was 
soon  afforded  these  persons  to  show  how  little  in  sympathy 
they  were  with  the  revolution  that  had  overturned  the  old 

order  of  things.       Tarquinius  was  scarcely  outside  of  Rome 
before   he  sent   commissioners   back   to  the  city,  ostensibly 
for  the  purpose  of  asking  the  people  to  permit  the  property 
which  he  had  left  behind  to  be  brought  to  him,  but  really 
for  the   object  of  enticing   this   disaffected    party  to  join  in 
a  plot  for  restoring  the  monarchy.      Such  a  conspiracy  was 
formed.      Among   those   who   entered   into  it  were  the  two 
sons    of    the    consul    Lucius    Junius     Brutus.      Through    a 
Slave,    the    plans   of   the    conspirators    were    revealed   to   the 
magistrates.       The  plot  was  thus  frustrated,  and  those  who 
had  taken  part  in  it  were  brought  to  justice.     The  consul 
Brutus,    mindful   of   his  duty   as   a   public    magistrate,   sup- 
pressed the  feelings  of  the  father,  and  sternly  executed  the 
law  of  treason  against  l^Is  own   sons.      He  caused  them  to 
be  flogged  and  then  beheaded  in  his  presence. 

This  tradition,  whether  or  not  it  preserves  the  memory 
of  something   that   actually  took   place  In  the  early  days  of 

Rome,  is  of  value  as  illustrating  what  virtue  in  the  public 
magistrate  was  most  highly  esteemed  by  the  Romans. 
Above  all  other  duties  and  obligations  was  placed  that 
of  unselfish  devotion  to  the  city.  It  was  this  Roman  vir- 
tue of  loyalty  to  public  duty,  this  devotion  on  the  part  of 
the  citizen  to  the  interests  of  the  state,  that,  more  than 
any  other  quality  of  the  Roman  character,  helped  to  make 

Rome  great  and  to  give  her  ftnally  the  government  of  the 

world.     When  the  Romans  lost  this  supreme  virtue,  as  at 
last  they  did,  then  Rome's  greatness  departed. 


\V>  IV 


66 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


47.  Tarquinius   tries    to    reenter    Rome    by    Force   (508- 

496  B.C.).  — The  conspiracy  having  miscarried,  Tarquinius 

sought  to  reinstate  himself  in  Rome  by  open  war.  He 
had  various  Etruscan  allies  and  helpers,  and  particularly 
Lars  Forsenna,  king  of  Clusium.  It  is  the  annals  of  this 
war  that   the    Romans  embellished   with   the  stories  of 

Horatius  Codes  and   Mucius  ScjEvola  (pars.  43  and  44). 

Taking  advantage  of  the  distress  of  the  Romans,  the 
Latin  towns,  which  during  the  regal  period  had  been 
forced  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Rome  (par.  34), 

rose  in  revolt,  with  the  result  that  almost  all  the  con- 
quests  that   had   been   made   under   the   kings   were   lost. 

The  situation  grew  so  serious  that  the  Romans  placed 
their  affairs  in  the  hands  of  a  dictator  (par.  45),  Aulus 
Postumius  by  name,  the  first,  according  to  some  of  our 
authorities,  of  a  long  line  of  such  commanders,  for  the  mili- 
tary or  the  political  situation  at  Rome  often  became  critical. 

Tradition  tells  of  a  great  battle  fought  at  Lake  Regillus 

in  496  H.c,  in  which  the  Romans  gained  a  decisive  victory 
over  both  the  Ktruscans  and  the  Latins.  This  victory 
ended   the  war   and  secured   the   future   of   Rome. 

48.  The  Right  of  Appeal  secured  by  the  Lex  Valeria   (509 

B.C.). — We  have  seen  that  virtually  all  the  authority  exer- 
cised by  the  king  was  transferred  in  undiminished  measure 
to  the  consuls  (par.  45).  But  the  very  year  of  the  over- 
throw   of   the   regal    power,    the   authority   of   the    consuls 

was  restricted  in  a  most  important  respect.  The  consul 
Publius  Valerius,  moved  doubtless  by  a  desire  to  concil- 
iate the  plebeians,  secured  the  passage  of  a  law  concern- 
ing appeals  known  as  the  Valerian  law,i  which  forbade  any 

^  Lex   Valeria  de  provocatione. 


THE   EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


67 


magistrate,  save  a  dictator,  to  put  any  Roman  citizen   to 

death  without  the  concurrence  on  appeal  of  the  people  in 
the  centuriate  assembly.  This  law,  however,  did  not  bind 
the  consuls  when  they  were  at  the  head  of  the  army  out- 
side the  city.  P>om  this  time  on,  the  consular  lictors, 
when  accompanying  the  consuls  within  the  city,  removed 
the  axe  from  the  fasces  (par.  13),  as  a  s^mibol  that  the 
power  to  execute  there  the  death  sentence  upon  any  citizen 
had  been  taken  away. 

I  his  right  of  appeal  from  the  sentence  of  a  magistrate  in 
cases  involving  life  and  death  was  afterwards  extended  to 
cases  of  flogging,  and  thus  it  became  a  very  great  security 
to  the  citizen  against  unjust  and  cruel  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  arbitrary  magistrates.  The  law  securing  this 
right  has  been  well  called  "the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  of  the 
Romans."^  More  than  five  hundred  years  after  the  enact- 
ment of  this  law  Paul  the  Apostle,  having  been  flogged  by 
his  jailer,   caused   him   to  fall   into  great   fear   by    sending 

him  word  that  he  had  beaten  openly  and  uncondemned  a 
Roman  citizen.^ 

Valerius  carried  other  laws  in  the  interests  of  the  people. 
Because  of  his  devotion  to  the  popular  cause  he  was  given 
the  surname  of  Poplicola,  or  ''the  friend  of  the  people." 

49.  First  Secession  of  the  Plebeians  (494  rc.).— Troubles 
without  brought  troubles  within.  The  poor  plebeians,  dur- 
ing this  period  of  disorder  and  war,  fell  in  debt  to  the 

2  The  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  a  statute  passed  by  the  English 
Pariiament  in  the  reign  of  Chades  II.,  and  was  designed  to  protect 
the  citizen  against  illegal  imprisonment. 

3  Acts,  xxii.   25-29.     It    was    also  under  this  same  law,  as   revised 

later,   that   Paul,   accused  before   Festus,  appealed  unto  Cajsar :   Acts, 
XV.   II. 


6S 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


wealthy  class,  and  payment  was  exacted  with  heartless 
severity.  A  debtor  became  the  absolute  property  of  his 
creditor,  who  might  sell  him  as  a  slave  to  pay  the  debt, 
and  in  some  cases  even  put  him  to  death. 

Livy  draws  the  following  picture  of  the  condition  of 

the  poor  debtor.  One  day  an  old  man,  pale  and  ema- 
ciated, and  clothed  in  rags,  tottered  into  the  forum.  To 
those  that  crowded  about  him  to  inquire  the  cause  of  his 
misery,  he  related  this  tale:   While  he  had  been  away 

serving  in  the  Sabine  war,  the  crops  on  his  little  farm  had 
been  destroyed  by  the  enemy,  his  house  burnt,  and  his 
cattle  driven  off.     To  pay  his  taxes,  he  had  been  forced 

to  run  in  debt ;  this  debt,  growing  continually  by  usury, 

had  consumed  first  his  farm,  a  paternal  inheritance,  then 
the  rest  of  his  substance,  and  at  length  had  laid  hold  of 
his  own  person.  He  had  been  thrown  into  prison  and 
beaten  with  stripes.  He  then  showed  the  bystanders  the 
marks  of  scourging  upon  his  body,  and  at  the  same  time 
displayed  the  scars  of  the  wounds  he  had  received  in  battle. 
Thereupon  a  great  tumult  arose,  and  the  people,  filled  with 
indignation,  ran  together  from  all  sides  into  the  forum.-* 

The  situation  was  intolerable.  The  plebeians  resolved 
to  secede  from  Rome,  and  build  a  new  city  for  themselves 
on  a  neighboring  eminence,  known  afterwards  as  the 
Sacred  Mount.  Having  been  called  to  arms  under  the 
pretext  that  the  .4^.quians  —  a  hostile  people,  dwelling 
east  of  Rome,  who  were  constantly  making  forays  into  the 
Roman  territory —  were  threatening  the  land,  they  refused 
to  march  out  against  the  enemy,  but  instead  marched 
away   in    a  body  from    Rome    to    the    spot    selected    before- 


U.    27. 


THE    EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


69 


hand,   and  began   to  make   preparations  for  erecting  new 
homes  (494  b.c). 

50.  The  Covenant  and  the  Tribunes.  —  The  patricians  saw 
clearly  that  such  a  division  would  prove  ruinous  to  the 
state,  and  that  the  plebeians  must  be  persuaded  to  give 
up  their  enterprise  and  come  back  to  Rome.  The  consul 
Valerius  was  sent  to  treat  with  the  insurgents.  The  ple- 
beians were  at  first  obstinate,  but  at  last  were  persuaded 
to  yield  to  the  entreaties  of  the  embassy  to  return,  being 
won  to  this  mind,  so  It  Is  said,  by  one  of  the  wise  senators, 
who  made  use  of  the  well-known  fable  of  the  Body  and 
the  Members. 

The  following  covenant  was  entered  into,  and  bound  by 
the  most  solemn  oaths  and  vows  before  the  gods  :  The 
debts  of  the  poor  plebeians  were  to  be  cancelled,  and  those 
debtors  held  in  slavery  set  free ;  and  two  plebeian  magis- 
trates (the  number  was  soon  increased  to  ten),  called 
tribunes,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  watch  over  the  ple- 
beians, and  protect  them  against  the  injustice,  harshness, 
and  partiality  of  the  patrician  magistrates,  were  to  be 
chosen  in  an  assembly  of  the  plebeians.^ 

That  the  tribunes  might  be  the  protectors  of  the  ple- 
beians in  something  more  than  name,  they  were  invested 
with  an  extraordinary  power  known  as  the  jus  auxilii, 
"the  right  of  aid";  that  is,  they  were  given  the  right, 
should  any  patrician  magistrate  attempt  to  deal  wrongfully 
with  a  plebeian,  to  annul  his  act  or  stop  his  proceeding.^ 

5  This  was  an  assembly  voting  by  curies.     It  was  soon  reorganized, 

and  became  the  historically  important  concilium  trilmtum plehis  (par.  58). 

«  A  tribune,  however,  had  no  authority  over  a  consul  when  he  was 

at  the  head  of   the  army  away  from  Rome,  but    under   aU   other   circum- 
stances he  could  for  disobedience  even  arrest  and  imprison  him. 


70 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


The  persons  of  the  tribunes  were  made  sacrosanct,  that 
is,  inviolable,  like  the  persons  of  heralds  or  ambassadors 
of  a  foreign  state.  Any  one  interrupting  a  tribune  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties,  or  doing  him  any  violence,  was 
declared  an  outlaw,  whom  any  one  might  kill.  That  the 
tribunes  might  be  always  easily  found,  they  were  not 
allowed  to  go  more  than  one  mile  beyond  the  city  walls. 
Their  houses  were  to   be   open    night  and   day,   that  any 

plebeian  unjustly  dealt  with  might  flee  thither  for  protec- 
tion and  refuge. 

The  tribunes  were  attended  and  aided  by  servants  called 
(cdiles,   who  were   elected   from    the   plebeian   order,   and, 

like  the  tribunes,  invested  with  a  sacrosanct  character.' 

Among  their  duties  was  the  care  of  the  streets  and  markets 
and  of  the  public  archives. 

We  cannot  overestimate  the  importance  of  the  change 

effected  in  the  Roman  constitution  by  the  creation  of  the 

plebeian  tribunate.  Under  the  protection  and  leadership 
of  their  inviolable  tribunes,  the  plebeians  carried  on  a 
struggle  for  a  share  in  the  offices  and  dignities  of  the  state 
that  never  ceased  until  the  Roman  government,  as  yet 
republican  only  in  name,  became  in  fact  a  real  democracy, 
in  which  patrician  and  plebeian  shared  equally  in  all 
emoluments  and  privileo-es. 

There  were,  however,  germs  of  mischief  in  this  office,  as 

we   shall    learn.«      It    in    effect    created    a   State    within    the 

•^  It  would  seem,  however,  that  they  did  not  possess  this  inviolability 
until  after  the  passage  of  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws  (par.  6l) 

«The  tribune's  original  and  simple  right  of  intercession  on  behalf  of 
oppressed  l^ebeians  was  in  time  greatly  extended,  and   he  clain^ed  and 

exercised  the  authority  to  block  any  administrative  or  judicial  act  of 
the  magistrates  of  the  city.     Consult  par.    151. 


THE   EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


71 


slate,  for  the  plebeians,  organized  as  they  now  were  with 
their  own  assembly  presided  over  by  officers  whose  inviola- 
bility had  been  recognized  by  a  solemn  compact,  stood 
over  against  the  patricians  almost  as  one  nation  stands  to 

another. 

51.    The  Reestablishment  of  the  Latin  League  (493  B.C.). 

The  year  following  the  creation  of  the  plebeian  tribunate 
marks  a  most  important  transaction  in  the  external  history 

of  the  young  republic.  We  have  seen  how  the  Latin  can- 
tons, or  towns,  improving  the  opportunity  afiforded  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  monarchy  at  Rome,  had  recovered  their 
lost  independence  (par.  47).  In  the  year  493  h.c,  the 
Roman  consul  Spurius  Cassius  renewed  with  them  the 
ancient  alliance  (par.  27),  which  was  a  defensive  league 
of  the  Latin  communities  against  the  numerous  enemies 
which  surrounded  Latium  on  almost  every  side.     A  little 

later    the    alliance     was    joined    by    the     Hernicans,     a     hill 
people    on    the    eastern    frontier    of    Latium. 

The  formation  of  this  triple  alliance  was  a  matter  of 
great  moment  to  Rome.  It  brought  her  good  allies  at  a 
critical  period  of  her  development,  and  establishing  a  belt 
of  friendly  fortresses  all  along  the  southern  and  eastern 
borders  of  her  own  territory,  left  only  her  northern  frontier 
directly  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  an  enemy.^ 

52.  The  Public  Lands.  —  As  we  have  already  learned 
(par.  49),  there  was  even  at  this  early  period  in  the  history 
of  Rome  a  large  number  of  persons  in  the  city  included  in 
the  class  of  the  wretchedly  poor.  A  chief  cause  of  this 
state  of  things  was  the  unfair  management  of  the  public 
land    {ager  publicus).      As   the    contention   over    this    land 

9  Consult  map  opposite  page  78. 


72 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


was  almost  constant  throughout  the  period  of  the  republic, 
we  must  endeavor  here,  at  the  outset  of  our  study,  to 
understand  the   matter. 

According  to  the  rules  of  war  in  antiquity,  the  property, 
the  liberty,  and  even  the  lives  of  the  vanquished  were  at 
the  free  disposal  of  the  conqueror.  But  the  Romans, 
actuated  probably  by  considerations  of  policy  rather  than 
by  motives  of  humanity,  did  not  usually  exercise  all  these 
harsh  rights  of  the  victor.  They  generally  left  the  con- 
quered peoples  not  only  life  and  liberty,  but  also  a  large 
part  of  their  lands.     The  remainder,  amounting  to  a  third 

or  more,  they  confiscated,  and  added  to  the  public  lands  of 

the  Roman  state. 

This  government  land  was  disposed  of  in  the  following 
ways:  (i)    A  part  was  granted  in  small  holdings,  under 

what  we  should  term  homestead  laws,  to  discharged  vet- 
erans or  poor  citizens,  who  went  out  as  soldier-settlers  or 
colonists  to  the  new  territory ;  (2)  another  part  of  the 
land  was  offered  at  public  sale,  and  was  purchased  by  the 

patricians  or  the  rich  plebeians ;  (3)  still  another  portion 

was  leased  at  a  fixed  rental  to  be  paid  in  money.  Lands 
allotted  or  sold  became  of  course  private  property ;  with 
these,   as  well   as  with   the   regularly,  leased   lands,    the 

agrarian  disputes  had  little  or  nothing  to  do. 

But  these  several  methods  of  disposing  of  the  public 
land  left  still  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  state  large 
unsurveyed  tracts,   usuaUy   the   more  remote    and    wilder 

portions  of  the  confiscated  territories.    Now  respecting 

these,  custom  or  the  law  permitted  persons  to  enter  upon 
and  cultivate  them,  or  to  turn  their  flocks  and  cattle  out 
upon  them.      In  return  for  such  use  of  the  public  land  the 


THE    EARLY  REJ'UBLIC. 


73 


occupier  paid  the  state  usually  a  fifth  or  a  tenth  of  the 
yearly  produce.  Persons  who  availed  themselves  of  this 
privilege  were  called  possessors  or  occupiers  ;  ^"  we  should 

call  them  ''squatters,"  or  ''tenants  at  will." 

Now  what  created  the  earliest  agrarian  troubles  at 
Rome  was  this:  The  patricians  claimed  for  themselves 
the  exclusive  right  to  occupy  the  unsold  or  unleased  pub- 
lic lands.  Through  this  monopoly  many  of  them  acquired 
great  riches.  The  plebeians  naturally  complained  because 
of  their  exclusion  from  these  common  lands,  since  it  was 
their  sacrifices  and  their  blood  that  had  helped  to  win  them. 

What  gave  the  plebeians  further  ground  for  complaint 

was  the  notorious  fact  that  the  patrician  qua^^stors,  whose 
business  it  was  to  collect  the  rents  due  the  state  from  the 
occupiers  of  the  public  lands,  favoring   their  own  order, 

were  very  slack  in  making  these  collections.    Moreover, 

these  occupiers  of  the  common  lands  were  coming  to 
employ  slaves  instead  of  freemen,  for  the  reason  that  the 
work  of  the  slaves  was  not  liable  to  be  interrupted  by  their 

being  called  upon  for  military  service. 

What  has  now  been  said  will  enable  the  reader  to  under- 
stand the  quarrels  between  the  patricians  and  the  plebeians, 
the  rich  and  the  poor,  which  from  the  fifth  century  for- 
ward were  almost  constantly  agitating  the  Roman  state. 

The  land  question  was  the  eternal  question  at  Rome,  and 
the  failure  of  the  Romans  to  settle  it  equitably  was  one 
cause,  as  we  shall  learn,  of  the  downfall  of  the  republic 

and  of  the  final  ruin  of  the  empire. 

53.  Spurius  Cassius  and  the  First  Agrarian  Law  (486  b.c). 
—  Spurius  Cassius  has  been  called  the   first  of  the   '*  social 

1^  The  Latin  term  for  this  kind  of  tenure  \S2J&  possessio. 


74 


ROMI^    AS    A     I^^rUBLIC. 


reformers  "  of  Rome.  He  was  a  patrician,  and  a  man  held 
in  great  distinction  on  account  of  his  eminent  public  serv- 
ices. He  had  reestablished  the  alliance  between  Rome 
and  the  Latin  towns  (par.  51),  and  through  territories 
acquired  in  successful  wars  had  added  largely  to  the  com- 
mon lands  of  the  Roman  state. 

This  patrician,  with  a  view  to  relieving  the  distress  of 

the  poor  plebeians,  now  brought  forward  as  consul  the  fol- 
lowing proposals:  (i)  That  the  lands  recently  acquired  in 
war,  instead  of  being  sold  or  leased,  be  allotted  in  small 

holdings  to  needy  Romans  and  to  the  Latins ;  (2)  that  the 
amount  of  land  for  such  distribution  be  increased  by  tak- 
ing away  from  the  rich  patricians  those  public  lands  which 
they  were  occupying  as  tenants  at  will  (par.  52). 

These  proposals  stirred  up  a  fierce  debate.  The  patri- 
cians very  naturally  denounced  the  proposal  touching  the 
common  lands  they  were  occupying  as  downright  robbery. 
They  had  occupied  these  lands  so  long, — in  some  cases 

they  had  probably  inherited  them, —and  had  spent  so 

much  money  in  improving  them,  that  they  now  looked 
upon  them  as  their  own.  The  rich  plebeians  whom  the 
patricians  had  admitted  to  the  enjoyment  of  their  privileges 

sided  with  them.    Many  of  the  poorer  plebeians  w^ere  also 

lukewarm  in  their  support  of  the  measures,  for  the  reason 
that  the  Latins  were  to  be  given  a  share  in  the  allotted  lands. 
The  proposals,  notwithstanding  the  opposition,  were 
finally  carried.  But  the  provisions  of  the  law  were  never 
carried  into  effect.  The  law,  however,  served  as  the  inspi- 
ration and  the  model  of  later  agrarian  measures,  and  for 
this  reason  it  constitutes  a  great  landmark  in  the  history 
of  the  land  problem  at  Rome. 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


75 


Spurius  Cassius  suffered  the  fate  of  many  of  the  other 
social  reformers  who  arose  after  him  at  Rome.  Upon  the 
expiration  of  his  term  as  consul  (par.  45),  he  was  brought 

to  trial  by  his  patrician  enemies  on  the  charge  of  endeavor- 
ing to  make  himself  king  through  purchasing  with  dona- 
tions of  land  the  favor  of  the  people.  He  was  declared 
guilty  and  was  put  to  death. 

We  may  regard  Spurius  Cassius  as  a  martyr  to  the  cause 
of  the  Roman  poor  ;  for  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  accept 
the  interpretation  of  his  enemies  as  to  what  were  his  real 
motives  in  espousing  the  cause  of  the  plebeians.  We  may 
no  more  impugn  the  motives  of  the  social  reformers  of 
Rome  than  those  of  the  social  reformers  of  our  own  day. 
rhe  best  of  the  Romans  were  quite  as  capable  as  ourselves 
of  disinterested  and  unselfish  service,  not  only  for  the  state, 

but  for  the  poor  and  the  disinherited  class  of  citizens 
within    its   borders. 

54.  Border  Wars  and  Border  Tales.  —  The  chief  enemies 
of  Rome  and  her  Latin  allies  were  the  Volscians,  the 
.4^:quians,  the  Sabines,  and  the  Etruscans.^  For  more 
than  a  hundred  years  after  the  founding  of  the  republic, 
Rome,  either  alone  or  in  connection  with  her  confederates, 
was  almost  constantly  fighting   one  or  another   or   all   of 

these  peoples.  But  these  operations  cannot  be  regarded  as 
real  wars.  They  were,  on  the  side  of  both  parties,  for  the 
most  part,  mere  plundering  forays  or  cattle-raising  expedi- 
tions into  the  enemy's  territories.  We  shall  probably  not 
get  a  wrong  idea  of  their  real  character  if  we  liken  them 
to  the  early  so-called  border  wars  between  England  and 
Scotland.  Like  the  Scottish  wars,  they  were  embellished 
1  For  the  location  of  these  peoples,  see  map  opposite  page  78. 


76 


ROME  AS  A  KErUBLIC 


by  the  Roman  story-tellers  with  the  most  extravagant  and 
picturesque  tales.  Three  of  the  best  known  of  these  are 
those  of  Coriolanus,  the  Fabii,  and  Cincinnatus. 

In  the  following  paragraphs  we  shall  repeat  these  stories 
after  Livy,  but  the  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that  they  are 
not  to  be  regarded,  in  their  details,  as  historically  true, 
although  there  is  doubtless  a  nucleus  of  fact  in  each. 
Nev^ertheless  they  are  historically  valuable  as  casting  a 
strong  side  light  upon  the  situation  of  things  at  Rome  dur- 
ing a  troublous  period  in  the  history  of  the  young  republic, 
and  as  further  bringing  out  in  strong  relief  certain  admi- 
rable qualities  of  the  Roman  character. 

55.  The  Legend  of  Coriolanus.  —  The  tale  of  Coriolanus 
is  connected  not  only  with  the  Volscian  border  wars  but 
also  with  the  matter  of  the  establishment  of  the   plebeian 

tribunate. 

According  to  the  tradition,  during  the  prevalence  of  a 
severe  famine  at  Rome,"  Gelon,  king  of  Syracuse,  sent 
a   large  quantity  of  grain   to   the   capital   for   distribution 

among  the  suffering  poor.  A  certain  patrician,  Corio- 
lanus'' by  name,  made  a  proposal  that  none  of  the  grain 
should  be  given  to  the  plebeians  save  on  condition  that 
they  gave  up  their  tribunes.     These  officials  straightway 

summoned  hnn  before  the  plebeian  assembly,  on  the  charge 
of  having  broken  the  solemn  covenant  of  the  Sacred 
Mount  (par.  50),  and  so  bitter  was  the  feeling  against  him 
that  he  was  obliged  to  flee  from  Rome. 

2  In  the  year  492  B.C. 

3  This  was  his  surname.  His  full  name  was  Gains  Marcius  Corio- 
lanus. He  received  his  surname,  to  speak  in  modern  military  phrase, 
for  conspicuous  bravery  in  the  storming  of  the  Volscian  city  of 
Corioli. 


TUB    £AKLY  RBrUBLIC. 


77 


He  now  allied  himself  with  the  Volscians,  enemies  of 
Rome,  and  even  led  their  armies  against  his  native  city. 

An  embassy  from  the  senate  was  sent  to  him,  to  sue  for 
peace.  But  the  spirit  of  Coriolanus  was  bitter  and  resent- 
ful, and  he  would  listen  to  none  of  their  proposals.  Then 
the  priests  of  the  city,  clothed  in  the  sacred  vestments  of 

their  office,  appeared  as  intercessors  before  him,  but  their 
supplications  he  also  rejected.  Then  came  to  him  at  last 
his  mother  and  his  wife  w^th  her  two  sons  and  a  band  of 
Roman  matrons.  Coriolanus,  amazed  and  disturbed,  has- 
tened to  embrace  his  motlier.    But  she  repelled  him,  and 

addressed  him  with  words  at  once  of  entreaty  and  com- 
plaint :  "  Do  you  come  as  my  son  or  as  an  enemy  of 
Rome  to  meet  me?     Does  not  the  sight  of  your  native  city 

remind  you  that  there  ir  your  family  altar,  and  there  your 
mother,  your  wife,  and  your  children  ?  Alas,  that  I  were 
ever  a  mother  ;  had  I  never  borne  a  son,  then  Rome  would 
not  now  be  held  in  siege  !  " 

The  mother's  entreaties,  and  the  tears  and  prayers  of 

the  wife  and  children  finally  prevailed.  Embracing  his 
mother,  Coriolanus  exclaimed :  "  Mother,  thou  hast  saved 
Rome,  but  lost  thy  son."  He  then  withdrew  his  army 
from  the  Roman  soil.  According  to  one  account  he  soon 
after  this  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  Volscians."* 

56.  The  Legend  of  the  Fabii.  —  This  tradition  connects 
itself  with   the    incursions   into    Roman    territory  of   the 

Etruscans,  who  from  the  first  were  the  most  troublesome 

enemies  of   Rome.      Just   at  this   time^  it  was  the  city  of 

*  Livy,  ii.  33,  34,  39,  and  40  —  the  last  two  chapters  for  the  main 
part  of  the  story  ;  also  Plutarch,  Life  of  Coj-iolanus. 

^  The  enterprise  of  the  Fabii  with  which  the  tradition  deals  belongs 
to  about  the  years  477-475  B.C. 


78 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


Veil  that  was  fitting  out  these  marauding  expeditions,  and 
thereby  keeping  the  Romans  in  a  state  of  constant  uneasi- 
ness and  preventing  them  from  using  their  full  strength 
against  their  other  enemies.  It  was  under  these  circum- 
stances that,  according  to  the  tradition,  the  Fabian  gens*^ 
at  Rome  made  to  the  senate  the  following  proposal  :  That 
they  would  undertake   to   carry  on  the   war   against    the 

Veientians  with  their  own  men  and  at  their  ow^n  expense, 
thus  leaving  the  state  free  to  throw  its  whole  remaining 
streno^th   against   the   Volscians   and   the   other  enemies  of 

the  city. 

This  patriotic  action  of  the  Fabii  aroused  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  throughout  the  city,  and  caused  the  members 
of  the  clan  to  be  overwhelmed  by  their  fellow-citizens  with 
expressions  of  admiration  and  gratitude. 

The  very  next  day  after  this  offer  had  been  accepted  by 
the  senate,  all  the  men  of  the  Fabian  gens  able  to  bear 
arms,  —  three  hundred  and  six  in  number,  and  every  man 
capable  of  taking  the  supreme  command  of  an  army,  — 
to2:ether  with  the  three  or  four  thousand  'clients  of  the 
gens,  marched  in  proud  array,  and  amidst  the  prayers  of 
the  people  for  the  success  of  their  undertaking,  out  through 
one  of  the  city  gates,  and  proceeded  to  the  neighborhood 

of  Veil.     On  the  little  stream  of  the  Cremera   they  built  a 
fort,  and  by  constant  forays  for  two  years  kept  the  Veien- 
tians busily  employed  in  defending  their  own  territory. 
In    all    encounters    in    the   open    field    the    Fabii    were 

invariably  the  victors.  At  last,  however,  the  Veientians 
ensnared  their  enemies.  They  drove  some  cattle  into  a 
field,  some  distance  from  the  fort,  yet  in  full  view  from  its 

6  This  legend  is  a  good  commentary  on  par.  9. 


li 


II 


I 


7 


8o 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


walls.  Seeing  the  cattle,  and  perceiving  no  one  of  the 
enemy  between  them  and  the  fort,  the  Fabii  set  out  on  a 
full  run  to  capture  the  herd.     While  they  were  engaged  in 

rounding  up  the  affrighted  cattle,  the  Veientians,  who 

were  lying  in  ambush,  sprang  up  and,  surrounding  them, 
slew  them  to  a  man.  The  only  representative  of  the  clan 
remaining  alive  was  a  boy,  who  on  account  of  his  tender 

years  had  been  left  behind  in  the  city.    From  him  the 

Fabian  race  sprang  up  anew,  and  in  later  generations  fur- 
nished the  Roman  state  with  many  counsellors  and  com- 
manders, men  who  worthily  sustained  the  honor  and  fame 

that  their  ancestors  had  won  for  the  Fabian  house/ 

57.  The  Legend  of  Cincinnatus.  —  The  third  and  best  known 
tale,  that  of  Cincinnatus,"  brings  before  us  the  .Fquians,  who 
equally  with  the  Volscians,  the  Sabines,  and  the  Etruscans 

were  disturbers  of  the  peace  of  Rome  and  of  her  allies. 

In  the  year  456  r.c.  the  .t.quians,  while  one  of  the  con- 
suls was  away  fighting  the  Sabines,  defeated  the  forces  of 
the  other,   and  shut  them  up  in   a   narrow   valley,    near 

Mount  Algidus,  a  spur  of  the  Alban  Hilb,  whence  escape 

seemed  impossible.     There  was  great  terror  in  Rome  when 
news  of  the  situation  of  the  army  was  brought  to  the  city. 
The  senate  immediately  appointed  Cincinnatus,  a  grand 
old  patrician,  dictator.    The  commissioners  who  carried  to 

him  the  message  from  the  senate  found  him  upon  his  little 
farm  across  the  Tiber,  at  work  ploughing.  When  he 
learned  that  his  callers  bore  him  some  official  communica- 


'  Livy,  ii.  48  and  49. 

8  As  in  the  case  of  Corlolanus  we  have  here  simply  a  surname.  1  ii6 
full  name  was  Lucius  Quinctius  Cincinnatus.  The  legend  belongs  to 
the  year  456  B.C. 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


81 


tion,  he  called  to  his  wife  to  bring  him  his  toga,  and  wip- 
ing the  sweat  from  his  face,  he  put  on  the  garment,  that 
he  might  receive  in  befitting  dress  the  deputies'  message. 

He  was  then  informed  of  the  perilous  situation  of  the 

army  of  the  consul,  and  of  the  action  of  the  senate  in 
naming  him  dictator. 

Cincinnatus  at  once  accepted  the  office  and  hurried 
across  the  river  to  Rome.  Having  appointed  a  master  of 
the  horse,  he  ordered  every  citizen  liable  to  military  duty 
to  repair  to  the  Campus  Martins  before  the  setting  of  the 
sun,  with  a  five  days'  supply  of  provisions,  and  twelve 
stakes.    All  promptly  and  eagerly  responded  to  the  call, 

and  in  a  few  hours  the  whole  array  was  on  the  march  to 
the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  army.  By  midnight  they  were 
in  front  of  the  enemy's  camp.  Raising  a  great  shout  to  let 
the  imprisoned  army  of  the  consul  know  that  relief  w^as  at 
hand,  the  soldiers  under  Cincinnatus,  with  the  Stakes  they 
had  brought  with  them,  began  to  construct  a  trench  and 
palisade  around  the  enemy.  Meantime  the  troops  of  the 
consul  began  to  attack  the  enemy  from  within.     During 

the  night  the  palisade  was  drawn  in  a  circle  about  the 
hostile  camp.  In  the  morning  the  .^>quians,  seeing  that 
they  were  surrounded  and  escape  was  impossible,  surren- 
dered. Cincinnatus  sent  them  all  beneath  the  yoke.^  He 
then  led  his  army  back  to  Rome  in  triumph,  laid  down 
his  office,  having  held  it  only  sixteen  days,  and  sought 
again   the  retirement   of  his  farm.^*^ 

9  THis  was  formed  of   two  spears   thrust   firmly  into    the   ground   and 

crossed  a  few  feet  from  the  earth  by  a  third  spear.     Prisoners  of  war 
were  forced  to  pass  beneath  this  yoke  as  a  symbol  of  submission. 
1'^  Livy,  iii.  26-28. 


m 


82 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


58  Creation  of  the  Plebeian  Assembly  of  Tribes  by  the  Pub- 
lilian  Law  (471  B.C.).  -Wliile  these  petty  border  wars  were 
furnishing  the  material  for  these  tales  of  adventure  and 

heroism,  the  contest  between  the  patricians  and  plebeians 

was  going  on  unceasingly  in  the  very  heart  of  the  com- 
munity itself.  As  a  consequence  of  this  struggle,  there 
was  called  into  existence  a  new  legislative  body  which  was 

destined  to  exert  a  great  intiuence  upon  the  history  of  the 

city. 

This    constitutional    change    came    about    in    this    way. 

After  the   creation   of   the  tribunate   office   (par.    45),   the 

tribunes,  as  the  leaders  and  patrons  of  the  plebeians,  often 

called  them  together  in  meetings  of  the  curies  (par.  lo),  for 
the  purpose  of  addressing  them  or  of  holding  elections. 
In  these  assemblies  the  patricians  were  able  to  intiuence 
the  proceedings  through   their    clients,   who    as    plebeian 

members    of   the    curies    had    a    place    in    the    meetings. 

The  tribune  Volero  Publilius  resolved  to  put  an  end  to 
this  state  of  things.  He  brought  forward  a  proposal  to 
the  effect  that  the  voting  in  the  plebeian  assembly  should 
be  by  tribes  instead  of  by  curies. 

Now  it  will  be  recalled  that  in  the  tribes  only  freeholders 
had  a  place  (par.  35).  The  proposed  arrangement  then  of 
votin"-  by  tribes  instead  of  by  curies  would  throw  out  of  the 

assembly  most  of  the  freedmen  and  clients,  since  not  many 
of  these  were  landowners.'  Thus  the  Influence  of  the 
patricians  in  the  meetings  of  the  assembly  would  be 
destroyed. 

The  proposal  was  carried   after   much    opposition  on   the 
part  of  the  patricians  ;   and  thus  came  into  existence,  as  an 

1  They  were  clerks,  merchants,  etc. 


THE    EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


83 


outgrowth  of  the  original  plebeian  assembly  of  the  curies, 
the  plebeian  assembly  of  the  tribes  {concilitan  tribuium  plc- 
bis),  made  up  exclusively  of  plebeian  freeholders.  Mommsen 
pronounces  the  law  that  created  this  special  plebeian 
assembly  "  one  of  the  most  important  in  its  consequences 
with  which  Roman  history  has  to  deal."^ 

At  this  same  time  the  number  of  tribes  was  raised  to 

twenty-one  by  the  addition  of  a  new  tribe.'    This  addition 

was  made  probably  merely  for  the  purpose  of  creating  an 
odd  number  of  tribes  and  thus  preventing  a  deadlock  in 
the  voting  in  the  new  tribal  assembly."* 

59.  The  Decemvirs  and  the  Twelve  Tables  of  Laws  (451- 

450  I5.C.;.  —  The  next  phase  of  the  struggle  between  the 
orders  constitutes  a  great  landmark  in  the  history  of  the 
Roman  people.     It  consisted  in  the  revision  and  reduction 

to  writing  of  the  customs  and  laws  of  the  state. 

Written  laws  are  always  a  great  safeguard  against  Oppres- 
sion. iTntil  what  shall  constitute  a  crime  and  what  shall 
be  its  penalty  are  clearly  written  down  and  well  known  and 

understood  by  all,  judges  may  render  unfair  decisions,  or 

inflict  unjust  punishment,  and  yet  run  little  risk  —  unless 
they  go  altogether  too  far  — of  being  called  to  an  account  ; 
for  no  one  but  themselves  knows  what  either  the  law  or 
the  penalty  really  is.     Hence,  in  all  struggles  of  the  inaSSeS 

2  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  361. 

3  The  number  had  been  increased  to  twenty  probably  about  495  k.c, 

but  possibly  at  an  earlier  date.  The  sixteen  new  tribes  were  formed 
out  of  the  country  districts  of  the  incorporated  lands  of  the  city,  while 
the  four  Servian  tribes  (par.  35)  wera  restricted  to  the  city  proper  and 
the  lands  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  walls.  These  latter  were 
henceforth  known  as  the  city  tribes,  and  the  former  as  the  rural  tribes. 
*  Mommsen,  History  0/ Romcy  vol.  i.  pp.  361,  362. 


84 


ROME   AS   A    RErUBLIC. 


against  the  tyranny  of  a  ruling  class,  the  demand  for 
written  laws  is  one  of  the  first  measures  taken  by  the  peo- 
ple for  the  protection  of  their  persons  and  property.  1  huS 
the  commons  at  Athens,  early  in  their  struggle  with  the 
nobles,  demanded  and  obtained  a  code  of  written  laws. 
The  same  thing  now  took  place  at  Rome.  The  plebeians 
demanded  that  a  code  of  laws  be  drawn  up,  in  accordance 
with  which  the  patrician  magistrates,  in  the  administration 
of  justice,  should  render  their  decisions.  The  patricians 
offered  a  stubborn  resistance  to   their  wishes,  but   finally 

were  forced  to  yield  to  the  popular  clamor. ' 

A  commission,  so  tradition  says,  was  sent  to  the  Greek 
cities  of  Southern  Italy  and  to  Athens  to  study  the  Grecian 
laws  and  customs.  Upon  the  return  of  this  embassy,  a 
commission  of  ten  magistrates,  who  were  known  as  decem- 
virs, was  appointed  to  frame  a  code  of  laws  (451  RC). 
These  officers,  while  engaged  in  this  work,  were  also  to 
administer  the  entire  government,  and  so  were  invested 

with  the  supreme  power  of  the  state.    The  patricians  gave 

up  their  consuls,  and  the  plebeians  their  tribunes.  At  the 
end  of  the  first  year,  the  task  of  the  board  was  quite  far 
from  being  finished,  so  a  new  decemvirate  w^as  elected  to 

complete  the  work.  Appius  Claudius  was  the  only  member 
of  the  old  board  that  was  returned  to  the  new. 

The  code  was  soon  finished,  and  the  laws  were  written 
on  twelve  tablets  of  bronze,  which  were  fastened  to  the 


^  Draco  in  621  B.C.  and  Solon  in  594  n.c.  revised  and  published  the 

laws  of  Athens,  in  some  such  way  as  the  Roman  commission  codified 
and  made  public  the  laws  of  Rome. 

6  The  so-called  Terentilian  Rogation,  proposed  by  the  tribune  Gaius 

Terentilius  Harsa,  in  461  B.C.,  marks  the  beginning  of  the  struggle. 


THE    EARLY   REPUBLIC. 


85 


rostra,  or  orator's  platform  in  the  forum,  where  they  might 
be  seen  and  read  by  all. 

Only  a  very  few  fragments  of  these  celebrated  laws  have 

been  preserved,  but  the  substance  of  a  considerable  part 
of  the  code  is  known  to  us  through  the  indirect  quotations 
from  it  or  allusions  to  it  occurring  in  the  works  of  later 

writers  and  jurists.    The  following  quotations  will  convey 

some  idea  of  the  general  character  of  this  primitive  legis- 
lation. 

The  provisions  regarding  interest  and  the  treatment  of 

debtors  are  noteworthy.    The  law  provided  that  interest 

should  not  exceed  one-twelfth  part  of  the  principal  per 
annum''  (  =  eight  and  one-third  per  cent),  and  that,  after 
the  lapse  of  a  certain  number  of  days  of  grace,  the  creditor 

of  a  delinquent  debtor  might  either  put  him  in  the  stocks 

or  in  chains  (but  the  weight  of  the  chains  must  not  exceed 
fifteen  pounds),  sell  him  to  any  stranger  resident  beyond 
the  Tiber,  or  put  him  to  death.** 

In  case  of  there  being  several  creditors  the  law  provided 

as  follows:  "After  the  third  market  day  his  [the  debtor's] 
body  may  be  divided.  Any  one  taking  more  than  his  just 
share  shall  be  held  guiltless."^  We  are  informed  by  later 
Roman  writers  that  this  savage  provision  of  the  law  was, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  never  carried  into  effect. 

A  special  provision  touching   the   power    of  the  father 


■^  The    quotations    that    follow    are    from    Ortolan's    History  of  the 

Roman  Law  (trans,  by  Prichard  and  Nasmith),  p.  106  et  scq. 

^  This  part  of  the  law  of  debt  is  known  to  us  only  through  the 
indirect    notices   of  later  \vriters. 

^  Here  the  actual  text  has  been  preserved  to  us,  and  reads  as  fol- 
lows:  Tertius  nundinis  partis  secanto:  si  plus  minusve  securer iut,  ne 
plusfraude  csto. 


86 


ROME   AS  A    REPUnLTC. 


over  his  sons  provided  that  ''during  their  whole  life  he 
shall  have  the  right  to  imprison,  scourge,  keep  to  rustic 

labor  in  chains,  to  sell  or  to  slay,  even  though  they  may 
be  in  the  enjoyment  of  high  state  offices."^" 

If  the  son  sold  into  slavery  were  made  a  freeman  by  his 

master,  the  father  could  sell  him  again,  but  after  the  third 

sale  and  third  enfranchisement,  the  son  escaped  forever 
from  his  father's  control." 

Another  of  the  laws  had  for  its  aim  to  set  a  check  to 

useless  and  extravagant  expenditures  on  funerals.    This 

regulation  enacts  as  follows :  *'  The  dead  are  not  to  be 
buried  nor  burned  in  more  than  three  fillets  of  purple ; 
nor  shall  the  funeral  be  attended  by  more  than  ten  flute 
players." 

The  prevalence  of  popular  superstitions  is  revealed 
by  one  of  the  laws  which  provides  for  the  punishment  of 
any  one  who  by  enchantments  should  blight  the  crops  of 
another. 

The  two  following  provisions  show  what  minor  regula- 
tions w^ere  thought  worthy  a  place  in  the  code,  and  fur- 
ther illustrate  how  nearly  in  these  particular  matters  the 
Roman  sense  of  what  is  permissible  and  reasonable  corre- 
sponded with  our  own:  "Any  one  committing  a  robbery 
by    night    may    be    lawfully    killed."'^ 

"  A  proprietor  may  go  on  to  adjoining  land  to  pick  up 
the  fruit  that  has  fallen  from  his  tree." 

These    *'  Laws   of    the  Twelve    Tables  "    were    to    Roman 

1*^  See  par.  6. 

11  Mere  again  the  text  of  the  code  has  come  down  to  us.  It  runs 
thus:  Si  pater  filiiim  ter  venum  ditit^  Jilius  a  fatrc  liber  csto. 

'^  Si  nox  fitrtit/n   facfuni   sit,  si  im   occisit,  jure  (usiis  esto. 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


87 


jurisprudence  what  the  good  laws  of   Solon  were   to  the 

Athenian  constitution.    They  formed  the  basis  of  all  new 

legislation  for  many  centuries,  and  constituted  a  part  of 
the  education  of  the  Roman  youth  —  every  schoolboy 
being  required  to  learn  them  by  heart. 

Especially  influential  were  the  Laws  of  the  Twelve 

Tables  in  helping  to  establish  social  and  civil  equality 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians.  They  tended  to 
etface  the  legal  distinctions  that  had  hitherto  existed 
between  the  two  orders,  and  helped  to  draw  them  together 

into  a  single  people ;  for  up  to  this  time  the  relations 
of  the  plebeians  to  the  patricians,  notwithstanding  the 
reforms  of  Servius  Tullius,  had  been  rather  those  of 
foreigners  than  of  fellow-citizens. 

6o.  Misrule  and  Overthrow  of  the  Decemvirs;  Second  Se- 
cession of  the  Plebeians  (450  b.c. ). — The  first  decemvirs 
used  the  great  power  lodged  in  their  hands  with  justice 
and  prudence ;  but  the  second  board,  under  the  leadership 
of  Appius  Claudius,  instituted  a  most  infamous  and  tyran- 
nical rule.  No  man's  life  was  safe,  be  he  patrician  or 
plebeian.  An  ex-tribune,  daring  to  denounce  the  course 
of  the  decemvirs,  was  caused  by  them  to  be  assassinated. 

Another  act,  even  more  outrageous  than  this,  filled  to 
the  brim  the  cup  of  their  iniquities.  Virginia  was  the 
beautiful  daughter  of  a  plebeian,  and  Appius  Claudius, 
desiring  to  gain  possession  of  her,  made  use  of  his  author- 
ity as  a  judge  to  pronounce  her  a  slave.  The  father  of 
the  maiden,  preferring  the  death  of  his  daughter  to  her 
dishonor,  killed  her  with  hi*s  own  hand.  Then,  drawing 
the  weapon   from  her    breast,    he  hastened  to    the    army, 

which    was    resisting    a  united    invasion    of    the  Sabines  and 


88 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


iflquians,  and,  exhibiting  the  bloody  knife,  told  the  story 

of  the  outrage/ 

The  soldiers  rose  as  a  single  man  and  hurried  to  the  city. 
The  excitement  resulted  in  a  great  body  of  the  Romans, 
probably  chiefly  plebeians,  seceding  from  the  state,  and 
marching  away  to  the  Sacred  Hill.  This  procedure, 
which  once  before  had  proved  so  effectual  in  securing 
justice  to  the  oppressed  (par.  49),  had  a  similar  issue 
now.    The  situation  was  so  critical  that  the  decemvirs 

were  forced  to  resign.  The  consulate  and  the  tribunate 
were  restored.  Eight  of  the  decemvirs  were  forced  to  go 
into  exile ;  Appius  Claudius  and  one  other,  having  been 
imprisoned,  committed  suicide  (450  li.c). 

61.  The  Valerio-Horatian  Laws;  **  the  Roman  Magna 
Charta  **  (449  ^'•^•)'  —  The  consuls  chosen  were  Lucius 
Valerius  and  Marcus  Horatius,  who  secured  the  passage 
of    certain    laws,    known    as    the    Valerio-Horatian    laws, 

which  are  of  such  constitutional  importance  that  they 
have  been  called  "the  Magna  Charta  of  Rome."  Like 
the  great  English  charter,  their  purpose  was  not  so  much 
the  creation  of  new  safeguards  of  liberty  as  the  reaffirming 
and  strengthening  of  the  old  securities  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  humbler  citizens  of  Rome.  Among  the 
provisions  of  the  laws  the  following  were  the  most  impor- 
tant: 

I-  That  the  resolutions  (^plehiscita)  passed  by  the  plebeian 
assembly  of  tribes  ^  should  in  the  future  have  the  force  of 
laws  and  should   bind   the  whole   people   the   same   as   the 

^  Livy,  iii.  44-50.    This  tale  is  possibly  mythical,  but  it  at  least  gives 

a  vivid,  and  doubtless  truthful,  picture  of  the  times. 
2  Concilium  tributum  plebis.      See  par.  58. 


THE    EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


89 


resolutions  of  the  tomii'm  cmtnmia.  Hitherto  these  reso- 
lutions had  possessed  no  force  save  as  expressions  of 
opinion,  like  the  resolutions  of  a  mass  meeting  among 
ourselves. 

2.  That  the  law  of  appeal  (par.  48)  be  revived  and 
extended  in  its  operations  to  all  magistrates.*"  A  chief 
aim  of  this  provision  was  to  prevent  the  setting  up  again 
of  such  a  tyranny  as  that  of  the  decemvirs  just  over- 
thrown. 

3.  That  the  law  ^  which  made  sacred  and  inviolable  the 
person  of  the  tribunes  be  reaffirmed  and  its  operation 
extended   to   the   plebeian  a^diles   (par.   50),  and  that  he 

who  did  injury  to  any  of  these  plebeian  magistrates  be 
accursed  and  his  property  dedicated  to  the  service  of  the 
gods. 

4.  That  two  additional  quaestors  ^  be  chosen  who  should 

have  charge  of  the  army  chest.   As  the  consuls  hitherto  had 

had  charge  of  the  military  finances,  this  provision  effected 
another  important  limitation  of  their  prerogatives. 

5.  That  the  tribunes  be  permitted  to  sit  as  listeners 
before  the  door  of  the  senate  house.  This  was  an  impor- 
tant concession,  on  account  of  what  it  led  to  ;  for  very 
soon  the  tribunes  secured  the  right,  first  to  sit  within  the 
senate  hall  itself,  and  then  to  put  a  stop  to  any  proceeding 
of  the  senate  by  the  use  of  the  veto. 

The  mere  reading  of  these  laws  impresses  one  with  their 

^  The  authorities  are  divided  as  to  whether  the  law  applied  to  the 
dictator.  According  to  some,  the  dictator  was  not  obhged  to  allow 
appeals  from  his  sentences  until  a  much  later  time. 

^  The  so-called  lex  sacrata. 

^  There  were  already  two  quaestors,  who  acted  as  assistants  of  the 
consuls. 


ii 


90 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


great  significance  for  the  plebeians.  We  may  summarize 
their  effects  by  saying  that  they  made  the  tribunes  and 
the  other  plebeian  magistrates,  as  well  as  the  plebeian 
assembly,  a  recognized  part  of  the  constitutional  arrange- 
ments of  the    Roman  commonwealth.      I'hey  mark  a  long 

step  taken  towards  the  equalization  and  union  of  the  two 
orders  within  the  state. 

62.  The  New  Patricio-Plebeian  Assembly  (Comitia  Tributa). 

In  connection  with  the  election  of  the  military  qua^^stors 

mentioned  in  the  fourth  of  the  Valerio-Horatlan  laws 
(par.  61),  we  have  brought  to  our  notice  for  the  first  ~time 
a  fourth  legislative  body  made  up  of  the  entire  people, 
patricians  and  plebeians,  in  which  voting  took  place  by 
tribes  (the  comitia  tributa).  Our  authorities  tell  us  nothing 
about  its  origin  ;  but  from  this  time  (449  B.C.)  on  it  con- 
stituted one  of  the  most  important  legislative  bodies  of  the 
state.  It  was  presided  over  by  consuls  and  praetors,  and 
its  resolutions  had  the  same  binding  force  upon  the  whole 
people  as  those  of  the  other  two  chief  legislatures.*' 

63.  Marriages  between  Patricians  and  Plebeians  made  Legal 
(445  B.C.).  —  Up  to  this  time  the  plebeians  had  not  been 

allowed  to  contract  legal  marriages  with  the  patricians^ 
(par.  17).  But  only  three  or  four  years  after  the  passing 
of  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws,  the  tribune  Gains  Canuleius 
carried  in   the  comitia  tributa  a  resolution  known  as  the 

Canuleian  law,  whereby  marriages  between  the  plebeians 
and  the  patricians  were  legalized. 

^  The  comitia  centuriata  and  the  concilium  tribiitum  plebis.     Consult 
pars.  37  and  ^8. 

"  The   laws   of   the   Twelve   Tables    (par.  59),  confirnning   the    ancient 

custom,  prohibited  marriages  between  the  two  orders. 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


91 


This  law  established  social  equality  between  the  two 
orders.  The  plebeians  were  now  in  a  more  advantageous 
position  for  continuing  their  struggle  for  additional  civil 
rights  and  for  perfect  political  equality  with  the  patricians. 

64.  Military  Tribunes  with  Consular  Power  ^  (444  rc).  — 

This  same  tribune  Canuleius  also  brought  forward  another 
proposal,  which  provided  that  plebeians  might  be  chosen  as 
consuls.  This  suggestion  led  to  a  violent  contention  between 
the  two  orders.  The  issue  of  the  matter  was  a  compromise. 
It  was  agreed  that,  in  place  of  the  two  patrician  consuls, 
the  people  might  elect  from  either  order  magistrates  that 
should  be  known  as  "  military  tribunes  with  consular 
powers."     These  officers,    whose   number    varied,   differed 

from  consuls  more  in  name  than  in  functions  or  authority. 
In  fact,  the  plebeians  had  gained  the  consular  office,  but 
not   the   consular   name. 

The  patricians  were  especially  unwilling  that  any  ple- 
beian should  bear  the  title  of  consul,  for  the  reason  that  an 
ex-consul  enjoyed  certain  dignities  and  honors,  such  as  the 
right  to  wear  a  particular  kind  of  dress  and  to  set  up  in 
his  house  images  of  his  ancestors  {jus  iiuat^ijium).      These 

honorary  distinctions  the  higher  order  wished  to  retain 
exclusively  for  themselves.  Owing  to  the  great  influence 
of  the  patricians  in  the  elections,  it  was  not  until  about 
400  B.C.  that  a  plebeian  was  chosen  to  the  new  office. 

65.  The  Censors  (444  rc).  —  No  sooner  had  the  plebeians 
secured  the  right  of  admission  to  the  military  tribunate 
with  consular  powers,  than  the  jealous  and  exclusive  patri- 
cians  began    scheming    to  rob    them  of  the   truit  of  the 

victory  they  had  gained.     They  effected  this  by  taking 

^  Tribiiui  niilitum  consulari  potestate. 


92 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


from  the   consulate    some   of   its  most   distinctive  duties 

and  powers,  and  conferring  them  upon  two  new  patrician 

officers  called  censors. 

The  functions  of  these  magistrates,  which  were  gradually 
extended  as  time  passed,  were  many  and  important.    They 

took  the  census  of  the  citizens  and  their  property,'  and 
thus  assigned  to  every  man  his  position  in  the  different 
classes.  They  could,  for  immorality  or  any  improper  con- 
duct, degrade  a  knight  from  his  rank,  expel  a  member  from 

the  senate,  or  deprive  any  citizen  of  his  vote  by  striking 

his  name  from  the  roll  of  the  tribes.  It  was  their  duty  to 
rebuke  ostentation  and  extravagance  in  living,  and  in  par- 
ticular to  watch  over  the  morals  of  the  young.     Thus  we 

are  told  of  their  reproving  the  Roman  youths  for  wearing 
tunics  with  long  sleeves, —  an  oriental  and  effeminate  cus- 
tom,—  and  for  neglecting  to  marry  upon  arriving  at  a 
proper  age.     From  the  name  of  these  Roman  officers  comes 

our  word  mmrwiis,  meaning  fault-finding.'" 

The  first  censors  were  elected  probably  in  the  year 
444  B.C. ;  about  one  hundred  years  afterwards,  in  351  k.c, 
the  plebeians  secured  the  right  of  holding  this  office  also. 

9  The  census  was  taken  every  five  years,  and  from   the   circumstance 

that  at  the  end  of  the  enumeration  the  whole  body  of  citizens  under- 
went a  certain  ceremony  of  purification  or  lustration,  the  period  of  five 
years  came  to  be  called  a  lustrum. 

1'^  The  existence  at  Rome  of  this  censorship  and  the  wide  range  of 

authority  wnicn  the  censor  exercised  over  the  private  life  of  the  citizen 

show  how  much  less  of  individual  freedom  there  was  among  the 

Romans  than  among  ourselves.  This  was  so  because  in  antiquity  a 
man  was  regarded  as  belonging  primarily  to  the  state,  and  not  to  him- 
self.    For  the  state  he  lived,  and  if  need  be  died.     It  was  this  view  as 

to  what  was  the  chief  end  of  the  citizen  that  made  the  assumption 

by  the  state  of  such  authority  over  him  appear  perfectly  reasonable. 


THE    EARLY   REPUBLIC. 


93 


66.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Veil  (405-396  i^.c).  — We  must 
now  turn  our  attention  once  more  to  the  fortunes  of  Rome 
in  war.  Almost  from  the  founding  of  the  city,  we  find  its 
warlike  citizens  carrying  on  a  fierce  contest  with  their 
powerful  Etruscan  neighbors  on  the  north. 

Fldenrt^i  was  first  taken  and  destroyed,  and  then  the 
war  gathered  around  Veii,  the  largest  and  richest  of  the 
cities  of  Etruria.  According  to  the  tradition,  the  Romans, 
like  the  Greeks  at  Troy,  laid  siege  to  this  city  for  ten  years. 

The  Roman  writers  embelli^ihed  their  account  of  this 

long  siege  with  many  wonderful  tales.  Although  the  things 
related  in  these  stories  cannot  be  accepted  as  literally 
true,  still  these  tales,  like  the  legends  of  Coriolanus,  the 
Fabli,  and  Cincinnatus,  which  we  have  already  related,'' 
have  an  historical  value  as  illustrating  the  beliefs  and 
habits  of  thought  of  the  generations  that  listened  to  the 
recital  of  them  as  a  true  account  of  the  doings  and  expe- 
riences of  their  fathers. 

Livy  tells  how  during  the  investment  the  waters  in  the 
neighboring  Alban  Lake  sw^elled  mysteriously  and  over- 
flowed the  surrounding  country.  This  great  marvel  awak- 
ened the.  fears  of  the  Romans,  and  they  sent  an  embassy  to 
Delphi  to  learn  from  the  oracle  there  the  meaning  of  the 
portent  (par.  23).  They  were  told  that  the  gods  were 
offended  because  of    the   neglect   of    their  festivals;  that 

these  must  be  more  carefully  observed  in  the  future,  and 

that  the  lake  must  be  drained  before  Veil  could  be  taken. 
In  obedience  to  the  oracle  the  Romans  renewed  the 
neglected  festivals,  and  drained  the  lake  by  driving  a  tunnel 

11  See  map,  p.  79.  This  was  an  Etruscan  stronghold  on  the  Roman 
side  of  the  Tiber.  ''  See  pars.  55-57. 


94 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


through  the  side  of  the  mountain  in  the  extinct  crater  of 
which  it  lay. 

These  things  being  done,  the  siege  was  pressed  with 
renewed  energy  and  in  a  spirit  of  confident  hopefulness. 
The  city  was  finally  taken  by  means  of  an  engineering 
device  —  suggested    possibly   by   the   experience    Of   the 

Romans  in  cutting  the  Alban  emissary.  A  tunnel  was 
dug  that,  running  beneath  the  city  walls,  terminated 
directly  under  the  citadel  within.  Through  this  subterra- 
nean passage  the    Romans  effected  an  entrance  into  the 

city,  and  the  place  was  taken. 

That  part  of  the  legend  which  deals  with  the  circum- 
stances attending  the  sack  of  the  city,  tells  how  the 
Romans,  acting  under  the  belief  of  those  times  that  the 

possession  of  the  statue  of   a  god  secured  to    the    possessor 

the  favor  and  protection  of   the  god    himself,  carried  off    to 

Rome   the    image   of    Juno,    the   chief  deity   of  Veii.      It   is 

related  that  while  the   victors  were   preparing,  in    reverent 

mood,  to   remove    the    statue,   one   of   them    asked    the   e^od- 

o 

dess,  "  Wilt  thou  go  to  Rome  ?  "  and  that  a  voice  from  the 
statue  gave  assent.  The  image  was  taken  to  Rome  and 
there  placed  in  a  temple  erected  expressly  for  it  on  one 
of    the    sev^en    hills. 

Ven  was  the  most  opulent  city  that  the  Romans  had  up 
to  this  time  captured,  and  the  spoils,  which  were  divided 
among  the  soldiers,  were  immense.  The  dictator  Marcus 
l^UnuS  Camillus,  to  whose  genius  was  due  the  happy  issue 
of  the  war,  enjoyed  a  splendid  triumph,  in  which  he  rode 
in  a  chariot  drawn  by  four  white  horses. 

67.  Effects  of  the  Long  Siege  of  Veii  upon  the  Roman  Mili- 
tary System  ;  the  Romanlzation   of  Etmrla.  _  The  siege  of 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


95 


Veii  forms  a  sort  of  landmark  in  the  military  history  of 
Rome,  for  the  reason  that  the  circumstances  of  the  invest- 
ment led  to  some  important  innovations  in  the  military 
system  of  the  Romans.  Thus  the  length  of  the  siege,  and 
the  necessity  of  maintaining  a  force  permanently  in  the 
field,  winter  and  summer  alike,  led  to  the  establishment  of 

a  paid  standing  army  ;  for  hitherto  the  comnion  soldier'  had 
not  only  equipped  hiinself,  but  had  served  without  pay. 

Thus  was  called  into  existence  the  professional  soldier 
as  distinguished  from  the  citizen-soldier,  and  thus  was  laid 
the  foundation  of  that  military  power  based  on  martial 
clientage  (par.  7)  which,  after  effecting  the  conquest  of  the 
world,  was  destined,  in  the  hands  of  ambitious  generals,  to 
overthrow  the  republic  itself.      It  is  this  transformation   in 

the  Roman  army  that  the  historian  Merivale  has  in  mind 
when  he  makes  the  declaration  that  the  **  siege  of  Veii  fore- 
shadowed the  fall  of  the  republic."^ 

The  capture  of  Veii  was  followed  by  that  of  many  other 
Etruscan  towns.  Rome  was  enriched  by  their  spoils,  and 
became  the  centre  of  a  large  and  lucrative  trade.  All  that 
was   lost   by  the   revolution    that    overthrew    the    monarchy 

1  The  knights  were  allowed  a  certain  sum  from  the  public  treasury 

for  the  purchase  and  the  maintenance  of  a  horse. 

-2  History  of  Rome,  p.  86.      About  this  time  a  change  was  made  In  the 

formation  of  the  legion.  We  have  seen  how  at  the  outset  the  citizens 
were  grouped  in  classes  and  centuries  according  to  their  wealth,  and 
were  formed  in  the  order  of  the  old  Dorian  phalanx  (par.  36).  Prob- 
ably it    was    mountain    campaigning    that    had    revealed    to    the    Romans 

the  defects  of  this  unwieldy  formation.  The  number  of  ranks  was 
now  reduced  to  three,  and  the  space  between  the  men  increased  so  as  to 
give  each  soldier  ample  room  for"  the  use  of  his  weapons.  Moreover, 
the  place  of  the  men  in   the  lines  was  no  longer  determined  by  their 

wealth,  but  by  length  of  service  and  soldierly  emciency. 


96 


JiOM£:    AS    A    J^IZri/BI^IC. 


(par.  47)  had  now  been  regained,  and  much  besides  had 
been  won.     These  conquests  resulted  in   the  addition  of 

the  southern  portion  of  Etruria  to  the  Roman  domain.^ 
This  new  territory  was  divided  into  four  tribes,  which 
increased  the  whole  number  to  twenty-five  (par.  58).  By 
this  act  of  incorporation  all  the  Etruscan  freemen  living 

in  these  regions  and  possessing  the  legal  property  qualifi- 
cation^ were  made  citizens  of  Rome,  and  were  invested 
with  that  measure  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Roman 
citizenship  that  up  to  this  time  had  been  secured  by  the 

plebeians. 

Into  this  rich  and  inviting  region  thus  opened  up  to 
Roman  enterprise,  Roman  immigrants  now  crowded  in 
great  numbers,  and  soon  all  this  part  of  Etruria  became 

Roman  in  manners,  customs,  and  speech.    The  Romani- 

zation  of  Italy  was  now  fairly  begun. 

At  this  moment  there  broke  upon  the  city  a  storm  from 
the  north  which  all  but  cut  short  the  story  we  are  nar- 
rating, 

68.  Sack  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls  (390  b.c.).  — We  have 
already  mentioned  how,  in  very  remote  times,  tribes 
from  Gaul  crossed  the  Alps  and  established  themselves  in 

Northern  Italy  (par.  5).  While  the  Romans  were  con- 
quering the  towns  of  p:truria,  these  barbarian  hordes  were 
moving  southward,  and  overrunning  and  devastating  the 
countries  of  Central  Italy.     In  the  year  390  B.C.  they  laid 

^  Trace  the  gradual  growth  of  the  Roman  domam  k^.^  nofnanus\ 

by  a  comparative   study   of   the   sketch-maps   OR    pp.  79   and    II8. 

*  It  win  be  recaned  that  at  the  outset  only  landowners  were  enrolled 
in  the  tribes  (par.  35) ;  this  was  still  the  rule.  It  was  not  until  the 
year  312  K.c.  that  all  freemen,  without  regard  to  whether  they  were 
freeholders  or  not,  were  given  a  place  in  the  tribes. 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


97 


siege  to  the  city  of  Clusium  in  Etruria.     The  inhabitants 

of  the  place  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  to  ask  aid.    The 

senate  sent  to  the  Gauls  three  ambassadors,  chosen  from 
the  Fabian  gens  (par.  56),  who  informed  them  that  if  they 
did  not  cease  molesting  the  Clusians,  the  Romans  would 
intervene.  The  Gauls,  who  it  is  said  had  never  before 
heard  of  the  Romans,  replied  that  the  Clusians  must  give 
up  to  them  a  part  of  their  lands,  and  that  if  they  did  not 
do  so,  they  would  take  what  they  wanted  by  force  of  arms. 
All  things,  they  declared,  belonged  to  the  brave. 

So  the  siege  went  on.  In  an  engagement  beneath  the 
walls  of  the  city  the  Roman  ambassadors,  forgetting  in 
what  capacity  they  were  present  in  the  place,  took  part  in 
the  fray,  and  one  of  them,  Quintus  Fabius  by  name,  killed 
a  Gallic  chieftain  and  stripped  him  of  his  arms  in  sight  of 
the  army.  The  Gauls  were  furious,  and  sent  ambassadors 
to  Rome  to  demand  that  the  Fabii  be  surrendered  into 
their    hands    for    punishment.     The    senate    referred    the 

matter  to  the  people,  who,  instead  of  yielding  to  the 
demands  of  the  Gauhs,  made  themselves  participators  in 
the  guilt  of  the  Fabii  by  electing  them  as  military  tribunes 
for  the  following  year. 

When  the  Gauls  learned  that  the  Fabii,  instead  of  having 
been  punished  by  the  Romans,  had  been  rewarded  by  them 
for  their  gross  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  they  raised 
the  siege  of  Clusium  and  marched  upon  Rome.^ 

A  Roman  army  met  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Allia, 
eleven  miles  from  the  capital.  But  an  unaccountable  panic 
seized  the  Romans,  and  they  fled  from  the  field  without 
exchanging  blows  with   the  enemy.      The  greater   part  of 

s  ijvy,  V.  35-37. 


98 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


them  hastened  across  the  Tiber  and  sought  safety  behind 
the  walls  of  Veil,  which  were  still  standing.  The  Gauls 
followed  the  fugitives  closely,  and  slaughtered  great  num- 
bers of  them  at  the  river  bank.  The  remainder  of  the 
Roman  army  retreated  in  great  disorder  to  Rome.  Reach- 
ing there,  they  crowded  through  the  gates,  and  without 
stopping  to  shut  them,  hurried  to  the  citadel  as  the  only 
place   of  refuge. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  picture  the  consternation  and 

despair  that  seized  the  Inhabitants  of  the  city  as  the  intel- 
ligence of  the  terrible  disaster  spread  among  them.  It 
was  never  forgotten,  and  the  day  of  the  flight  of  the  army 
from  the  Allia  was  ever  after  a  black  day  in  the   Roman 

calendar.  Tlie  vestal  virgins,  liastily  burying  such  of  the 
sacred  things  as  they  could  not  carry  away,  fled  with  the 
remainder  into  Etruria,  and  found  a  kind  reception  at 
the  hands  of  the  people  of  Ca^re.  A  large  part  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Rome  followed  them  across  the  river  and  threw 
themselves  into  such  places  of  safety  as  they  could  find. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  defend  any  portion  of  the  city 
save  the  citadel. 

When  the  Gauls  entered  the  city  they  found  everything 
abandoned  to  them.  The  aged  senators,  so  the  Romans 
afterwards  proudly  related,  thinking  it  unworthy  of  their 
office  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  resolved  to  meet  death  in  a 

befitting  way.    Arrayed  in  their  splendid  robes  of  office, 

each  with  his  ivory-headed  wand  in  his  hand,  they  seated 
themselves  in  their  chairs  of  state  at  the  doorways  of  their 
palaces  on  and  near  the  forum,  and  there  sat  like  statues 

while  the  barbarians  were  carrying  on  their  work  of  sack 

and  pUlage  about  them.    The  rude  Gauls,  arrested  by  the 


T/II£    IlAKLV   RErUBEIC. 


99 


venerable  aspect  of  the  white-haired  senators,  gazed  in 
awe  upon  them  and  offered  them  no  violence.  But  finally 
one  of  the  barbarians  laid  his  hand  upon  the  beard  of  the 
venerable  Papirius,  to  stroke  it,  probably  under  an  impulse 
of  childlike  reverence.  The  aged  senator,  interpreting  the 
movement  as  an  Insult,  struck  the  Gaul  with  his  sceptre. 
The  spell  was  instantly  broken.  The  enraged  barbarians 
struck  Papirius  from  his  seat,  and  then,  falling  upon  the 
other  senators,  slew  them  to  a  man.'^ 

The  little  garrison  within  the  Tapltol,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  hero  Marcus  Manlius,  for  seven  months 
resisted  all  the  efforts  of  the  Gauls  to  dislodge  them.  A 
tradition  tells  how,  when  the  barbarians,  under  cover  of 

the  darkness  of  night,  had  climbed  the  steep  rock  and  had 
almost  effected  an  entrance  to  the  citadel,  the  defenders 
were  awakened  by  the  cackling  of  some  geese,  w^hich  the 
piety  of  the  famishing  soldiers  had  spared,  because  these 

birds  were  sacred  to  Juno. 

News  was  now  brought  the  (Liuls  that  the  Venetians 
were  overrunning  their  possessions  in  Northern  Italy. 
This  led  them  to  open   negotiations   with   the   Romans. 

For  one  thousand  pounds  of  gold  the  Gauls  agreed  to 

retire  from  the  city.  As  the  story  runs,  while  the  gold 
was  being  weighed  out  in  the  forum,  the  Romans  com- 
plained that  the  weights  were  false,  when  Brennus,   the 

Gallic  leader,  threw  his  sword  also  into  the  scales,  exclaim- 
ing, ''Vie  victis!'"  ''Woe  to  the  vanquished!"  Just  at 
this  moment,  so  the  tale  continues,  Camillus,  the  brave 
patrician    general,    who    had    been    appointed    dictator, 

appeared  upon  the  scene  with  a  Roman  army  that  had 

^  Livy,  V.  41. 


lOO 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


been  gathered  from  the  fugitives.  As  he  scattered  the 
barbarians  with  heavy  blows,  he  exclaimed :  ''  Rome  is 
ransomed  with  steel,  and  not  with  gold."  According  to 
one  account,  Brennus  himself  was  taken  prisoner ;  but 
another  tradition  says  that  he  escaped,  carrying  with  him 
not  only  the  ransom,  but  a  vast  booty  besides.  Camillas 
was  hailed  as  a  second  Romulus/ 

69.  The  Rebuilding  of  Rome.  —  When  the  fugitives  re- 
turned to  Rome  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Gauls,  they 
found  the  city  a  heap  of  ruins.  Some  of  the  poorer  classes, 
shrinking  from  the  labor  of  rebuilding  their  old  homes, 
and  incited  by  their  tribunes,  proposed  to  abandon  the 

site  and  make  Veii  their  new  capital. 

Camillus,  who  still  held  the  dictatorship,  resisted  the 
proposal.  The  gods,  he  declared,  had  allowed  disaster 
to  befall  the  city  because  the  Romans  had  violated  the 

sacred  law  of  nations  (par.  68),  and  had  been  inattentive 

to  the  divine  omens.  But  when  the  Romans,  notwith- 
standing that  their  own  affairs  were  in  ruins  and  they 
themselves   were    seemingly   deserted   by   the   gods,    had 

piously  cared  for  the  sacred  things  of  the  temples  (par. 

68),  then  the  righteous  wrath  of  the  gods  was  appeased, 
and  through  their  gracious  aid  it  was  that  had  come  the 
happy   turn   in   the    atfairs   of    the    Romans   which    had 

restored  to  them  their  city. 

Camillus  then  demanded  of  the  people  why  they  had 
redeemed  the  city  by  the  sword  if  they  intended  to  aban- 
don it.  He  recalled  to  their  minds  that  the  city  had  been 
founded  under  the  auspices  of  the  patron  gods  with  omens 
that   promised    to    it    the    headship   of   the    world,    and    that 

^  Livy,  V.  38-49. 


THE    EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


lOI 


there  was  no  spot  within  its  walls  that  was  not  conse- 
crated by  the  presence  of  some  deity,  or  by  the  observance 
of  some  sacred  rite  or  festival.  He  asked  them  to  remem- 
ber that  the  ceremonies  of  their  religion  could  be  performed 
only  on  the  consecrated  soil  of  the  city  ;  that  the  sacred  fires 
of  Vesta  could  burn  nowhere  else  without  profanation  ;  and 
that  the  assemblies  of  the  people  could  be  held  only  in  the 
places  designated   by  the  heavenly  auspices.     "Shall  we 

become  Veientians,"  he  asked,  ^^  Instead  of  Romans  )  "  The 
very  proposal  w^ere  impious,  he  declared.  Far  better  it 
were  for  the  citizens  to  live  in  the  most  wretched  hovels, 
like  their  forefathers  in  the  time  of  Romulus,  the  founder  of 
the  city,  than  for  the  Roman  state  to  go  into  exile. 

The  words  and  arguments  of  Camillus  would  seemingly 
have  proved  unavailing  to  prevent  the  threatened  calamity, 
had  not  a  timely  omen  appeared  to  lend  force  to  what  he 

had  said.  While  the  senate  was  dellherating  on  the  mat- 
ter, some  cohorts  of  soldiers  chanced  to  march  into  the 
forum.  As  they  entered  the  place,  a  centurion  called  out  to 
them  to  fix  their  standard  where  they  were,  adding  in  a  loud 
voice,  ''  It  is  best  that  we  should  stay  here."  The  senators 
heard  the  words,  accepted  at  once  the  omen,  and  the  people 
approved  their  resolution.  And  so  the  city  remained  where 
the  auspices  of  the  immortal  gods  had  first  fixed  it. 

The  people  now,  with  most  admirable  courage,  set 
themselves  to  the  task  of  rebuilding  their  ruined  homes. 
The  lines  of  the  old  streets  having  been  effaced  by  the 
fire,  every  one  was  allowed  to  build  his  home  on  any  spot 

he  might  select,  and  also  to  get  stone  and  timber  wherever 

he  could  find  them.'' 

«  Livy,  V.  50-55. 


I02 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


The  city  was  quickly  restored,  and  very  soon  was  enjoy- 
ing its  old  position  of  supremacy  among  the  surround- 
ing states.  There  were  some  things,  however,  which  even 
Roman  resolution  and  energy  could  not  restore.  1  nese 
were  the  ancient  records  and  documents,  through  whose 
irreparable  loss  the  early  history  of  Rome  is  involved  in 
great  obscurity  and  uncertainty. 

70.  Social  Reform  again  ;  Condemnation  of  Marcus  Manlius 
Capitolinus  (384  B.C.).  — ^For  nearly  half  a  century  after  the 
great  misfortune  of  390  B.C.,  the  most  important  matters  in 
the  history  of  Rome  are  connected  with  the  efforts  of  the 

distressed  plebeians  to  secure  (i)  reforms  in  the  law  01 
debt  and  in  the  management  of  the  public  land,  and  (2)  to 
gain  admission  to  the  consulate  and  other  offices  from 
which  they  were  excluded  by  the  jealousy  of  the  patri- 
cians. First  a  word  in  regard  to  the  efforts  of  Marcus 
Manlius  to  aid  the  plebeian  debtors. 

The  ravages  of  the  Gauls  had  left  the  poor  plebeians  in 
a  most  pitiable  condition.  In  order  to  rebuild  their  dwell- 
ings and  restock  their  farms,  they  had  been  obliged  to 

borrow  money  of  the  rich  patricians,  and  consequently  had 
soon  come  again  to  experience  the  insult  and  oppression 
that  were  ever  incident  to  the  condition  of  the  debtor  class 

at  Rome. 

The  patrician  Marcus  Manlius,  the  hero  of  the  brave 
defence  of  the  Capitol  (par.  68),  now  came  forward  as  the 
champion  of  the  plebeians.     He  sold  the  larger  part  of  his 

estate,  and  devoted  the  proceeds  to  the  relief  of  the  debtor 

class.  It  was  believed  that  in  thus  undertaking:  the  cause 
of  the  commons  he  had  personal  aims  and  ambitions. 
The  patricians  determined  to   crush   him.      He   was   finally 


THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


\0X 


brought  to  trial  in  an  assembly  of  the  people,  on  the  charge 
of  conspiring  to  restore  the  office  of  king. 

From  the  forum,  where  the  people  w^ere  gathered,  the 

Capitol,  which  Manlius  had  so  bravely  defended  against 

the  barbarians,  was  in  full  sight.  Pointing  to  the  temples 
he  had  saved,  he  appealed  to  the  gods  and  to  the  gratitude 
of  the  Roman  people.  The  people  responded  to  the  appeal 
in  a  way  altogether  natural.  They  refused  to  condemn  him. 
But  brought  to  trial  a  second  time,  and  now  in  a  place 
whence  the  citadel  could  not  be  seen,  he  was  sentenced  to 
death,  and  was  thrown  from  the  Tarpeian  Rock.'*  This 
event  occurred  j8.^  b.c.     We  may  regard  Marcus  Manlius 

as  the  second  of  the  inartyrs  at  Rome  in  the  cause  of 
social  reform  (par.  53). 

71.  The  Licinian  Laws  (367  h.c.  );  the  Final  **  Equaliza- 
tion  of    the  Orders.'*  —  A  very  great   amelioration    in   the 

social  condition  of  the  plebeians  and  a  long  advance 
towards  their  political  equality  with  the  patricians  were 
effected  through  the  passage  of  the  Licinian  laws,  so 
called    from    one    of    their    proposers,    the    tribune    Gaius 

Licinius.       These    laws    provided  : 

1.  That  interest  already  paid  on  debts  should  be 
deducted  from  the  principal,  and  that  the  remainder 
should  be   paid   in  three  annual   instalments. 

2.  That  the  plebeians  should  enjoy  with  the  patricians 
the  right  to  occupy  the  public  lands  ;  but  that  no  person 
should  hold  inore  than  five  hundred  jugera  ^  (p^^-  S^)- 

^  The  Tarpeian  Rock  was  the  name  given  to  the  cliff  v  hich  the  Capi- 

toline    hill    formed     on    one    of    its    sides.       It     received     its    name    from 

Tarpeia,  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  legendary  keepers  of  the  citadel. 
Statecriminals  were  frequently  executed  by  being  thrown  from  this  rock. 

^  A  jugera  was  about  half  an  acre. 


I04 


kdMn  A^  A  k'EPUl^LJC. 


3.  That  the  office  of  military  tribune  with  consular 
power   (par.    64)    should    be    abolished,   that    two    consuls 

should  be  cho:3en  yearly  as  at  first,  and  that  one  of  these 

should  be  a  plebeian. 

4.  That  in  place  of  the  two  keepers  of  the  Sibylline 
Books  (par.  24)  there  should  in  the  future  be  ten,  and  that 
five  of  these  should  be  plebeians. 

The  importance  of  these  proposals  is  obvious  with- 
out comment.  For  ten  years  the  patricians  resisted  the 
demands  of  the  commons.  But  the  plebeians  each  year 
reelected  the  same  tribunes,  and  under  their  leadership 
carried  on  the  struggle.  Finally,  when  the  patricians  saw 
that  it  would  be  impossible  longer  to  resist  the  popular 
demand,  they  had  recourse  to  the  old  device.  They  less- 
ened the  powers  of  the  consulship  by  taking  away  from 

the  consuls  their  iudicial  functions  and  devolvins:  them 
upon  a  new  patrician  magistrate  bearing  the  name  pnctor. 
The  pretext  for  this  was  that  the  plebeians  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  the  sacred  formulas  of  the  law.-  The  senate  then 
approved  the  rogations  ^  and  they  became  laws  (367  h.c.). 
The  son  of  a  peasant  might  now  rise  to  the  highest  office 
in   the   state. 

The  equalization  of  the  two  orders  was  now  practically 
effected.  The  plebeians  gained  with  comparative  ease 
admission  to  the  remaining  offices,  from  which  the  jealousy 
of  the  patricians  still  excluded  them.'* 

2  A  little  later  (in  365  h.c),  there  was  created  what  was  known  as 
the    curule    xcllleship,    to    distinguish    it    from    the    plebeian    ajdileship, 

which  had  been  created  earlier  (par.  50). 

^  Proposed  laws,  before  passed  by  the  people,  were  so  called,  from 

rogare,  "  to  ask." 

4  They  secured  admission  to  the  dictatorship  in   the  person  of  the 


TUR  EAkL  V  MPL'L'LJL'. 


10? 


As  a  symbol  and  a  memorial  of  the  happy  ending  of  the 
long  contention  between  the  two  orders  in  the  state,  which 
had  lasted  now  almost  a  century  and  a  half,  Camillas, 
the  year  following  the  passage  of  the  Licinian  laws, 
caused  to  be  erected,  near  the  comitium,  a  temple  dedi- 
cated  to   the  goddess   Concord. 

f2.    The  Import  of  the  Admission  of  the  Plebeians  to  Full 

Citizenship.  The  incorporation  of    the    plebeians   with  the 

body  of  Roman  citizens  ^vith  full  rights  was,  like  the 
earlier  union  of  the  patrician  clans  of  the  little  hill  cantons 
(par.  30),  a  matter  of  immense  import  for  the  future  of 
Rome.  The  strength  of  the  state  was  thereby  practically 
doubled,  and  the  city  was  advanced  a  long  way  towards  the 
goal  of  its  destiny,  —  the  making  of  all  the  world  Roman. 
The    wise    and    prudent    policy    of    incorporation    had, 

indeed,  all  along  been  stubbornly  resisted  by  the  priv- 
ileged order  ;  yet  the  patricians  in  their  opposition  had 
never  as  a  body  resorted  to  force.  The  spirit  of  concession, 
of  moderation,  of  reasonableness,  on  the  part  of  both  of 
the  orders,  had  marked  in  a  inost  conspicuous  manner  the 
whole  of  the  long  contention. 

The  triumph  of  the  plebs  irieant  of  course  the  end  of 
the  old  gentile  or  clan   aristocracy,  that  is,  the  aristocracy 

of  birth  and  relationship,  which  we  found  in  absolute 
control  of  the  affairs  of  the  state  at  the  dawn  of  history 
(par.  16).  This  privileged  body  was  indeed  soon  replaced 
by  a  new  one  of  wealth,  made  up  both  of  patricians  and 


plebeian  C.  Marcius  Rutilius  in  356  H.C;  to  the  censorship  in  351  U.C; 
to  the  praetorship  in  ^^y  m.c.  The  curule  asdileship  was  opened  to  them 
almost  as  soon  as  established,  which  was  in  365  B.C.  See  Mommsen, 
History  of  Rome.,  vol.  i.  bk.  ii.  chap.  iii.  p.  385. 


io6 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


plebeians ;  and  this  new  aristocracy,  as  we  shall  learn, 
becoming  corrupt,  luxurious,  and  unpatriotic,  contributed 
greatly  to  the  undoing  of  the  republic.     But  during  the 

m 

century  of  foreign  wars  and  conquests  now  immediately 
before  us,  there  was  such  a  degree  of  unity  and  concord 
in  the  body  of  Roman  citizens  as  to  insure  the  triumph  of 
the  arms  and  the  policies  of  the  city,  and  to  give  it  first 

the  sovereignty  of  Italy,  and  then  of  the  whole  Mediter- 
ranean world. 

References.  — Plutarch,  Lives  of  Foplicola,  and  67//// j-  Marcius 
Coriolamis.  *LiVY,  ii.  ^t^,  34,  39,  and  40,  for  the  story  of  Coriolanus  ; 
11.    48    and    49,  for    the    legend    of    the    Fabii ;    and   Hi.    26-2S,    for    that    of 

Cincinnatus  (from  other  writers  we  get  some  details  omitted  by  Livy) ; 
^'  35~49'  ^"  ^he  taking  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls ;  v.  5Q-54,  on  the  debate 

among  the  Romans  in  regard  to  removing  to  Veii.  The  last  reference 
is  particularly  valuable  since  the  passage  here  conveys  an  idea  of  the 

feelings  of  the  ancients  respecting  the  sacredness  of  the  city  and  the 
relations  to  it  of  its  patron  gods.     MoMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome, 

vol.  i.  bk.  ii.  chaps,  i.-iii.  pp.  319-412.  Tk.he  (A.),  **  T/w  Develop- 
ment   of  the    Roman     Constitution,    pp.    63-76.      Ihne     (W.),    **£ar/y 

Rome  (Kpoch  Series).  The  later  chapters  of  this  volume  are  practi- 
cally a  criticism  of  the'account  which  the  Roman  annalij^t^  give  of  the 

affairs  of  the  early  republic.  Wilson  (WoooruVV^,  *T/ie  StatC^  pp.  04- 
104.  A  suggestive  summary.  Stkphenson  (A.),  rnbtic  Lands  and 
Agrarian  Laws  of  the  Roman  Repnblie  (Johns  Hopkins  University 
Studies) ;  for  all  questions  relating  to  the  agcr  publicus  and  the  reform 
proposals  of  Spurius  Cassius  and  others. 


THE   EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


107 


THE   SENATE,   THE    ASSEMBLIES,  AND    THE    MACIS- 

TKATKS   OK  THE   KKrUBLIC. 


THK    SENATE. 


This   liofly  dates    from    the   time    of   the  kings   (par.    14).      It 

comprised  three  hundred  members.     These  were  at  first  named 

by  the  king,  then  by  the  consuls.  After  444  li.c.  the  roll  of  the 
body   was   revised    by  the    censors    (par.    65).      From    about   the 

middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  the  usual  entrance  to  the  senate 
was  through   the  magistracies  of   the  city  ;   that  is,   at  this  time 

was    conferred    on    tlie    higher     magistrates,     and    at    a    somewhat 

later  time  upon  the  lower  magistrates  also,  the  right,  at  tlie  end 

of  their  term  of  office,  to  take  a  seat  in  the  body.  During  the 
period    of    the     Punic    wars    the    senate  was   the    chief    power    in 

the  State.  The  number  of  senators  was  raised  by  Sulla  to  six 
hundred  (par.  i/^'^). 

The    following    succinct    account    regarding   the    coinpetence    of 

the  senate,  and  of  its  relations  at  different  periods  to  the  popular 
assemblies  and  to  the  tribunes,  will  be  found  of  special  interest 
and  value  :  "The  power  of  the  senate  seems  to  have  been  differ- 
ent at  different  times.     At  first  its  legislative  action  was  limited 

to  tilt:  right,  asserted  from  the  most  remote  times,  to  grant  or 

refuse  its  approbation  to  laws  voted  by  the  people.  Uuring  the 
republic   the   supreme    power    belono^ea    to    the    people  ;   but   they 

seldom   passed  acts  without  the   authority  of  the  senate.     In 

weighty  affairs  it  was  common  for  the  senate  to  deliberate  and 
decree,  and  for  the  people  to  interpose  their  sanction.     Btit  there 

were  many  tilings  wliich  tlie  senate  determined  by  its  own 

authoritv,  even  during  the  free  republic,  if  not  by  express  law, 
at  least  by  the  custom  of  its  ancestors.      When  the  popular  cause 

gained  ground,  the  tribunes  assumed  the  right  of  putting  a  nega- 
tive on  the  decrees  of  the  senate  which  rendered  them  of  no 
effect,  and  on  the  other  hand,  acts  were  passed  in  the  assembly 

of  the  tribes,  which  did  not  require  the  concurrence  or  approba- 
tion of  the  senate.     Under   the   empire,  when    the   comitia   had 

disappeared,  the    senate    had,  for    a    time,   undoubted    authority    to 

make  decrees  which  had  the  force  of  law,  but  subject  to  the  veto 
of    the    emperor    under    his    tribunitian    power."  —  Mackenzie, 

Rofnan   LattJ^   pp.  9  and   10. 


108 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


THE    ASSEMIJLIPIS. 


The  assemblies  of  tlie  Romans  were  all  primary  l)odics,  that  is, 

they  were  non-representative  in  character  (par.  15).    The  meit- 

ino^s,  which  were  summoned  and    presided    over    by  certain    of    the 

magistrates,  were  opened  with  sacrifices  and  prayer.  The  voting 
was  always  by  groups,  either  by  curies,  or  by  centuries,  or  by 

tribes.  The  members  of  the  groups  voted  sometimes  orally,  some- 
times by  ballot,  and  again  by  count  as  they  filed  past  a  given  point. 

The  functions  of  the  assembhes  were  at  the  outset  electoral,  le.iris- 

hxtive,  and  judicial.  Alany  of  their  judicial  duties,  however,  were 
gradually  devolved  upon  jury  courts.      After  the  third  century  n.c. 

all  the  assemblies  became  scarcely  more  than  the  pliant  instru- 
ments of  their  presiding  magistrates,  acting  in  their  own  interest, 
or  in  the  interest  of  some  clique  or  demagogue. 

The  four  ass;^ml)lies  under  the  repubhc  were  the  following  : 

I.    Cof/iitia  Curiata^  or  the  Curtate  Assefnbly.  —  This  was  the 
most  ancient  of  all  the  assemblies  (par.  15).      It  was   originally  a 

purely  patrician  body,  but  later  the  plebeians  gained  admission  to 
it.  Its  meeting-place  was  commonly  the  comitium.  The  voting 
was    by  curies.     The   assembly   was    in    the  very   earliest   times 

superseded  by  the  Comitia  Centuriata  (par.  37).    During  the 

historical  period,  it  was  scarcely  more   tlian   a  survival. 

2.  Coffiitia    Centii?-uita,    or  the   Asset/ibly  o/  the    Centuries. 

This  was  at  first  an  asseml)lyof  the  people  organized  as  an  army. 
It  was  an  outcome  of  the  reforms  of  Servius  TuUius  (par.  37).  It 
was  made  up  of  both  patricians  and  plebeians,  and  was  presided 
over  by  the  consuls.  The  meeting-place  of  the  body  was  com- 
monly the  Campus  Martins.     The  signial  for  a  meeting  was  a  red 

flag  hoisted  on  the  Janiculum.  The  voting  was  by  centuries. 
The  assembly  constituted  a  court  of  appeal  in  cases  involving 
sentences  of  death,  fiogging,  and  banishment.  The  body  was 
reorganized  between  the  First  and  the  Second  Punic  War  in  such 
a  way    as   to    take    the   power  out    of    the    hands    of    the    wealthy 

Classes,  where  it  was  at  first  lodged. 

3.  Concilhun    Tributiitn   Plebis,   or  the    J^tebe/an   Assembly   of 
Tnhes.  —  This  was  an  assemblv  of  the  plebs,   votinij   bv  tribes. 

Its  meeting-place  was  generally  ia  th^  great  forum.  It  was  called 
together^  and  presided  over  by  the  plebeian  tribunes  and  ecdiles. 
\\y  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws  (par.  61 )  it  was  ^iven  power,  without 

the  concurrences  of  the  senate  (?),  to  make  laws  that  should  bind 
the  whole  people.  It  became  in  time  the  chief  law-making  body 
in  the  state. 

4.  Comitia    Tributa,  or  the   Patricio-Phbcian    Assembly  of 


WE  EARLY  REPUBLIC. 


100 


Tribes.  —  This  was  a  body  made  up  of  both  patricians  and  ple- 
beians. The  vote  was  taken  by  tribes.  It  first  appears  in 
449  15. c.  (par.  62).  It  was  presided  over  by  consuls  and  prietors. 
Its  usual  meetin<^-place  was  the  forum. 


THE   MAGISTRATES. 


T/w  Consuls.  —  These  were  the  two  ordinary  supreme  execu- 
tive magistrates  of  the  republic.  They  were  invested  with  their 
authority    for   one    year    only.     The    first   consuls    were    elected 

509    H.c.    (par.  45).       They  possessed    at    the    outset   practically  all 

the  powers  that  had  been  wielded  by  the  kings.  Each  consul 
could  block  the  action  of  his  colleague.  Tlie  consulship  was 
opened  to  the   plebeians  by  the  Licinian  laws,  367    B.C.  (par.  71). 

The  age  of  eligibility  to  the   consulship   was  forty.      The   at   first 

extensive  powers  of  the  consuls  were  gradually  broken  up  and  a 

large  part  of  them  distributed  among  or  absorbed  by  the  various 
magistrates  named  below. 

The  Dictator.  —  The  dictator  was  an  officer  appointed  usually 
to  meet  ijn  emergency  in  the  affairs  of  the  state  (p^r.    43).      lie 

was    chosen    for    a    period    of    six    months    and    was    invested    with 

practically  irresponsible  and  unlimited  power.     His  assistant  was 

called  A/aa^i'stcr  Eiptituni.,  "  Master  of  the  Horse."  The  plebeians 
gained    admission    to   the   dictatorship   in    356   w.c.  (par.  7r,  n.  4). 

Aft.T  the  Second  Punic  War  tlie  office  fell  into  disus?,  until  it  was 
revived  in  the  last  century  of  the  republic  (par.  188,  n.  C). 

yy/6'  I^lebeian   Tribunes.  — -  The  first  tribunes  of  the  people  were 

elected  in  494  i;.c.  as  an  outcome  of  the  first  plebeian  secession 
(par.  50).     Therj  were  only  two  orii^inally,  then  five,  and  finally 

ten  (after  457  r>.c.).  They  were  inviolable,  like  ambassadors. 
They  called  together  and  presided  over  the  plebeian  assembly  of 

the  tribes.    Their  orijjinal  duty  was  to  protect  the  plebeians  from 

arbitrary  treatment  at  the  hands  of  patrician  maj^istrates,  but  they 

gradually  enhanced  their  authority  and  prerogatives  until  by  the 
second  century  B.C.  they  had  become  the  most  powerful  magis- 
trates of  the  city  (par.  i  78). 

The  Prcetors.  —  The  pra^-torship  was  created  by  the   Licinian 

laws,  367  B.C.  (par.  71).    At  first  there  was  but  one  prxtor,  but 

before  the  end  of  the  republican  period  the  number  had  been 
raised  to  sixteen.  These  officers  were  charged  witli  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  civil  law.  Under  the  later  republic  the  ex-pnetors 
were  sent  out,  under  the  name  of  proprietors,  as  governors  of  the 
provinces. 


no 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


The  /Ediles.  —  There  were  two  acdiles  chosen  from  tlie  plebs, 

and    two   known    as    curule   aediles,  chosen   from    the    upper   order. 

The  plebeian  aedileship  was  created  at  the  time  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  plebeian  tribunate,  496  B.C.  '(pai"-  5^)-  The  curule 
aedileship  was  created  in  365  B.C.  (par.  71,  n.  2).  Amonir  the 
duties    of    these    officers    were    the    superintendence    of   the   public 

games,  the  charge  of  the  public  archives,  and  the  care  of  the 

streets    and    markets   of   the    city. 

The    QucEstors.  —  Originally    there     were     only    two    quaestors 

(par.  61,  n.  5),  but  before  the  end  of  the  repubhc  the  number  had 
been  increased  to  forty.  Their  chief  duties  were  of  a  financial 
nature.      They  acted  as  treasurers   of   the   state  and   as    assistants 

and  paymasters  of  generals  and  superior  macjistrates. 

The  Censors.  —  The  number  of  these  officers  was  two.  The 
first  censors  were  elected  about  444  B.C.  (par.  Gz,^.  One  of  the 
duties  of  these  magistrates  was  to  take  the  census  of  the  citizens 

and  their  property.    They  were  also  the  guardians  of  the  public 

morals.  They  further  acted  as  overseers  of  the  work  on  the  mili- 
tary roads,  the  aqueducts,  and  the  public  buildings,  seeing  to  it 
that  all  contracts  were  faithfully  performed. 

The  consuls,  the  praetors,  the  patrician  aediles,  and  the  censors 
were  rwi:izi^.jnagistrates,  that  is,  magistrates  entitled  to  use  an 
officiaTstool  called  the  curule  chair.     A  curule  office  conferred 

nobility  upon  the  holder  of  it  and  all  his  descendants.  For  some- 
thing respecting  the  fortune  of  all  these  assemblies  and  magis- 
tracies under  the  empire,  see  pars.  208,  217,  and  239. 


CHAPTER    YI. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    ITAFV. 


(367-264  B.C.) 

73.  The  Creation  of  a  New  Class  of  Citizens  ;  Caeritan  Rights 
(353  i^-c).  —  It  will  be  fitting  if  we  begin  the  present 
chapter,   in   which    we   shall,   amidst    the   recitals   of   wars 

ot  conquest,  have  much  to  say  respecting  the  matter  of 
Roman  citizenship,  with  a  notice  of  the  creation  by  the 
city  of  a  new   class   of  citizens. 

We  have  seen  how,  after  the  taking  of  Veii,  the  Romans 
incorporated  with  the  territory  of  their  state  a  great  part 
of  Southern  Etruria  (par.  67).  The  Romanlzation  of  these 
lands,  and  the  threatening  advance  of  the  Roman  power 
in  these  regions,  caused  an  uprising  of  the  Etruscan  cities 
of  Tarquinii,  Ca^re,  and  F'alerii. 

The  movement  was  suppressed.  The  Tarqulnlans,  who 
during  the  war  had  sacrificed  to  their  gods  over  three  hun- 
dred Roman  prisoners,  were  harshly  dealt  with,  several 
hundred  of  their  most  distinguished  citizens  being  taken 
to  Rome  and  first  flogged  and  then  beheaded  in  the  forum 
(351  B.C.).  But  the  Ca^ritans,  because  they,  at  the  time 
Rome  was  destroyed  by  the  Gauls,  had  given  an  asylum  to 

the  vestal  virgins  and  the  sacred  things  of  the  Roman 
gods  (par.  68),  were  shown  more  consideration.  Their 
political  independence  was,  indeed,  taken  aw^ay  from  them, 
but  they  were  left  in  control  of  their  own  local  affairs,  and 

III 


I  12 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


were  given  all  the  private  rights  of  Roman  citizens  {civiias 
sine  suffragio). 

This  was  probably  the  first  instance  in  which  Rome  had 

conferred  these  rights  upon  the  inhabitants  of  a  conquered 
city.  The  special  instalment  of  rights  here  bestowed 
came  to  be  known  as  the  Qcritan  franchise,  and  was  after- 
wards granted  to  other  communities.     Cities  thus  deprived 

Of  sovereignty  and  incorporated  as  self-governing  town.^ 

with  the  Roman  state  were  called  municipia.''  The  gov- 
ernment of  such  towns  was  modeled  as  nearly  as  possible 
on  that  of  the  capital  city  Rome. 

74.  The  Beginning  of  the  Roman  Municipal  System.  —  J]ut 

the  Roman  statesmen  in  determining  the  relations  Of  Crere 
to  Rome  had  done  something  more  than  to  create  a  new 
chiss  or  grade  of  Roman  citizens.      They  had  consciously 

or  unconsciously  created  a  new  system  of  government. 

For  Rome  had  never  before,  save  perhaps  in  one  instance  " 

5  The  Roman  writers  used  this  term  with  little  precision,  and  modern 
historians    have    given   it   widely   different    applications.      In   order  to 

avoid  confusion,  we  shall  apply  the  term  exclusively  to  dtles  or  com- 
munities actually  incorporated  with  the  Roman  state,  yet  enjoying  at 

least  some  measure  of  local  self-government.  Whenever  we  use  the 
term  in  a  sense  different  from  this,  we  shall  state  carefully  with  just 
what  significance  we  are  employing  it.     Thus  we  shall  speak  of  tlie 

Eoman  colonies  (par.  84)  as  muuicipia ;  but  we  Shall  not  apply  the 

name  either  to  Z,a/'/,i  colonies  (par.  84)  or  to  prefectures  (par.  i6j,  n.  .S), 
tor  the  reason  that  an  essential  element  of  the    municipal   system    was 

lacking  in  each  instance.  Thus  in  the  case  of  the  Latin  colony  the 
community  did  not  form  a  part  of  the  Roman  state  proper,  hut  ^vas 
simply  an  allied  community;  and  in  the  case  of  the  prefecture,  the 

essential    feature  of  local    self-government  was    wanting.       Some  writers, 

however,  classify  prefectures  as  vimiidpia  of  the  second gmcL-. 

«  Some  authorities  maintain  that  Tusculum,  which  was  suhjected  in 
some  way  to  Rome  in  381  h.c,  was  the  most  ancient  of  Roman  muni- 


THE  CONQUEST  OE  ITALY 


113 


dealt  with  a  conquered  city  in  the  way  that  she  dealt  with 
Caere.  When  Alba  Longa  was  taken,  in  the  times  of  the 
kings,  the  city,  according  to  the  tradition,  was  destroyed, 
and  its  inhabitants  transported  in  a  body  to  Rome  and 
incorporated  with  the  Roman  people  (par.  42).  When  Veii 
was  taken,  in  the  year  396  u.c.  (par.  66),  the  greater  part 
of  the  inhabitants  were  killed  or  sold  as  slaves,  and  the 
vanquished  community  was  thus  wholly  broken  up  and,  as 

it  were,  wiped    out    of    existence. 

Now  Rome  admittedly  could  not  attain  to  greatness  by- 
following  either  of  these  two  policies.  But  in  dealing  with 
Caere,  she  happily  hit  upon  a  new  governmental  device 
which  enabled  her  to  incorporate  in  her  growing  dominions 
one  conquered  city  after  another  until  she  had  absorbed 
the  whole  world.  This  device  was  what  is  known  as  the 
municipal   system,   for   the  reason   that,   as   we   have  seen 

(par.  73),  the  Romans  gave  to  a  city  having  the  status 
of   Caere   the    name   7?iiinicipiiim. 

We  shall  best  secure  a  good  understanding  of  the  essen- 
tial feature  of  this  municipal  system,  if  we  glance  at  the 
system  as  it  exists  among  ourselves  to-day  ;  for  our  so-called 
municipal  system,  in  its  underlying  principle,  is  an  inher- 
itance  from    Rome. 

A    municipality  or    municipal    town    in    our    system    of 

government  Is  a  city  which,  acting  under  a  charter  granted 
by  the  state  In  whose  territory  it  Is  situated  and  of  which 
it  forms  a  part,  elects  its  own  magistrates,  and  manages, 
with  more  or  less  supervision  on  the  part  of  the  state,  its 
own  local  affairs.       The  essential   principle   Involved   In  the 

cipia.  The  question  of  precedence  here  raised  has,  however,  only  an 
antiquarian   interest. 


114 


ROMB    AS    A    RBPUBL/C. 


arrangement  is  local  self-government,  carried  on  under  the 
paramount  authority  of  the  state.  The  city,  without  its 
local  political  life  having  been  stifled,  has  been  made  a 
constituent  part  of  a  larger  political  organism.      It  is  only 

when  the  cities  in  a  state  sustain  this  relation  to  the 
superior  government  that  we  have  what  may  properly  be 
called  the  municipal  system. 

Now,  as  we  have  said,  when  Rome  incorporated  Crtre 
into  her  territory  and  made  the  inhabitants  of  the  place 
Roman  citizens  —  although  citizens  possessing  as  yet  only 
a  part  of  the  rights  of  the  city  —  she  laid  the  corner  stone 
of  this  municipal  system  which  rendered  possible  her  own 

greatness,  and  which,  transmitted  by  her  to  Liter  times  as 

a  principle  of  government,  was  to  form  the  very  basis  of 
the  structure  of  the  modern  free  state. 

We  must  not  think  that  the  problem  here  solved  by 
Rome  was  one  easy  of  solution,  and  that  consequently  no 

great  measure  of  credit  need  be  given  the  Romans  for 
having  solved  it.  Fhe  difficulties  met  and  overcome  by 
them    in  working  out   this  system   were   very   much  like 

those  met  and  overcome  by  our  statesmen  of  a  century 

and  more  ago,  when  they  devised  the  federal  system,  and 
determined  what  should  be  the  relations  of  the  States  of 
our   union    to    the    general    government    at    Washington. 

Indeed,  this  whole  federal  system  is  nothing  more  than 
the  application  to  states  of  the  principles  of  government 
that  Rome  applied  to  cities.  The  federal  system  existed 
in  germ  in  the  municipal  system  of  Rome. 

How  this  form  of  government  fostered  among  the 

Italians,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  local  patriotism  and 
national  patriotism,  love  for  one's  native  city  and  interest 


THE    CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


115 


and  pride  in  the  affairs  of  the  greater  commonwealth  of 
which  that  city  was  only  a  part,  is  well  illtistrated  by 
these   memorable  words   once   used   by   Cicero :    "  Every 

burgher  of  a  corporate  town,"  he  says,  ^as,  I  take  it, 

two  fatherlands,  that  of  which  he  is  a  native,  and  that 
of  which  he  is  a  citizen.  I  will  never  deny  allegiance  to 
my  native  town,  only  I  will  never  forget  that  Rome  is  my 
greater  Fatherland,  and  that  Arpinum^  is  but  a  portion 

of   Rome."  ^ 

What  we  have  now  said  will   convey  some  idea  of  the 
important  place  which  the  municipal  systernof  Rome  holds 

in  the  development  of  free  self-government  among  men. 

This  was  Rome's  great,  and  almost  Jier  only,  contribution 
to  political  history,  and  after  her  law  system  her  best  gift 
to  civilization   (par.  310). 

75.  The  Fall  of  the  Etruscan  Power.  —  The  suppression 
of  the  Etruscan  uprising,  and  the  incorporation  of  the  city 
of  Caere  wdth  the  Roman  state,  marks  a  turning  point  in 
the  fortunes  of  the  Etruscan  race.  In  the  words  of  the 
historian  Mommsen,  "Their  season  of  power  and  aspira- 
tion had  passed  away."  We  shall  find  them  in  arms 
against  Rome  again  and  again  after  this,  but  their  attacks 
were  no  longer  formidable.  Their  power  had  been  broken, 
not  alone  by  the  blows  they  had  received  from  the  Romans, 
but  also  by  the  attacks  of  the  Gauls  from  the  North,  and 
of  the  Greek  cities  of  the  South  by  the  way  of  the  sea. 
Furthermore,  great  inequality  in  wealth  had  arisen  among 
them,  and  luxury  had  crept  into  their  cities,  as  later  it 
entered    Rome,    and    society    had    become    effeminate    and 

"  Cicero's  birthplace. 

8  r>e  Legibus,  ii.  2,  5  ;   as  quoted  by  Strachan-Davidson,  Cicero^  p.  6. 


Ii6 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


What  elements   there  were  remaining:    in  the  race 


corrupt. 

of  vitality  and  strength  were  gradually  absorbed  by  Rome, 
and  the  Etruscan  people  and  the  Etruscan  civilization  as 
distinct  factors  in  history  disappeared  from  the  world. 

76.    The  First  Sam- 
nite     War     (343-341 
B.C.). — The  power  of 
^S^':M      the  Etruscans  having 
been     broken,     the 
most     formidable 
competitors  of  the 
Romans   for   suprem- 
acy in  Italy  were  the 
Samnites,   rough  and 
warlike  mountaineers 
who   held   the   Apen- 
nines   to    the     south- 
east of  Latium.    They 
were  worthy  rivals  of 
the   "Children   of 
Mars."     The   succes- 
sive struggles  between 
these    martial     races 
are   known   as   the 

First,  Second,  and 
Third  Samnite  wars. 

They  extended  over  a  period  of  half  a  century,  and  in  their 

course  involved  almost  all  the  states  of  Italy. 
The  beginning  of  the  struggle  was  brought  about  in  this 

way.     The  Samnites  were  troubling  the  people  of  Cam- 
pania.     The  Campanians  applied  to  Rome  for  help  against 


Samnite  Warrior. 

(From  a  vase.) 


THE    CONQUEST  OF  ITALY 


11/ 


the  mountain  raiders.  The  appeal  was  favorably  received 
by  the  Romans,  and  thus  the  great  duel  began. 

Of  the  first  of  this  series  of  Samnite  wars  we  know  very 

little,  although  Livy  wrote  a  long,  but  palpably  unreliable, 
account  of  it. 

77.  The  Revolt  of  the  Latin  Cities  (340-338  rc).  —  In 
the  midst  of  the  Samnite  struggle,  Rome  was  confronted 

by  a  dangerous  revolt  of  her  Latin  allies  (par.  51).  Leav- 
ing the  war  unfinished,  she  turned  her  forces  against  the 
insurgents. 

The  strife  between  the  Romans  and  their  Latin  allies 
was  simply,  in  principle,  the  old  contest  within  the  walls  of 
the  capital  between  the,  patricians  and  the  plebeians  trans- 
ferred to  a  larger  arena.  As  the  patricians,  before"  the 
equalization  of   the   orders,   had   claimed   for   themselves 

alone  the  right  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  state,  so  now 

did  the  united  orders  claim   for   Rome  alone   the   riirht   to 


manage  the  affairs  of  all  Latium. 


The  Latins  were  obliged 


to  obey  the  commands  of  Rome,  and  to  follow  her  lead  in 
war.  But  they  were  now  growing  very  dissatisfied  with 
their  position  in  the  unequal  alliance,  and  resolved  that 
Rome  should  give  up  the  sovereignty  she  was  practically 
exercising.  Accordingly  they  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome, 
demanding  that  the   association   should  be  made  one  of 

perfect  equality.       Vo  this   end    the   ambassadors   proposed  \ 
that  in   the   future   one   of   the   consuls   should  be  a    Latin, 
and  that  one-half  of  the  senate  should  be  chosen  from  the 
Latin  nation.     Rome  was  to  be  the  common  fatherland, 
and  all  were  to  bear  the  Roman  name.^ 

These    demands    of    the    ambassadors    were    listened    to 

^  Livy,  viii.  5. 


L.L.Poate9.  Kugr.,N.T. 


THE  AGER  ROMANUS 

AFTER 

THE  LATIX  WAR 

B.C. 338 


0 


5 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


20 


^  The  Ager  RoiiiHiius 

The  dates  annexnl  to  towns  are  thuse  of  theii  annezatloe 


?iy^  Latin  Colonies 

The  datos  arc  those  of  their  fuundation 


THE    CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


119 


by  the  Roman  senators  with  amazement  and  indio-nation. 
One  of  the  consuls,  Titus  Manlius  by  name,  voiced  their 
anger  in  declaring  that,  should  Latins  by  any  chance  gain 
admission  to  the  senate  house,  he  would  enter  there  with 
his  sword  and  put  them  all  to  death  with  his  own  hand. 
Then  turning,  and  addressing  the  statue  of  Jupiter,  he 
exclaimed  :  <'  O  Jupiter,  canst  thou  endure  to  behold  in  thy 
own  sacred  temple,  strangers  as  consuls  and  as  senators  ?  " 
The  demands  of  the  Latin  allies  were  refused,  and  war 
followed,  a  war  in  which  the  Romans  were  fighting  their 
former  comrades   of  the  camp  and  the  held.     The  Cam- 

panians  lent  aid  to  the  Latins,  while  the  Samnites  helped 

the  Romans  against  the  common  enemy. 

The  following  tale  of  the  war  given  us  by  Livy  is  of 
value  as  exhibiting  the  quality  of  sternness  in  the  Roman 
character.  In  one  of  the  early  campaigns  of  the  war  the 
consul  Titus  Manlius  had  given  strict  orders  that  no  one 
should  engage  in  single  combat  with  any  of  the  enemy. 
The    consul's    own   son   Titus,   impelled    by  the    ardor  of 

youth,  disobeyed  his  father's  command,  and  accepted  a 

challenge  from  one  of  the  foe.  He  slew  his  antagonist 
and  brought  the  spoils  stripped  from  the  body  to  his 
father's  tent.  The  father  turned  from  his  son  in  an^er, 
and  ordered  the  lictors  to  lay  hold  of  him,  to  bind  him  to 
the  stake,  and  to  strike  his  head  from  his  body.  This  was 
done,  the  consul  standing  by  and  looking  on.  Through 
such  sacrifice  of  parental  feeling  did  Titus  Manlius  maintain 

military  discipline,  teach  a  needed  lesson  in  obedience, 

and  cause  his  orders,  as  Livy  says,  *' to  be  transmitted  as 
a  model  of  austerity  to  all  after  times."  ^^ 

^•^  Livy,  vii.  7.     Compare  par.  46. 


I20 


ROME    AS   A    Jy^EPUBEJC. 


There  is  also  preserved  to  us  from  this  war  the  following 
legend  of  the  consul  Fublius  Decius  Mus.  A  dream  hav- 
ing revealed  to  him  and  his  colleague  that  victory  would 
rest  with  the  army  whose  leader  should  otfer  himself  as  a 
victim  to  the  gods  of  the  underworld,  they  agreed  that  the 
one  whose  soldiers  hrst  showed  signs  of  wavering  in  the 

light  should  devote  himself  for  the  army  and  the  Roman 

people  (par.  20). 

The  troops  of  Decius  Mus  were  the  first  to  yield  ground 
to  the  enemy.  Thereupon,  Decius,  repeating  the  formula 
used  on  such  occasions,  flung  himself  into  the  midst  of  the 
enemy,  and  fell  pierced  with  darts.  The  Romans,  now  cer- 
tain of  victory,  renewed  the  battle  with  fresh  ardor  and 
courage,  and  soon  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 

After  about  three  years'  hard  fighting,  the  rebellion  was 

subdued. 

The  Latin  League  a;3  a  political  body  was  no  .V  dissolved, 
the  organization  being  retained  merely  for  religious  pur- 
poses. Four  of  the  towns,  Tibar,  Prcxneste,  Cora,  and 
Laurentum,!^  retained  their  independence  ;  the  others  with 
their  territories  were  made  a  part  of  the  Roman  domain,'" 
and  became  m.u;ijc//>ia  of  different  grades  (par.  73,  n.  5). 
The  inhabitants'^^Sr-som^  of  these  municipalities  WCrC 
admitted  at  once  to  full  Roman  citizenship,  while  those  of 
others  were  given  only  a  part  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  citizens,  the  political  rights  of  voting  and  holding  office 
being  withheld. 

11  The    student    should   not  fail  to  locate  these  places  on    the   man 

opposite  page  119. 

^-^  Compare    the   maps   on    pages   79  and   iiS,   anJ    note   carefully 
how  the  a^^er  Romanus  was  extended  at  this  time. 


71/Zi     C'OA'Qiy/:S7^    O/'^    I7AI.Y. 


I  2  I 


To  prevent  any  further  combination  among  the  cities 
against  Rome,  intermarriage  and  trade  ^'^  between  them 
were  forbidden.  Each  city  was  forced  to  conclude  a  sepa- 
rate treaty  with  Rome.  In  this  way  each  community  was 
completely  isolated_^^i  all  the  others  and  cooperation 
among  them  effectually^evented. 

Part  of   the  lands  which  were  actually  Incorporated  with 

the  Roman  domain  were  added  to  tribes  already  existing; 
out  of  the  remainder  two  new  tribes  were  formed,  which 
brought  the  whole  number  up  to  twenty-nine'^  (332  b.c). 

One  noted  trophy  of  the  war  set  up  at  Rome  was  the 
beaks  {rostra)  of  the  ships  of  the  Volscian  city  of  Antium, 
which  were  attached  to  the  orator's  platform  in  the  great 
forum,  and  hence  the  name  Rostra,  by  which  this  stand 

was  ever  afterwards  known  (par.  ^4). 

78.  The  Second  Samnite  War  (326-304  rc.)  ;  the  Humili- 
ation of  the  Romans  at  the  Caudine  Forks.—  In  a  few  years 
after  the  close  of  the  Latin  contest,  the  Romans  were  at 
war  again  with  their  old  rivals,  the  Samnites.  The  most 
memorable  event  of  this  struggle  was  the  cipture  and 
humiliation  of  the  Roman  army  at  the  celebrated  Caudine 
Forks. 

The  circumstances  were  these.    It  was  the  year  331  rc. 

S.  Postumius  and  T.  Veturius  were  consuls.  Word  was 
brought  to  them  that  the  Samnites  were  besieo-ino-  the 
Apulian  city  of  Luceria,  which  was  under  the  protection  of 

Rome.    Now  there  were  two  routes  leading  to  the  belea- 

^^  Conimercium  and  connubiiivi  (par.  i6). 

"  Two  new  tribes  had  been  formed  in  358  }{.c.  from  lands  in  the 
Pomptine  region.  This  increased  the  number  from  twenty-five,  where  it 
stood  after  the  reconstruction  of  Southern  Etruria  (pr\r.  d-j),  to  twenty- 

seven. 


122 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC, 


guered  place,  one  long  but  safe,  the  other  short  but  dan- 
gerous. The  consuls,  in  their  anxiety  to  carry  help  to  their 
allies    before    it    should   be   too    late,    unwisely  chose   the 

shorter  route.  At  a  point  called  the  Caudine  Forks,  this 
road  led  the  Roman  forces  through  a  narrow  mountain- 
walled  valley,  entrance  to  which  was  gained  by  a  deep 
cleft  in  the  rocks  and  exit  by  a  similar  difficult  ravine. 
The  consuls  carelessly  led  their  troops  into  this  pent-up 
valley,  only  to  discover  when  it  was  too  late  that  they 
were  in  a  trap,  with  the  enemy,  who  had  planned  an  ambush 
here,  hemming  them  in.  To  attempt  to  extricate  them- 
selves would  have  been  Idle,  and  consequently  the  Romans 

were  forced  to  capitulate. 

The  leader  of  the  Samnites,  Gavius  Pontius,  is  said  to 
have  sent  messengers  to  his  aged  father  for  advice  as  to 

what    he    should    do    with    his    prisoners.       The    father    is 

reported  to  have  counselled  his  son  either  to  let  them  all 
go  back  to  Rome  uninjured,  and  thereby  make  the  Romans 
eternal  friends  of  the  Samnites,  or  to  slay  every  man  of 

them,  and  thus  render  the  Romans  for  a  long  time  at  least 

incapable  of  doing  harm  to  anybody.     Pontius  adopted  a 

middle  course.      He  forced  the  consuls  to  agree  to  a  treaty 

of  peace  the  terms  of  which  were  that  the  Romans  should 
give  up  all  the  territory  they  had  taken  from  the  Samnites, 
and  withdraw  their  colonies  from  the  same.  This  treaty 
was  secured  by  the  oaths  of  the  consuls  and  of  all  the  chief 
officers  of  the  Roman  army,  and  further  by  six  hundred 

Roman  knights  given  as  hostages. 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  having  been  arranged,  the 
Romans  were  deprived  of  their  arms,  and  then  all  were  sent 
beneath  the  yoke  (par.   57,  n.  9),  which  was  the  deepest 


THE    CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


123 


humiliation  that  could  be  inflicted  upon  a  vanquished 
enemy.     The   disgraced   consuls    and  legions    made  their 

way  back  to  Rome.    To  escape  the  observation  of  the 

citizens,  they  slipped  into  the  city  after  nightfall,  and  con- 
cealed themselves  in  their  homes  for  days  before  venturing 
to  show  their  faces  upon  the  streets  or  in  the  forum.^ 

The  consuls  had  exceeded  their  powers  in  concluding 

such  a  treaty  as  they  had  agreed  to.  The  senate  refused 
to  confirm  it,  and  thought  to  meet  all  the  requirements 
of  honor  by  sending  back  to  the  Samnites  the  consuls  who 

had  made  it.    Pontius,  however,  refused  to  receive  these 

men,  and  insisted  that  the  Romans,  if  they  had  any  regard 
for  honor  or  any  fear  of  the  oath-witnessing  gods,  should 
either  ratify  what  their  consuls  had  done,  or  put  back  the 
released  army  in  the  Caudine  valley  in  exactly  the  same 
position  it  occupied  before  the  treaty  was  made.  This 
the   senate   refused   to   do. 

From  the  day  of  this  memorable  transaction  at  the 
Caudine  Forks  it  has  been  a  matter  of  debate  whether  Or 
not  in  this  affair  the  Roman  senate  did  all  that  fairness 
and  honor  demanded. 

The  war  went  on.  Soon  the  tide  of  fortune  turned  in 
favor  of  the  Romans.  The  consul  Lucius  Papirius  Cursor 
retook  the  city  of  Luceria,  which  earlier  in  the  war  had 
been  captured  by  the  Samnites,  and  recovered  all  the  spoils 
taken  by  the  enemy  at  Caudium,  together  with  the  hostages 
given  by  the  Romans  at  that   time.      In  requital  for  the 

humiliation  which  the  Samnites  had  inflicted  upon  the 
Romans,  Papirius  sent  all  his  prisoners,  seven  thousand  in 
number,  under  the  yoke  (319  b.c). 

^  Livy,  ix.  7. 


12. 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC, 


Later  in  the  struggle  the  Etruscans  appeared  In  the  field 
as  allies  of  the  Samnites,  who  now  had  ranged  on  their 
side  many  of  the  other  Italian  peoples.  But  the  Etruscans 
suffered  a  decisive  defeat  -  at  the  hands  of  the  able  Roman 
general  I'abius  Maximus  Rullianus,  which  forced  them  to 
withdraw  from  the  war  ;   and  a  few  years  later  (in  305  b.c.) 


View  on  the  Appian  Way. 

(The  construction  of  this  "  Queen  of  Roman  Roads  "  was  bejun  in  the  year  312  b.c. 

by  the  censor  Appius  Claudius.) 

the  Romans  captured  Bovianum,  the  capital  city  of  the 
Samnites,  and  thus  brought  the  war  to  an  end.  The 
Samnites  gave  up  all  the  conquests  they  had  made  and 
the  old  treaty  relations  with  Rome  were  reestablished. 

The  war  had  lasted  twenty-two  years.    During  its  course 
Rome  had  added  extensive  territories  to  her  domain,  and 

-  At  the  battle  of  Vadimonian  Lake  (310  i;.c.). 


THE  CQNilUL^T  Ob'  ITALY, 


125 


had  made  her  hold  of  these  secure  by  means  of  colonies, 
^^lil^^^^^-^^^^Ljiiiiii^^^  it  was  at  this  tiil^Thiu 

Rome  began  the  constructi^T^Ttliose  remarkable  high- 
ways that  formed  one  of  the  most  impressive  features  of 
her  later  empire  (par.  292).  The  hrst  of  these  roads  was 
begun  in  the  year  312  b.c.  under  the  direction  of  the  censor 
Appius  Claudius,  and  called  after  him  the   Via  Appia,     It 

ran  from    Rome   to  Capua,  and   thus  brought   all  Campania 
close  to  the  capital. 

79.    Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Roman  Generals  Compared. 

—  It  was  in   the  midst  of   this  second  Samnlte  war   that 

Alexander  the  Great,  after    having   conquered   a  great    part 

of  Asia,  died  at  Babylon  (323  p..c.).      The  mutual  isolation, 

at  this  comparatively  late  period  in  the  history  of  antiquity, 

of  the  nations  of  the  East  and  of  the  West  is  revealed   by 

the  doubt  expressed  by  Livy  as  to  a  rumor  of  the  fame  of 
Alexander  having  ever  reached  the  ears  of  the  Romans 
'of  this  time.  Rut  the  contemporaneousness  of  the  events 
of  the  Samnite  war  and  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  leads 
LlVy  to  reflect  whether,  had  Alexander  lived  longer  and 
attempted  to  carry  out  the  design  which  he  is  said  "to  have 
formed  of  adding  Europe  to  his  vast  empire,  he  would 
have  been  likely  to  succeed   in  the  undertaking. 

The   historian    arrives    at    the    patriotic  conclusion   that 
Alexander  would  have   found    his   equal    in    any  one   of   the 

great  Roman  commanders  of  this  time,  as,  for  instance, 
Titus  Manlius,  or  Lucius  Papirius  Cursor,  or  Eabius 
Maximus  Rullianus;  and  had  he  delayed  the  enterprise 
until  he  was  an  old  man,  it  Would  have  been  the  same. 
He  would  have  found  out  that  a  Roman  consul  was  not 
a  Darius.      Besides,   in   Italy  Alexander  would  have  had 


126 


romj:  as  a  republic. 


men  to  fight  ;  in  Asia  he  had  been  fighting  women.  And 
in  addition  to  the  commanders  and  the  soldiers,  there 
was  the  Roman  military  system,  a  system  that  had  been 

worked  out  and  improved  by  the  Romans  during  five  cen- 
turies of  constant  experience  in  war.  In  the  matter  of 
discipline,  in  the  handling  of  troops,  in  the  forming  of  the 
battle  line,  in  the  construction  of  entrenched  camps,  the 
Roman  generals  were  unsurpassed  masters  of  their  art. 

Furthermore,  Carthage  and  Rome  would  have  joined 
forces  against  the  Macedonians  as  against  a  common 
enemy.     And  so,  had  Alexander  come,  the  issue  could  not 

have  been  doubtful,  —  especially  since  the  invaders  would 

have  had  but  one  Alexander  while  the  Romans  had  many,  so 
that  if  the  accidents  of  war  had  carried  off  one,  that  would 
have  had  no  material  effect  upon  the  final  outcome  of  the 

contest.  Alexander  owed  his  fame  to  having  died  young, 
before  fickle  fortune  had  had  time  to  ruin  his  prosperous 
affairs  — as  they  would  have  been  ruined  in  Italy.^ 

80.  Two  New  Tribes  Created  (299  B.C.). —Shortly  after 

the  close  of  the  Second  Samnite  War  (in  299  lu'.),  the 

.^quians  having  again  become  troublesome,  Rome  took 
away  from  them  some  of  their  territory,  and  made  it  a  part 
of  the  Roman  domain.  The  inhabitants  settled  in  the 
districts  were  formed  into  two  new  tribes  and  thus  admitted 
to  the  Roman  franchise.* 

81.  The   Third  Samnite  War   (298-290    B.C.).  —  Although 
the  Samnites  were  so   thoroughly  defeated   in   their  second 

^  Livy,  ix.  17-19. 

'  The  number  of  tribes  was  now  thirty-three.    Two  tribes  had  been 
formed  about  330  B.C.  out  of  Volscian  territory,  which  brought  the 

number   up   to   thirty-one. 


THE    CON-QUEST  OF  ITALY. 


127 


contest  with  Rome,  still  it  was  only  four  years  before  they 
were  again  in  arms  and  engaged  in  their  third  struggle  with 
her  for  supremacy  in  Italy.  This  tim^  they  succeeded  in 
forming  against  their  old  enemy  a  powerful  coalltJon  which 
embraced  the  Etruscans,  the  Umbrlans,  the  Gauls,  and 
other  nations.  It  was  easy  for  them  to  accomplish  this,  for 
the  rapid  advance  of  the  powder  of  Rome  had  caused  all  the 
peoples  of  the  peninsula  fully  to  realize  that  unless  her 
encroachments  were  speedily  checked  their  independence 
would  be  lost  forever. 

The    danger    that    threatened     Rome    from    the    league 

against  her  was  great ;  but  Roman  courage  rose  In  propor- 
tion to  the  threatening  peril.  Two  consular  armies  met 
the  combined  forces  of  the  Samnites  and  their  allies  at 
Sentinum  in  Etruria  (295  b.c).  In  the  midst  of  the  fight, 
the  consul  Decius  Mus,  seeing  his  soldiers  yielding  ground 
to  the  enemy,  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  his  father 
in  the  Latin  war  (par.  77)  and  offer  himself  as  an  expia- 
tory sacrifice  for  the  Roman  army  and  the  Roman  people. 

Accordingly,  having  devoted  himself  and  the  army  of  the 

enemy  with  solemn  imprecations  to  the  infernal  gods,  he 
plunged  into  the  hostile  ranks  and  there  found  death. 
His  soldiers,  seeing  what  he  had  done,  turned  again  with 

more  than  human  courage  upon  the  enemy,  and  soon  the 

victory  rested  with  them.^ 

This  battle  broke  the  power  of  the  coalition  against  Rome. 
One  after  another  the  states  and  tribes  that  had  joined  the 

alliance  were  chastised,  and  the  Samnitcs  Were  forced  to  give 

up  the  struggle.      Rome  left  them  their  independence, ''but 
stripped  them  of  all  their  conquests.     The  brave  Samnite 

^  Livy,  X.  28,  29. 


If 


4 


128 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


general,  Gavius  Pontius,  who  sent  the  Roman  army  beneath 
the  yoke  at  the  Caudine  Forks  (par.  78),  after  having 
been  led  in  tlie  triumphal  procession  of  the  consul  Fabius 
Maximus  Gurges,  was  ungenerously  cast  into  the  dungeon 
beneath  the  Capitoline  hill  and  there  beheaded. 

82.  The  War  with  Tarentum  and  Pyrrhus  (282—272  B.C.). 
—  The  period  of  eight  years  which  followed  the  end  of 
Rome's  struggle  with  the  Samnites  and  the  beginning  of 

her  memorable  war  with  Tarentum  and  Pyrrhus,  was  filled 
by  the  Romans  in  petty  wars  with  the  Ftruscans,  the 
Gauls,  the  Lucanians,  and  various  Greek  cities  of  Mas-na 
Graicia  ;  and  in  the  founding  of  colonies,  the  building  of 
fortresses,  and  the  extension  of  her  military  roads.*'  Before 
the  end  of  this  period,  almost  all  the  Greek  cities  of  Southern 
Italy,  save  Tarentum,  had  fallen  under  the  growing  jzower 
of  the  imperil!  city. 

Tarentum  wis  one  of  the  most  no  ed  of  the  cities  of 
Magna  Grx-cia.  It  was  a  seaport  on  the  Calabrian  coast, 
and  had  grown  opulent  through  the  extended  trade  of  its 
merchants.  Its  inhabitants  were  luxurious  in  their  habits, 
Idle  and  frivolous,  entering  into  and  breaking  engagements 
with  careless  levity.  They  spent  the  most  of  their  time  in 
feasting  and  drinking,  in  lounging  in  the  baths,  in  attending 
the  theatre,  and  in  idle  talk  on  the  streets. 

Between     Tarentum    and    Rome    there    existed    a    treaty, 

6  The  chief  matter  of  constitutional  importance  during  this  period 
was  the  passage  of  the  Hortensian  law,  probably  in  286  b.c.  This 
law  was  the  outcome  of  a  secession  of  the  plebeians,  the  third  (?)  and 

last,  to  the  Janiculum  hill.    Its  most  important  provision,  namely,  that 

which  made  the  decrees  of  the  plebeian  assembly  binding  on  all  the 
citizens,  appears  to  have  been  simply  a  reenactment  of  a  similar  provi- 
sion of  the  eadier  Valerio-TIoratian  laws.     Compare  par.  61. 


I 


THE    CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


129 


according  to  the  terms  of  which  the  Romans  were  bound 
not  to  pass  with  their  war-galleys  beyond  the  promontory 
of  Lacinium.  In  violation  of  this  treaty,  a  squadron  of 
Roman  war-ships,  on  its  way  to  the  Adriatic,"  ran  into  the 
harbor  of  Tarentum.  The  Tarentines  straightway  manned 
their  galleys,  and  attacking  the  Roman  fleet,  destroyed 
several  of  the  ships,  and  made  prisoners  of  the  crews  of 
Others.      These  captives  they  rashly  killed  or  sold  as  slaves. 

The  Romans  promptly  sent  an  embassy  to  Tarentum 
to  demand  amends.  In  the  theatre,  in  the  presence  of  a 
great  assembly,  one  of  the  ambassadors  was  grossly  insulted, 
his  toga  being  befouled  by  a  clownish  fellow  amidst  the 
approving  plaudits  of  the  giddy  crowd.  The  ambassador, 
raising  the  soiled  garment,  said  sternly:  ^' Laugh  now; 
but  you  will  weep  when  this  toga  is  cleansed  with  blood."' 

Kome  at  once  declared  war. 

The  Tarentines  turned  to  Greece  for  aid.  Pyrrhus,  king 
of  Epirus,  and  a  cousin  of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  had  an 
ambition  to  build  up  such  an  empire  in  the  West  as  his 
famous  kinsman  had  established  in  the  East,  responded  to 
their  entreaties,  and  crossed  over  into  Italy  with  a  small 
army  of  Greek  mercenaries  and  twenty  war  elephants.  He 
organized  and  drilled  the  effeminate  Tarentines,  and  soon 

felt  prepared  to  face  the  Komans. 

The  hostile  armies  met  at  Heraclea  (280  B.C.).  It  is 
said  that  when  Pyrrhus,  who  had  underestimated  his  foe, 
observed  the  skill  which  the  Romans  evinced  in  forminc^ 

o 

"  The  extension  of  the  Roman  territory  across  Italy  to  the  Adriatic, 
and  the  necessity  of  opening  up  communication  by  sea  with  the  eastern 
Shore  of  the  peninsula,  doubtless  seemed  to  the  Romans  sufficient  justi- 
fication for  the  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 


130 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


their  lines  of  battle,  he  exclaimed  in  admiration  :  '*  In  war, 
at  least,  these  men  are  not  barbarians."     The  battle  was 

won  for  Fyrrhus  by  his  war  elephants,  the  sight  of  which, 

being  new  to  the  Romans,  caused  them  to  flee  from  the 
field  in  dismay.  But  Pyrrhus  had  lost  thousands  of  his 
bravest  troops.  Victories  gained  by  such  losses  in  a 
country  where  he  could  not  recruit  his  army,  he  saw  clearly, 
meant  final  defeat.  As  he  looked  over  the  battlefield  he 
is  said  to  have  turned  to  his  companions  and  remarked  : 
"  Another  such  victory  and  I  shall  be  ruined."  He  noticed 
also,  and  not  without  appreciating  its  significance,  that  the 

wounds  of  the  Roman  soldiers  kiUed  in  the  action  were  all 
in  front.  "Had  I  such  soldiers,"  he  said  admiringly,  "I 
should  soon  be  master  of  the  world." 

The  prudence  of  the  victorious  Pyrrhus  led  him  to  send  to 
the  Romans  proposals  of  peace.  The  embassy  was  headed 
by  his  chief  minister,  Cineas,  of  whom  Pyrrhus  himself 
often  said:  *'The  eloquence  of  Cineas  wins  me  more  vic- 
tories than  my  sword."  When  the  senate  hesitated,  its  reso- 
lution w^as  fixed  by  the  eloquence  of  the  now^  old  and  blind 
Appius  Claudius  :  '*  Rome,"  he  exclaimed,  '*  shall  never 
treat  with  a  victorious  foe."  The  ambassadors  were  sent 
back  to  Pyrrhus  with  the  reply  that  if  he  wanted  peace  he 
must  first  quit  the  soil  of  Italy.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
Cineas,  in  answer  to  some  inquiries  of  his  master  respect- 
ing the  Romans,  drew  the  celebrated  parallels  that  likened 
their  senate  to  an  assembly  of  kings,  and  war  against  such 
a  people  to  an  attack  upon  the  Lenean  Hydra. 

Pyrrhus,  according  to  the  Roman  story-tellers,  who  most 
lavishly  embellished  this  chapter  of  their  history,  was  not 
more  successful  in  attempts  at  bribery  than   in   the  arts  of 


TH£    COA'QUEST    O/^    ITALV. 


13^ 


negotiation.  Attempting  by  rich  presents  to  win  the  cele- 
brated Statesman  Fabricius,  who  had  been  intrusted  by  the 
senate  with  an  important  embassy,  the  sterling  old    Roman 

replied  :  "  If  I  am  dishonest,  I  am  not  worth  a  bribe  ;  if 
honest,  you  must  know  I  will  not  take  one." 

Another  story  relates  how,  when  the  physician  of  Pyrrhus 
went  to  Fabricius  and  offered  to  poison  his  enemy,  Fa- 
bricius instantly  put  the  perfidious  man  in  chains,  and  sent 
him  back  to  his  master  for  punishment.  The  sequel  of 
this  story  is  that  Pyrrhus  conceived  such  an  exalted  opin- 
ion of  the  Roman  sense  of  honor  that  he  permitted  the 

prisoners  in  his  hands  to  go  to  the  capital  to  attend  a 
festival,  with  no  other  security  for  their  return  than  their 
simple  promise,  and  that  not  a  single  man  broke  his  word. 

After  a  second  victory  (the  battle  of  Asculum,  279  rc), 

as  disastrous  as  his  first,  Pyrrhus  crossed  over  into  Sicily' 
to  aid  the  Greeks  there,  who  at  this  time  were  being 
hard  pressed  by  the  Carthaginians.  At  first  he  was  every- 
where successful ;  but  finally  fortune  turned  against  him, 

and  he  was  glad  to  escape  from  the  island.  Recrossing 
the  straits  into  Italy,  he  once  more  engaged  the  Romans  ; 
but  at  the  battle  of  Beneventum  he  suffered  a  disastrous 
and  final  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  consul  Curius  Dentatus 
(275  B.C.).  Leaving  a  sufficient  force  to  garrison  Tarentum, 
Pyrrhus  now  set  sail  for  Epirus.  He  had  scarcely  embarked 
before  Tarentum  surrendered  to  the  Romans  (272  B.C.). 

The  surrender  of  Tarentum  ended  the  struggle  for  the 

mastery   of   Italy.     Rome   was   now   mistress   of   all   the 
peninsula  south  of  the  Arnus  and  the  Rubicon.*" 

8  For  the  influence  of  the  conquered  cities  of  Magna  Gr^cia  upon 

Roman  life  and  culture,  see  par.  302. 


132 


kOMK    AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


83.   United  Italy. —  "  For  the  first  time   Italy  was  now 

united  into  one  state  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Roman 

community."  ^  We  cannot  make  out  with  perfect  clearness 
just  what  rights  and  powers  Rome  exercised  over  the 
various  cities,  tribes,  and  nations  which  she  had  brought 

under  her  rule.^ 

This  much,  however,  is  clear.  Rome  took  away  from  all 
these  hitherto  independent  states  the  right  of  making  war, 
and  thus  put  a  stop  to  the  bloody  contentions  which  from 
time  immemorial  had  raged  between  the  tribes  and  cities 
of  the  peninsula.  She  thus  gave  Italy  what,  after  she 
had  impressed  her  restraining  authority  upon  all  the  peo- 
ples of  the  Mediterranean  lands,  came  to  be  called  "the 
Roman  Peace."  ^     She  did  for  Italy  what   in  these  later 

times  Kngland  has  done  for  India,  Russia  for  Central  Asia, 
and  different  European  powers  have  done  for  Africa.** 

But  this  political  union  of  Italy  would  possess  no  his- 
torical significance  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  it  paved 
the  way  for  the  social  and  racial  unification  of  the  penin- 
sula. The  greatest  marvel  of  all  history  is  how  Rome, 
embracing  at  first  merely  a  handful  of  peasants,  could 
have  made  so  much  of  the  ancient  world  like  unto  herself 

1  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome ^  vol.  i.  p.  534. 

2  We  refer  here,  not  to  those  territories  and  communities  which 
Rome  had  actually  incorporated  with  the  Roman  domain  (see  mai>, 
p.  1 18),  but  to  those  communities  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Italian 

allies,  socii,  or  civitaks  fa'dcratce  (par.  163). 

^  F'ax  Romana. 

^  A  symbol  of  the  Roman  sovereignty  thus  established  in  Italy  was 
the  silver  money  of  Rome,  which  now  became  current  throughout  the 
peninsula.  The  subjected  states  were  no  longer  allowed  to  exercise 
the  sovereign  right  of  coining  money.  —  MoMM SEN, ///.r/(;;j  (t/"  AVw^, 

vol.  i.  p.  535. 


THE   CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


133 


in  blood,  in  speech,  in  custom,  in  manners,  in  tempera- 
ment, and  in  character.  That  she  did  so,  that  she  did 
thus  Romanize  a  large  part  of  the  peoples  of  antiquity,  is 

one  of  the  rrios^Jm22Ii^^  mntters  ig^the  history  of  the 
hiTman  rac( 

Rome  accomplished  this  great  feat  in  large  measure  by 

means  of  her  system  of  colonization,  which  was,  in  some 
respects,  unlike  that  of  any  other  people  in  ancient  or  in 
modern  times.  We  must  make  ourselv^es  familiar  with 
some  of  the  main  features  of  this  unique  colonial  system. 

84.     Roman    Colonies    and    Latin    Colonies.  —  The    colonies 
that    Rome    established    in   conquered    territories    fall    into        •  .     • 
two  classes,  known  as  Roman  colonies  and    Latin    colonies?" 
Roman  colonies  were  made  up  of  emigrants  who  retained 
in    the    new    settlement    all    the    rights    and    privileges,  both 
private    and    public,    of    Roman    citizens,    though    of   course 
some    of  these    rights,    as    for    instance    that    of     voting    in 
the  public  assemblies  at   Rome,  could  be  exercised  by  the 
colonist    only  through    his   return    to  the    capital. 

Up  to  the  present  time  colonies  of  this  type  had  been 
established  only  along  the  coasts  of  Etruria,  Latium,  and 
Campania,  but  later  they  were  founded  at  strategic  points 

inland.-*  They  were  in  effect  permanent  military  camps 
intended  to  guard  or  to  hold  in  subjection  conquered  ter- 
ritories. Usually  it  was  some  conquered  city  that  was 
occupied  by  the  Roman  colonists,  the  old  inhabitants 
either   being   expelled    in    whole   or   in    part    or    reduced    to 

s  See  table  on  page  13S  for  the  names  and  the  number  of  Roman 
colonies  established  prior  to  the  year  ii8  B.C.  Notice,  also,  the 
number  of  colonists  —  usually  three  hundred  — sent  to  the  different 
places. 


•rr^yx 


134 


/^0M£   AS  A   REPUBLIC, 


a  subject   condition,   like  that  of   the  plebeians   at   Rome 
before  the  revolt  and  secession  of  the  year  494  (par.  49). 

The  colonists  in  their  new  homes  organized  a  govern- 
ment which  was  almost  an  exact  imitation  of  that  of  Rome, 
and  through  their  own  assemblies  and  their  ow^n  magis- 
trates managed  all  their  local  affairs.  These  colonies  were, 
in  a  word,  viewed  as  to  the  political  status  of  the  settlers, 
simply  suburbs  of  the  mother  city.  They  were  in  effect 
just  so  many  miniature  Romes  —  centres  from  which 
radiated  Roman  culture  into  all  the  regions  round 
about    them. 

The  Latin  colonies  w^ere  so  called,  not  because  they  were 
founded  by  Latin  settlers,  —  for  the  later  colonies  of  this 
type  were  made  up  almost  exclusively  of  citizens  of  Rome 
w^ho  had  given  up  their  political  rights  at  the  capital  for 
the  sake  of  improving  in  the  new  settlement  their  economic 
condition,  —  but  because  their  inhabitants  possessed  sub- 
stantially the  same  rights  as  the  old  Latin  towns  enjoyed 

that   had   retained   their    independence    at    the   end    of   the 
great  Latin  war  (par.  77). 

The  Latin  colonist  possessed  some  of  the  most  valuable 
of  the  private  rights  of  RomaiLiitkens^  together  with  the 
capacity  to  acquire  the  suffrage  by  migrating  to  the  capital 
and  taking  up  a  permanent  residence  there,  provided  he 
left  behind  in  the  town  whence  he  came  sons  to  take  his 
place."^ 

«  He    possessed   the   commercium    and   probably    the   commbium 

(par.    16).  ^ 

'  After  the  year  268  B.C.,  Rome  in  founding  new  Latin  colonies 
curtailed  the  privileges  which  had  been  conferred  upon  this  class  of 

colonists  up  to  that  time,  and  thus  created  different  grades  of  Latin 


THE    CONQUEST  OE  ITALY. 


135 


There  is  an  analogy  between  the  status  of  a  settler  in  an 

ancient  Latin  colony  and  of  a  settler  in  a  territory  of  our 

Union.  When  a  citizen  of  any  State  migrates  tO  a  terri- 
tory he  loses  his  right  of  voting  in  a  federal  election,  justi 
as  a   Roman   citizen   in   becoming  a  Latin  colonist  lost  his 

right  of  voting  in  the  assemblies  at  Rome.     Then  agaid 

the  resident  of  a  territory  has  the  privilege  of  changing  his 
residence  and  settling  in  a  State,  thereby  acquiring  the 
federal  suffrage,  just  as  the  inhabitant  of  a  Latin  colon) 
could  migrate  to  Rome,  and  thus  acquire  the  right  tO  VOte 

in  the  public  assemblies  there.  I 

The    Latin  colonies  numbered  about   twenty  at   the   time 
of  the    Second    Punic    War.      They    were   scattered   every- 
where throughout  Italy,  and  formed,  in  the  words  of  the 
historian  Mommsen,  **  the  real  buttress  of  the  Roman  rule." 
They  were,  even  to  a  much  greater  degree  than  the  Roman 
colonies,  active  and  powerful   agents  in   the  dissemination 
of  the  Roman   language,   law,   and  culture.     They  supple- 
mented admirably  the   work    of   the    Roman    legions    in    the 
field,    and    were    Rome's    chief    auxiliary    in    h^r   great    task 
of   making   all    the   world    Roman. 

All  these  colonies  were  kept  in  close  touch  with  the 
capital  by  means  of  splendid  military  roads,  the  con- 
struction of  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  begun  during  the 
Second  Samnite  War  (par.  78). 

rights.    This  diminution  of  rights  consisted  in  the  withdrawal  of  the 

earlier  right  to  coin  money,  also  of  the  conmibium,  and  in  restricting  the 
privilege   of   acquiring  political   rights  at   Rome  to  those    members  of 
the  Latin  communities  who  had  held,  public  magistracies  in  the  col- 
onies from  which  they  came.     This  shut  out  from  the  freedom  of  the  \ 
capital  all  save  the  most  influential  of  the  Latins.     Arimin urn,  founded   ) 
in  268  B.C.,  was  the  first  Latin  colony  whose  rights  were  thus  restricted.  L 


136 


A'OAf£    AS    A     KZlJ^UBI^/C. 


References.  —  Livy,  vii.  29-42,  and  viiUx.  Livy's  account  of  the 
Samnite  wars  is  broken  off  abruptly  at  the  year  292  B.C.  by  the  loss  of 
ten  of  the  books  of  his  history.  The  gap  extends  to  the  beginning  of 
the  Second  Punic  War.  Plutarch,  *Lifc  of  Pyrr/iits,  from  c.  xxiii. 
on  to  the  end.  Mommsex  (T.),  ^J/istory  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  bk.  il.  chaps, 
iv.-ix.  pp.  413-612.  TiGHE  (A.),  **T/ic  Development  of  the  Roman 
Constitittion,  chap.  v.  FREEMAN  (E.  A.),  The  Story  of  Sicily  (Story  of 
the   Nations),   chap.  xiii.  pp.    265-271,'  "  Pyrrhus  in   Italy."      BouCH^- 

LeCLERCQ,  Manuel  ties  Insithdions  Romaines,  pp.  171-186.  An 
excellent  account  of  the  Roman  municipal  system.  Ihne  (W.), 
History  of  Jy^oine,  vol.  i.  bk.  Hi.  chap,  xviii.  pp.  552-575,  "  Condition  of 
the  Roman  People  before  the  Beginning  of  the  Wars  with  Carthage." 


I 
2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 
8 

9 

10 

11 
12 

^3 
14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

»9 

20 
21 
22 

23 

24 


26 

2S 


29 

30 
32 

34 

35 

yi 
38 

39 


TlfE   COXqUEST  OF  ITALY.  137 

Table  of   Latin   Colon ie.s   in    Italy. ^ 


Colonies. 


Signia  .  .  . 
Cerceii    .  . 


Suessa  I'onietia 

£2a 

Velitraj 


Antiuni  . 

Ardea  .   . 

Satricuni 
Nepete   . 

.'■^etTa     .   . 


Cales    .  . 

Fregelhc 

uceri  I  . 

Suessa     . 


Pontix'    ; 

^aticuhi .'  .'  ; 

Interamn.i  Lirinas 


Sora  .  .  , 

Alba.   .  . 

Narnia  . 

Carseola 

Venusia . 


Ilatria 
Cosa  .  . 

P.X'stuni 
jiniinuiii 


Beneventuin 


•  •ill 


Fir  mum    .  . 

yF2sernia     .   . 

liriiridisiyni 

mil 


Copia    .    , 

Valentia 
Bononia 

A  quileiaJj-, 


Location. 


Latin  111 

Latiuni 
Latiuni 

Latium 


Lat 


1  u  ni 


Latiuni    .   .   .   . 

Latium  .  .  .  . 

Latium  .  .  .  . 
Latium  .  .  .  . 
Ltruria    .  .  .  . 

Etruria  .  .  .  . 
Latium   .... 

Campania  .  . 
Latium  .  .  .  . 
Apulia  .  .  .  . 
Latium  .... 
Isle  of  Latiuiri 

^^anmiuin  .  .  . 


Latium 
Latium 

Latium 

Tmbria 
Latium 

.Apulia , 


Picenum 
Campania 
Lucania  . 


."^amniuni 

Bicenum 

Saninium 

Calabria . 

Ciiibria   . 

(Jallia  Cis. 
Cialiia  Cis. 


Lucania  .  .  . 
Hruttii  .  .  . 
Gallia  Cis.  . 
Gallia  'IVans. 


15. c. 


No.  OF 

Colonists. 


p 
? 
? 

? 
494 

.192 
467 
442 

3^5 

fl 
383 
382 

328 
314 

312 

303 

299 
298 
291 


300 
300 

300 
300 
300 
300 
300 
300 
300 
300 

300 


4000 
6000 

300 

4000 

100 


289 

300 

^11 

1000 

273 

300 

208 

300 

268 

300 

264 

300 

263 

300 

244 

300 

241 

300 

218 

6000 

218 

Oooo 

»93 

300 

192 

189 

3000 

iSi 

4500 

T  1'  ^h"  ?^P';?iison's  Public  Lnmhand  A^mrmn  lam  oj  fhe  Roman  RehMic 

Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  Ninth  Series,  vii-viii  i\(rnPUC. 

-  No  Latin  colonies  were  founded  after  the  year  180  B.C.    Thenceforth  all  colonies 
were  of  the  civic  or  Roman  type,  the  settlers  possessing  the  riglus  of  fall  citfzcnshVn  ^' 


138 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


Table  of  Civic  [Roman]  Colonies  in  Italy.^ 


* 


% 


3 
4 

5 
6 

7 

8 
9 

lO 

II 

12 

M 

15 
i6 

»7 
l8 

'9 

20 
21 

23 
-4 

25 
26 

27 
28 
29 

30 
31 

33 

34 


Colonies. 


Location 


Ostia 


Latium 


Labici Latium 

Antium j   Latium 

Anxur i   Latium 

Minturnae Campania 

Sinuessa Campania 

Sena  Gallica Umbria 


Castrum  Novum  ...  J  Ficenum 


v^sium  .  . 

Alsium    .    . 

Fregena    . 
Pyrgi   .   .  . 

Puteoli  .  . 

Liturnum  . 
Salernum  . 

Buxentuni 

Sipontum  . 
Tempsa  .  . 

Qroton     .    . 

Potentia    . 

Pisaurum  . 

Parma.  .  . 

Mutina    .    . 
SaturiTia-    . 

GravisciX  . 

Luna    .   .    . 

Auximum 
Fabrateria 
Minervia  . 


Umbria 
Etruria 

Etruria 

Etruria 

Campania 
Campania 

Campania 

Campania 
Lucania 
Apulia 
Bruttii 

Kruttii 

Ficenum 

Umbria 

(iallia  Cis 
Gallia  Cis 
Etruria 

Fitruria 

Etruria 

Picenum 

I^atium 

Bruttii 


Neptunia lapygia 

Hertona Llguria ,  ,00 

Eporeclia Gallia  Trans !  loo 

Narbo  Martius Gallia  Narbo '  ii8 


T  K  ^""^T  Jtephenson's  /'«^//c-  Lands  and  Agrarian  Laws  of  the  Rotnan  Republic 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  Ninth  Series,  vii-viu.  i^o^nan  i^epuoiic 


CHAPTER    VII. 
THE    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR. 

(264-241   B.C.) 

85.  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginian  Empire.  —  Foremost 
among  the  cities  founded  by  the  Phc^nicians  upon  the  dif- 
ferent shores  of  the  Mediterranean  was  Carthage,  upon 

the  northern  coast  of  Africa.  The  city  is  thought  to  have 
had  its  beginnings  in  a  small  trading-post,  established  late 
in  the  ninth  century  b.c.,  about  one  hundred  years  before 
the  legendary  date  of  the  founding  of  Rome.  The  favor- 
able location  of  the  colony  upon  one  of  the  best  harbors 
of  the  African  coast  gave  the  city  a  vast  and  lucrative 
commerce.     At  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached  it 

had  grown  into  an  imperial  city,  covering,  with  its  gardens 

and  suburbs,  a  district  twenty-three  miles  in  circuit.  It 
is  said  to  have  contained  700,000  inhabitants.  A  com- 
mercial enterprise  like  that  of  its  mother-city  Tyre,  and 
exactions  from  hundreds  of  subject  cities  and  tribes,  had 

rendered  it  enormously  wealthy.  In  the  third  century 
before  our  era  it  was  probably  the  richest  city  in  the 
world. 

By  the  time  Rome  had  extended  her  authority  over 

Italy,  Carthage  held  sway,  through  peaceful  colonization 
or  by  force  of  arms,  over  the  northern  coast  of  Africa  from 
the  Greater  Syrtis  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  pos- 
sessed the  larger  part  of  Sicily  as  well  as  Sardinia.     She  also 

*39 


(f 


140 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


collected  tribute  from  the  natives  of  Corsica  and  of  Southern 
Spain.      With  all  its   shores  dotted   with   her   colonies   and 

fortresses,  and  swept  in  every  direction  by  her  war-galleys, 
the  Western  Mediterranean  had  become  a  "Phoenician 
lake,"  in  which,  as  the  Carthaginians  boasted,  no  one 
dared  wash  his  hands  without  their  permission. 

86.   Carthaginian  Government  and  Religion.  —  The  Govern- 
ment of  Carthage  was  republican  in  form,  but   oligarchical 

m  fact.  Corresponding  to  the  Roman  consuls,  two  magis- 
trates, called  "suffetes,"  stood  at  the  head  of  the  state. 
The  senate  was  composed  of  the  heads  of  the  leading  fam- 
ilies ;  its  duties  and  powers  were  very  like  those  of  the 
Koman  senate. 

The  religion  of  the  Carthaginians  was  the  old  Canaani- 
tish   worship  of  Baal,  or  the  Sun.     To  Moloch,  another 

name  for  the  fire-god,  they  olTered  human  sacrifices. 

87.  Rome  and  Carthage  compared.  — 'I'hese  two  great 
republics,  which  for  more  than  five  centuries  had  been 
slowly  extending  their  limits  and  maturing  their  powers 
upon  the  opposite  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  were  now 
about  to  begin  one  of  the  most  memorable  struggles  of  all 
antiquity -a  duel  that  was  to  last,  with  every  vicissitude 
of  fortune,  for  over  one  hundred  years. 

In  material  power  and  resources  the  two  rival  cities 

seemed  well  matched  as  antagonists;  yet  Rome  had  imma- 
terial elements  of  strength,  hidden  in  the  character  of  her 
citizens  and  embodied  in  the  principles  of  her  government, 

which  Carthage  did  not  possess. 

First,  the  Carthaginian  territories,  though  of  great 
extent,  were  widely  scattered,  embracing  remote  coasts 
and    isolated    islands,    while    the     Roman     domains     were 


•  1^ 

1 1 


I 


riiK  F/Ksr  j'Uivic  ivak. 


141 


compact  and  confined  to  a  single  and  easily  defended 
peninsula. 

Again,  the  subject  peoples  of  Carthage's  empire  were  in 
race,  language,  and  religion  mostly  alien  to  their  Phcttnician 
conquerors,  and  so  were  ready,  upon  the  first  disaster  to 
the  ruling  city,  to  fall  away  from  their  allegiance.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Latin  allies  and  the  Italian  confederates 
of   Rome  were  close  kin  to  her,   and   so   throup^h  natural 

Impulse  they  for  the  most  part  —  although  not  all  were 
satisfied  with  their  position  in  the  state — remained  loyal 
to  her  during  even  the  darkest  periods  of  her  struggle 
with  her  rival. 

But  the  greatest  contrast  between  the  two  states  ap- 
peared in  the  principles  upon  which  they  were  respectively 
based.  Carthage  was  a  despotic  oligarchy.  The  many 
different  races  of  the  Carthaginian  empire  were  held  in  an 

artificial  union  by  force  alone,  for  the  Carthaginians  had 
none  of  the  genius  of  the  Romans  for  political  organiza- 
tion and  state-building.  The  Roman  state,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  we  have  learned,  was  the  most  wonderful  political 
organism  that  the  world  had  ever  seen.  It  was  not  yet  a 
nation,  but  it  was  rapidly  growing  into  one.  Every  free 
man  within  its  limits  was  either  a  citizen  of  Rome,  or  was 
on  the  way  to  becoming  a  citizen.     Rome  was  already  the 

common  fatherland  of   more  than  a  quarter  of  a  million   of 

men.*^  The  Roman  armies  were,  in  large  part,  armies  of 
citizen-soldiers,  like  those  Athenian  warriors  that  foutrht 


*  The  census  of  the  year  265  B.C.  gave  the  number  of  the  citizens  of 

Rome  liable  to  the  levy  as  292,224.  This  included  those  possessing 
the  Caeritan  franchise  (par.  -^i),  but  not  those  having  Latin  rights 
(par.  84). 


142 


ROME  AS  A   KErUBLIC. 


at  Marathon  and  at  Salamis  ;  the  armies  of  Carthage  were 
armies  of  mercenaries  like  those  that  Xerxes  led  against 
the  Greek  cities.  And  then  the  Romans,  in  their  long 
contests  with  the  different  races  of  Italy  for  the  mastery 

of  the  peninsula,  had  secured  such  a  training  in  war  as 
perhaps    no   other   people    before    them   ever    had. 

As  to  the  naval  resources  of  the  two  states  there  existed 
at  the  beginning  of  the  struggle  no  basis  for  a  comparison. 
The  Romans  were  almost  destitute  of  anything  that  could 
be  called  a  war  navy,^  and  were  practically  without  experi- 
ence in  naval  warfare  ;  while  the  Carthaginians  possessed 
the    largest,   the   best    manned,    and   the   most   splendidly 

equipped    fleet    that    had    ever    patrolled    the    waters    of    the 
Mediterranean. 

And  in  another  respect  Carthage  had  a.n  immense  advan- 
tage over  Rome.  She  had  Hannibal.  Rome  had  some 
great    commanders,  but    she    had    none    like    him. 

88.  The  Beginning  of  the  War.  —  Lying  between  Italy 
and  the  coast  of  Africa  is  the  large  island  of  Sicily.  It  is 
m  easy  sight  of  the  former,  and  its  southernmost  point  is 

only  ninety  miles  from  the  latter.  At  the  commencement 
of  the  First  Punic  ^  War,  the  Carthaginians  held  possession 
of  all  the  island  save  a  strip  of  the  eastern  coast,  which 
was  under  the  sway  of  the  Greek  city  of  Syracuse.  The 
Greeks  and  the  Carthaginians  had  carried  on  an  almost 
uninterrupted  struggle  through  two  centuries  for  the  con- 
trol of  the  island. 

9  Polybius,  i.  20,  says  that  they  did  not  have  a  single  galley  when 

they   first   crossed    over   to    Sicily  (par.  88).       He    says  they  ferried    their 

army  across  in  boats  borrowed  from  the  Greek  cities  of  Southern  Italy. 
1  From    ro^ni,    Latin    for    Phoenicians,    and    hence    applied    by  the 
Romans  to  the  Carthaginians,  as   they  were   Phcenician  colonists. 


THE  FIRST  PUNIC   WAR. 


143 


A  faint  echo  of  this  long  conflict  reaches  us  from  the 
battlefield  of  Himera  -  and  mingles  with  a  like  echo  from 
the  straits  of  Salamis.  A  later  phase  of  the  struggle  we 
have  just  had  called  to  our  attention  while  following  the 

career  of  Pyrrhus    (par,  82). 

But  the  Romans  had  not  yet  set  foot  upon  the  island. 
It  was  destined,  however,  to  become  the  scene  of  the  most 
terrible  encounters  between  the  armaments  of  Rome  and 
Carthage.  Pyrrhus  had  foreseen  it  all.  As  he  withdrew 
from  the  island,  he  remarked,  "  What  a  fine  battlefield 
we   are   leaving   for   the    Romans   and    Carthaginians." 

In  the  year  264  B.C.,  on  a  flimsy  pretext  of  giving  pro- 
tection to  some  friends,^  the  Romans  crossed  over  to  the 
island.  That  act  committed  them  to  a  career  of  foreie:n 
conquest  destined  to  continue  till  their  armies  had  made 
the  circuit  of  the   Mediterranean  lands. 

-  The  battle  of  Himera,  between  the  Sicilian  Greeks  and  the  Car- 
thaginians, is  said  to  have  been  fought  not  only  in  the  same  year 
(480  B.C.)  but  also  on  the  very  same  day  as  the  naval  battle  of  Salamis 
between  the  eastern  Greeks  and  the  Persians. 

3  During  the  war  with  Pyrrhus  (par.  82),  some  Campanians,  who  had 

been  serving  as  mercenaries  in  the  army  of  the  king  of    Syracuse,  while 

returning  to  Italy,  conceived  the  project  of  seizing  the  town  of  Messana, 
on  the  Sicilian  straits.  They  killed  the  citizens,  intrenched  themselves  in 
the  place,  and  commenced  to  annoy  the  surrounding  country  with  their 
marauding  bands.  Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  besieged  the  ruffians  in  their 
stronghold.     The  Mamertines,  or  "  Sons  of  Mars,"  —  for  thus  they  called 

themselves,  —  appealed  to  the  Romans  for  aid,  basing  their  claims  to  as- 
sistance uponthe  alleged  fact  of  common  descent  from  the  war-god.  Now 
the  Romans  had  just  punished  a  similar  band  of  Campanian  robbers  who 
had  seized  Rhegium,  on  the  Italian  side  of  the  channel.    For  them  to  turn 

about  now  and  lend  aid  to  the  ^iciliaivband  would  be  the  greatest  incon- 
sistency.   But  in  case  they  did  not  give  the  assistance  asked,  it  was  certain 

that  the  Mamertines  would  look  to  the  Carthaginians  for  succor  ;  and 
so  Messana  would  come  into  the  hands  of  their  rivals. 


'44 


KOME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE  FIRST  rUNIC  WAR. 


145 


i 


The  Syracusans  and  Carthaginians,  old  enemies  and 
rivals  though  they  had  been,  joined  their  forces  against 
the  new-comers.  The  allies  were  completely  defeated  in 
the  first  battle,  and  the  Roman  army  obtained  a  sure  foot- 
hold in  the  island. 

In  the  following  year  both  consuls  were  placed  at  the 
head  of  formidable  armies  for  the  conquest  of  Sicily.     A 

large  portion  of  the  island  was  quickly  overrun,  and  many 
of  the  cities  threw  off  their  allegiance  to  Syracuse  and  to 
Carthage,  and  became  allies  of  Rome.  Hiero,  king  of 
Syracuse,  seeing  that  he  was  upon  the  losing  side,  forsook 
the  Carthaginians,  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Romans, 
and  ever  after  remained  their  firm  friend. 

89.   The  Romans  build  their  First  Fleet  of  Quinqueremes. 
—  Their  experience  during  the  past  campaigns  had  shown 

the  Romans  that  if  they  were  to  cope  successfully  with  the 
Carthaginians  they  must  be  able  to  meet  them  upon  the 
sea  as  well  as  upon  the  land.  Not  only  did  the  Cartha- 
ginian ships  annoy  the  Sicilian  coast  towns  which  were 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  but  they  even  made 
descents  upon  the  shores  of  Italy,  ravaged  the  fields  and 
villages,  and  sailed  away  with  their  booty  before  pursuit 
was  possible.     To  guard  their  shores  and  ward  off  these 

attacks,  the  Romans  had  no  war-§hip§.    Their  Greek  and 

Ktru5can  allies  were,  indeed,  maritime  peoples,  and  pos- 
sessed considerable  fleets,  which  were  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Romans.  But  these  vessels  were  merely  triremes,  that 
is  galleys  with  three  banks  of  oars ;  while  the  Carthaginian 
ships  were  quinqueremes,  or  vessels  with  five  rows  of  oars. 
The  former  were  worthless  to  cope  with  the  latter,  such 
an  advantage  did  these  have  in  their  greater  weight  and 


height.       So     the     Romans     resolved     to     build     a    fleet    of 
quinqueremes. 

Now  it  so  happened  that,  a  little  while  before  this,  a 
Carthaginian  galley  had  been  wrecked  upon  the  shore  of 
Southern  Italy.  This  served  as  a  pattern.  It  is  said  that 
within   the  almost    incredibly  short   space  of  sixty  days  a 


Thk   Prow  of  a  Roman    War-Ship. 

(From  an  ancient  relief.     The  representation  shows  the  arrangement  of  the  tiers 
of  oars  in  a  two-banked  ship.     In  just  what  w^ay  the  lines  of  rowers  in  triremes 

and  ciuiiKiuercnies  were  an-anged  is  unknown.) 

growing  forest  was  converted  into  a  fleet  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  war-galleys.  While  the  ships  were  in  process 
of  building,  the  Roman  soldiers  were  being  trained  in  the 
duties  of  sailors  by  practice  in  rowing,  while  sitting  in 
lines  on  tiers  of  benches  builf  upon  the  land.  With  the 
shore  ringing  with  the  sounds  of  the  hurried  work  upon 
the    galleys,    and    crowded    with    the   groups    of    ''make- 


146 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR. 


believe  rowers,"  the  scene  must  have  been  a  somewhat 
animated  as  well  as  ludicrous  one.  Yet  it  all  meant  very 
serious  business. 

00.  The  Romans  pin  their  First  Naval  Victory  (260  b.c.). 
—  The  consul  Gaius  Duillius  was  intrusted  with  the  com- 
mand of  the  fleet.  He  met  the  Carthaginian  squadron 
near  the  city  and  promontory  of  Myla^,  on  the  northern 
coast  of  Sicily.  A  single  precaution  gave  the  victory  to 
the  Romans.  Distrusting  their  ability  to  match  the  skill 
of  their  enemies  in  manoeuvring  their  ships,  the  Romans 
had  provided  each  galley  with  a  drawbridge,  over  thirty 

feet  in  length  and  wide  enough  for  two  persons  to  pass 

over  it  abreast.  This  bridge  was  raised  and  lowered  by 
means  of  pulleys  attached  to  a  mast. 

The  Carthaginians  bore  down  swiftly  with  their  galleys 

upon  the  Roman  ships,  thinking  to  pierce  and  sink  with 
their  brazen  beaks  the  clumsy-looking  structures.  The 
bridges  alone  saved  the  Roman  fleet  from  destruction.  As 
soon  as  a  Carthaginian  ship  came  near  enough  to  a  Roman 

vessel,  the  gangway  was  allowed  to  fall  upon  the  approach- 

ing  galley.  The  long  spike  with  which  the  end  was  armed, 
piercing  the  deck,  instantly  pinned  the  vessels  together. 
The  Roman  soldiers,  rushing  along  the  bridge,  were  soon 
engaged  in  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  with  their  enemies,  in 
which  species  of  encounter  the  former  were  sure  of  an  easy 
victory.  Fifty  of  the  Carthaginian  galleys  were  captured  ; 
the  remainder  —  there  were  one  hundred  and  thirty  ships 
in  the  fleet  —  wisely  refusing  to  rush  into  the  terrible  and 

fatal  embrace  in  which  they  had  seen  their  companions 
locked,  turned  their  prows  in  flight. 

The  Romans  had  gained  their   first   great    naval   victory. 


147 


Duillius   was    honored    with    a   majinifi- 

o 


The  joy  at  Rome  was  unbounded.  It  inspired,  in  the 
more  sanguine,  splendid  visions  of  maritime  command 
and  glory.     The  Mediterranean  should  speedily  become  a 

Roman  lake,  in  which  no  vessel  might  float  without  the 
consent  of  Rome, 
cent  triumph,  and  the  senate  or- 
dained that,  in  passing  through 
the  city  to  his  home  at  night,  he 
should  always  be  escorted  with 
torches  and  music.  In  the  forum 
was   raised    a   splendid   memorial 

column,  *'  adorned  with  the  brazen 
beaks  of  the  vessels  which  his  wise 
ignorance  and  his  clumsy  skill  had 
enabled  him  to  capture." 

91.  The  Romans  carry  the  War 
into  Africa.  —  The  results  of  the 
naval  engagement  at  Mylae  en- 
couraged the  Romans  to  push  the 

war  with  redoubled  energy.      They 

resolved    to    carry    it    into   Africa. 

For    this    purpose    they    gathered    .r„^  ^.  ^ 

^      ^  ^    ^  1  HE  Column  of  Duillius. 

an  immense  fleet  of  three  hundred 

and    thirty   ships,  carrying   nearly 

a    hundred    and    forty    thousand 

men.'*      The    Carthaginians    disputed   the   passage    of    the 

Romans  with  a  fleet  of  equal  strength,  bearing  a  hundred 

ana    fifty    thousand     men.        With    Polyblus    we    view    with 
astonishment  these  enormous   armaments,  the  most  power- 

*  Polybius,  i.  26.      The  historian  estimates  an  average  of  420  men  to 
each  ship,  —  300  rowers  and  1 20  soldiers. 


(A  restoration.     The  column  was 

decorated  with  the  prows  of 

captured  ships.) 


I 


148 


JWME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


ful  certainly  that  had  ever  contended  for  the  mastery 
of  the  sea."' 

The  hostile  fleets  met  near  the  Sicilian  promontory  of 
Ecnomiis.  The  Carthaginians  suffered  a  severe  defeat, 
near  one  hundred  of  their  ships  being  sunk  or  captured 
(256  B.C.). 

The  Romans  now  continued  their  voyage  to  the  African 

coast,  and  dih;embarked  near  Carthage.  At  first  the  Romans 
were  successful  in  all  their  operations,  so  much  so  that  the 
consul,  Atilius  Regulus,  who  through  the  recall  of  his  col- 
league had  been  left  in  sole  command  of  the  expedition  of 

invasion,  sent  word  to  Rome  that  he  had  "  sealed  up  the 
gates  of  C^arthage  with  terror." 

Finally,  however,  Regulus  suffered  a  crushing  defeat  and 
was  made  prisoner.*'     A  fleet  which  was  sent  to  bear  away 

the  remnants  of  the  shattered  army  was  wrecked  in  a  ter- 
rific storm  off  the  coast  of  Sicily,  and  the  shores  of  the 
island  were  strewn  with  the  wreckage  of  between  two  and 
three  hundred  ships  and  with  the  bodies  of  almost  a  hun- 
dred thousand  men. 

Undismayed  at  the  terrible  disaster  that  had  overtaken 
the  transport  fleet,  the  Romans  set  to  work  to  build 
another,    and    made   a    second    descent    upon    the    African 

coast.     The  expedition,  however,  accomplished  nothing  of 

importance  ^  and  the  fleet  on  its  return  voyage  was  almost 
destroyed,  just  off  the  coast  of  Italy,  by  a  tremendous 
storm.      The  visions  of   naval  supremacy  awakened    among 


^  Polybius,  i.  Gt,. 

^  The  Carthaginians  were  at  this  time  commanded  by  an  able  Spart 
general,  Xanthippus,  who,  with  a  small  Init  well-disciplined  band  of 
C;reek  mercenaries,   had  entered   their  service. 


an 


THE   FIRST  PUNIC   WAR. 


149 


the  Romans  by  the  splendid  victories  of  Mylie  and  Ecnomus 
were  thus  suddenly  dispelled  by  these  two  successive  and 
appalling  disasters  that  had  overtaken  their  armaments. 

92.  The  Battle  of  Panormus  (251  r,.c. ).  —  For  a  few  years 
the  Romans  refrained  from  tempting  again  the  hostile 
powers  of  the  sea.  Sicily  became  the  battle-ground  where 
the  war  was  continued,  although  with  but  little  spirit  on 

either  side,  until  the  arrival  in  the  island  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian general  Hasdrubal  (251  B.C.).  He  brought  with 
him  one  hundred  and  forty  elephants  trained  in  w-ar.  Of 
all  the  instruments  of  death  which  the  Roman  soldiers 
were  accustomed  to  face,  none  in  the  history  of  the  legion- 
aries inspired  them  with  such  uncontrollable  terror  as 
these  "wild  beasts,"  as  they  termed  them.  The  furious 
rage  with  which  these  monsters,  themselves  almost  invul- 
nerable to  the  darts  of  the  enemy,  swept  down  the  oppos- 
ing ranks  with  their  trunks,  and  tossed  and  trampled  to 
pieces  the  bodies  of  their  victims,  was  indeed  well  calcu- 
lated to  inspire  a  most  exaggerated  dread. 

Beneath  the  walls  of  Panormus,  the  consul  Metellus 
drew  Hasdrubal  into  an  engagement.  He  checked  the 
terrific  charge  of  the  elephants  by  discharges  of  arrows 
dipped  in  flaming  pitch,  which  caused  the  frightened  ani- 
mals to  rush  back  upon  and  crush  through  the  disordered 

ranks  of  the  Carthaginians.  The  result  was  a  complete 
victory  for  the  Romans.  After  the  battle  the  Romans 
induced  the  drivers  of  the  elephants,  which  were  roaming 
over  the  field  in  a  sort  of  panic,  to  capture  and  quiet  the 
creatures.  Once  in  captivity,  tliey  were  ferried  across  the 
Sicilian  straits  on  huge  rafts,  and  to  the  number  of  twenty 
were  caused  to  grace  the  triumphal  procession  of   Metellus. 


ii 


\  ' 


I50 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


After  having  been  led  through  the  forum  and  along  the 
Via  Sacra,  they  were  conducted  to  the  Circus,  and  there 
slain    in   the   presence   of  the   assembled   multitudes. 

93.    Regulus  and  the  Carthaginian  Embassy.  —  The  result 

of  the  battle  of  Panormus  dispirited  the  Carthaginians. 
They  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  to  negotiate  for  peace, 
or,  if  that  could  not  be  reached,  to  effect  an  exchange  of 
prisoners.  Among  the  commissioners  was  Regulus,  who 
since  his  capture,  five  years  before  (par.  91),  had  been  held 
a  prisoner  in  Africa.  Before  setting  out  from  Carthage 
he  had  promised  to  return  if  the  embassy  were  unsuc- 
cessful.    For  the  sake  of  his  own  release,  the  Carthaginians 

supposed  he  would  counsel  peace,  or  at  least  urge  an 
exchange  of  prisoners.  But  It  is  related  that,  upon  arrival 
at  Rome,  he  counselled  war  instead  of  peace,  at  the  same 
time  revealing  to  the  senate  the  enfeebled  condition  of 
Carthage.  As  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  he  said  :  "  Let 
those  who  have  surrendered  when  they  ought  to  have  died, 
die  in  the  land  which  has  witnessed  their  disgrace." 

The  Roman  senate,  following  his   counsel,  rejected  all 

the  proposals  of  the  embassy  ;  and  Regulus,  in  spite  of  the 
tears  and  entreaties  of  his  wife  and  friends,  turned  away 
from  Rome,  and  set  out  for  Carthage,  to  meet  whatever 
fate  the  Carthaginians,  in  their  disappointment  and  anger, 
might  plan  for  him. 

The  tradition  goes  on  to  tell  how,  upon  the  arrival  of 
Regulus  at  Carthage,  he  was  confined  in  a  cask  driven  full 
of  spikes,  and  then  left  to  die  of  starvation  and  pain.     This 

part  of  the  tale  has  been  discredited,  and  the  finest  touches 

of  the  other  portions  are  supposed  to  have  been  added  by 
the  story-tellers. 


THE  FIRST  TUNIC  WAR. 


151 


94.  Loss  of  Two  More  Roman  Fleets.  —  After  the  failure 
of  the  Carthaginian  embassy,  the  war  went  on  for  several 
years  by  land  and  by  sea  with  many  vicissitudes.     At  last, 

on  the  coast  of  Sicily,  one  of  the  consuls,  Claudius,  met 

with  an  overwhelming  defeat."  Almost  a  hundred  vessels 
of  his  fleet  were  lost.  The  disaster  caused  the  greatest 
alarm  at  Roine.  Super- 
stition increased  the 
fears  of  the  people.  It 
was  reported  that  just 
before  the  battle,  when 

the  auspices  were  being 

taken    and     the     sacred 

chickens  would  not  eat, 

Claudius    had    given 

orders    to    have    them 

thrown     into     the     sea, 

irreverently  remarking, 

"  At  any  rate,  they  shall 

drink."      Imagination 

Augur's  I^irds. 


(After  a  drawing  based  on  an  ancient  relief.    The 

knowledge  sought  was  gained  by  observing  the 
birds'  manner  of  taking  their  food.  Their  re- 
fusal to  eat  was  an  unlucky  omen.) 


was  free  to  depict  what 
further  evils  the  offend- 
ed gods  might  inflict 
upon  the  Roman  state. 

The  gloomiest  forebodings  might  have  found  justifica- 
tion in  subsequent  events.  The  other  consul  just  now  met 
with  a  great  disaster.  He  was  proceeding  along  the  south- 
ern coast  of  Sicily  with  a  squadron  of  eight  hundred  mer- 
chantmen and  over  one  hundred  war-gaHeys,  the  former 
loaded    with    grain    for  the  Roman    army  on   the  island.       A 

"^  In  a  sea  fight  at  Drepana,  249  B.C. 


15^  ^OME   AS  A    REFUBLIC. 

severe  storm  arising,  the  squadron  was  beaten  to  pieces 
upon  the  rocks.  Not  a  single  ship  escaped.  The  coast 
for  miles  was  strewn  with  corpses  and  wreckage,  and  ridged 
with  vast  windrows  of  grain  cast  up  by  the  waves. 

95.  Close  of  the  First  Punic  War  (241  b.c). — The  war 
had  now  lasted  for  fifteen  years.  Four  Roman  fleets  ha'd 
been  destroyed,  three  of  which  had  been  sunk  or  broken  to 
pieces  by  storms.     Of  the  fourteen  hundred  vessels  which 

had  been    lost,   seven    hundred    were  war-galleys, all  large 

and  costly  quinqueremes.*^  Only  one  hundred  of  these  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ;  the  remainder  were  a 
sacrifice  to  the  malign  and  hostile  power  of  the  waves. 
Such  successive  blows  from  an  invisible  hand  were  enough 
to  blanch  the  faces  even  of  the  sturdy  Romans.  Neptune 
manifestly  denied  to  the  ''  Children  of  Mars  "  the  dominion 
of  the  sea. 

It  was  Impossible  during  the  six  years  following  the  last 
disaster  to  infuse  any  spirit  into  the  struggle.  In  247  b.c, 
Hamilcar  Barca,  the  father  of  the  great  Hannibal,  assumed 
the  command  of  the  Carthaginian  forces,  and  for  several 
years  conducted  the  war  with  great  ability  on  the  island  of 
Sicily,  even  making  Rome  tremble  for  the  safety  of  her 
Italian  possessions. 

Once  more  the    Romans   determined    to   commit  their 

fortune  to  the  element  that  had  been  so  unfriendly  to  them. 

A  fleet  of  two  hundred  vessels  was  built  and  equipped,  but 
entirely  by  private  subscription  ;  for  the  senate  feared  that 
public  sentiment  would  not  sustain  them  in  levying  a  tax 
for  fitting  up  another  costly  armament  as  an  offering  to  the 

8  Polybius,  i.  63.      This  authority  gives  the  number  of  quinqueremes 
lost  by  the  Carthaginians  as  five  hundred. 


THE  FIRSl^  PUNIC  WAR. 


153 


insatiable  Neptune.  This  people's  squadron,  as  we  may 
call  it,  was  intrusted  to  the  command  of  the  consul  Catulus. 
He  met  the  Carthaginian  fleet  under  the  command  of  the 
admiral  Hanno,  near  the  .^^:gatian  Islands,  and  inflicted 
upon  it  a  crushing  defeat  (241   «.c.). 

The  Carthaginians  now  sued  for  peace.  A  treaty  was  at 
length  arranged,  the  terms  of  which  required  that  Carthage 
should  give  up  all  claims  to  the  island  of  Sicily,  surrender 

all  her  prisoners,  and  pay  an  indemnity  of  ^200  talents 
(about  $4,000,000),  one-third  of  which  was  to  be  paid 
down,  and  the  balance  in  ten  yearly  payments.  Thus 
ended  (241  b.c),  after  a  continuance  of  twenty-four  years, 
the  first  great  struggle  between  Carthage  and  Rome. 

One  important  result  of  the  war  was  the  crippling  of 
the  sea-power  of  the  Phtenician  race,  which  from  time  im- 
memorial had  been  a  most  prominent  factor  in  the  history 

of  the  Mediterranean  lands,  and  the  giving  practically  of 
the  control  of  the  sea  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

References.  — **roLYBn:s  (Shuckburgh's  translation),  i.  10-63. 
Polybius,  partly  because  he  adheres  rigidly  to  the  chronological  order 
of  events,  is  in  general  somewhat  confusing  to  young  readers  ;  but 
since  what  he  says  about  the  First  Punic  War  is  in  the  nature  of  an 
introduction  to  his  main  work,  which  begins  with  the  140th  Olympiad 
(220-217  u.c),  it  assumes  the  form  of  a  continuous  narrative  and  pos- 
sesses on  that  account  a  very  special  interest.      In  about  si.xty  pages 

the  historian  gives  us  the  very  best  account  of  the  war  that  we  possess. 

In  the  sixth  hook  of  Polyhius,  chaps.  51-56,  a  comparison  is  drawn 
between   Rome  and   Carthage,  which  should  be   read  in  the  present 

connection. 

Ihne  (W.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  bk.  iv.  chaps,  i.-iii.  pp.  3-1 1  5. 
MoMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  bk.  iii.  chaps,  i.  and  ii.  pp. 
9-76.  Smith  (R.  B.),  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians,  and  *A'^w^  and 
Carthage  (Epoch  Series).  CHURCH  (A.  J.),  The  Story  of  Carthage 
(Story  of  the  Nations). 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


ROMK    AND    CARTHAGE    BETWEEN'    THE    EIRST   AND 
THE    SECOND    PUNIC    WAPi. 

(241-218  B.C.) 

Sfxtion   I.  —  Rome. 

96.  The  First  Roman  Province  and  the  Beginning  of  the 
Provincial  System  (241  h.c).  —  For  the  twenty-three  years 
that  followed  the  close  of  the  first  struggle  between  Rome 
and   C\irthage,   the   two    rivals    strained  every  power  and 

taxed    every  resource    in    preparation    for    a    renewal    of    the 
contest. 

The  Romans  settled   the    affairs    of    Sicily,  organizing  all 
of    it,    save    the    lands    in    the   eastern    part    belonging    to 
Syracuse,  as  a  province  of  the  republic.       This  was  the  first 
territory  beyond   the   limits   of  Italy   that    Rome   had   con- 
quered,   and    the  Sicilian    the   first    of    Roman    provinces. 
But  as  the  imperial  city  extended  her  conquests,  her  pro- 
vincial possessions  increased  in  number  and  size  until  they 
formed  at  last  a  perfect    cordon    about    the    Mediterranean. 
Each  province  was  governed    by  a  magistrate,  at   first   one 
of  the  prnetors^  (par.  71 ),  sent  out  from  the  capital.     This 
officer  exercised    both    civil    and    military  authority.       Each 
province  also  paid  an  annual  tribute,  or  tax,  to  Rome,  some- 
thing that  had  never  been  exacted  of  the  Italian  allies. 

^  After  the  Third   Punic  War,  instead  of  pastor.,  proprX'tOFS  and 
proconsuls  were  sent  out. 


/^OAfE    A  ATI?    CA/^T/fAGE. 


155 


We  have  here  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  provincial 
system.  It  presented  a  sharp  contrast  to  that  liberal  sys- 
tem of  federation  and  incorporation  that  formed  the  very 
corner  stone  of  the  Roman  power  in  Italy.  There  Rome 
had  made  all,  or  substantially  all,  of  the  conquered  peoples 

either  citizens  or  close  confederates.  Against  the  pro- 
vincials she  not  only  closed  the  gates  of  the  city,  but 
denied  to  them  the  rank  and  soothing  title  of  allies.  She 
made  them  her  subjects,  and  administered  their  affairs, 
not  in  their  Interest,  but  in  that  of  her  own.  This  illiberal 
imperial  policy  contributed  largely,  as  we  shall  learn,  to 
the  undoing  of  the  Roman  republic. 

97.  Rome  acquires  Sardinia  and  Corsica ;  the  Second  Province. 

(227  B.C.).  —  The  first  acquisition  by  the  Romans  of  lands 
beyond  the  peninsula  seems  to  have  created  in  them  an 
insatiable  ambition  for  foreign  conquests.  They  soon 
found  a  pretext  for  seizing  the  island  of  Sardinia,  the 
most  ancient,  and,  after  Sicily,  the  most  prized  of  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  Carthaginians.  An  insurrection  breaking 
out  upon  the  island,  the  Carthaginians  were  moving  to 
suppress  it,  when  the  Romans  commanded  them  not  only 

to  desist  from  their  military  preparations  (pretending  that 
they  believed  them  a  threat  against  Rome),  but  to  sur- 
render Sardinia,  and,  moreover,  to  pay  a  fine  of  1200 
talents  (about  $1,500,000).  Carthage,  exhausted  as  she 
was,  could  do  nothing  but  comply  with  these  demands, 
unjust  though  they  were,  fhe  ungenerous  and  dishonor- 
able conduct  of  the  Romans  in  this  matter  made  more 
bitter  and  implacable,  if  that  were  possible,  the  Cartha- 
ginian hatred  of  the  Roman  race.  Sardinia,  in  connec- 
tion with  Corsica,  which  was  also  seized,  was  formed  into 


156 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


ROME   AND    CARTHAGE. 


a    Roman    province    (227  B.C.).      With    her   hailds    Upon 

these   islands,    the   authority   of   Rome    in    the   Western     or 
Tyrrhenian    Sea   was   supreme. 

98.  The  Illyrian  Corsairs  are  punished.  —  In  a  more  legiti- 
mate way  the  Romans  extended  their  infiuence  over  the 
seas  that  wash  the  eastern  shores  of  Italy.  For  a  long 
time  the  Adriatic  and  Ionian  waters  had  been  infested  with 
Illyrian  pirates,  who  issued  from  the  roadsteads  of  the 
northeastern  coasts  of  the  former  sea.     These  buccaneers 

not  only  scoured  the  seas  for  merchantmen,  but  troubled 
the  towns  along  the  shores  of  Greece,  and  were  even  so 
bold  as  to  make  descents  upon  the  Italian  coasts.  The 
Roman  fleet  chased  these  corsairs  from  the  Adriatic,  and 
captured  several  of  their  strongholds.  Rome  now  assumed 
a  sort  of  protectorate  over  the  Greek  cities  of  the  Adriatic 
coast. 

These  cities  welcomed  Rome  as  a  protector,  for  they  had 

been  greatly  troubled  by  the  northern  pirates.  As  a  mark 
of  their  gratitude  they  gave  the  Romans  permission  to  take 
part  in  certain  of  their  religious  mysteries  '  and  to  send 
contestants  to  the  Isthmian  games.^ 

Rome  thus  acquired  a  foothold  on   the   eastern    shore   of 

the  Adriatic.  She  had  taken  the  first  step  in  the  path 
that  was  to  lead  her  to  absolute  supremacy  in  Greece 
and  throughout  all  the  East. 

gg.  War  with  the  Gauls.  _  In  the  north,  during  this  same 
period,  Roman  authority  was  extended  from  the  Apennines 
and  the  Rubicon  to  the  foot  of  the  Alps.  Alarmed  at  the 
advance  of  the  Romans,  who  were  pushing  northward  their 

^  The  Eleusinian  mysteries,  celebrated  at  Eleusis  near  Athens 

Cxames  celebrated  in  honor  of  Poseidon  on  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 


157 


great  military  road,  called  the  Flamlnlan  Way,  and  also 
settling  with  discharged  soldiers  and  needy  citizens  the 
tracts  of  frontier  land  wrested  some  time  before  from 
the  Gauls,  the  Boii,  a  tribe  of  that  race,  stirred  up  all  the 
Gallic  peoples  already  in  Italy,  besides  their  kinsmen  who 
were  yet  beyond  the  mountains,  for  an  assault  upon 
Rome. 

Intelligence  of  this  movement  among  the  northern  tribes 
threw  all  Italy  into  a  fever  of  excitement.  At  Rome  the 
terror  was  great;  for  not  yet  had  died  out  of  memory 
what  the  city  had  once  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  ances- 
tors of  these  same  barbarians  that  were  now  again  gather- 
ing their  hordes  for  sack  and  pillage  (par.  68).  An 
ancient  prediction,  found  in  the  Sibylline  books,  declared 
that  a  portion  of  Roman  territory  must  needs  be  occupied 
by  Gauls.     Hoping  sufficiently  to  fulfil  the  prophecy  and 

satisfy  fate,  the  Roman  senate  caused  two  Gauls  to  be 

buried  alive  in  one  of  the  public  squares  of  the  capital 
This  was  an  extraordinary  proceeding  for  the  Romans. 
They  must  have  been  in  a  great  panic  to  have  so  far 
yielded  to  the  promptings  of  what  they  in  their  calmer 

moments  regarded  as  a  cruel  superstition. 

Meanwhile  the  barbarians  had  advanced  into  Etruria, 
ravaging  the    country   as   they    moved    southward.      After 

gathering  a  large  amount  of  booty,  they  were  carrying  this 

back  to  a  place  of  safety,  when  they  were  surrounded  by 
the  Roman  armies  at  Telamon,  and  almost  annihilated. 
Forty   thousand    are    said   to    have    been    killed    and    sixty 

thousand  taken  prisoners  (225  B.C.).  The  Romans,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  this  victory,  pushed  on  into  the  plains  of 
the  Po,  captured   the  city  which   is  now  known   as   Milan, 


158 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


ROME  AND   CARTHAGE. 


159 


and  extended  their  authority  to  the  foothills  of  the  Alps. 
To  guard  the  new  territory,  two  military  colonies,  Placentia 
and  Cremona,  were  established  upon  the  opposite  banks 
of  the  Po,  while  the  Via  Flaminia  was  carried  across  the 

Apennines  and  extended  to  Ariminum,  on  the  Adriatic." 

The  Gauls,  thus  reduced  to  subjection,  were  of  course 
restless  and  resentful,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  were  very  ready 
to  embrace  the  cause  of  Hannibal  when  a  few  years  after 
this  he  descended  from  the  Alps  and  appeared  among  them 
as  a  deliverer  (par.  107). 


SkcHON-    II.  — Carthage. 
100.    The  Truceless  War.  —Scarcely  had  peace  been  con- 
cluded with  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  First  Punic  War,  before 
Carthage  was  plunged  into  a  still  deadlier  struggle,  which 
for   a   time  threatened  her  very  existence.       Her  mercenarv 
troops,  upon  their  return  from  Sicily,  revolted,  on  account 
Of   not   receiving   their    pay.      Their   appeal    to    the    native 
tribes    of    Africa    was    answered    by    a    general    uprising 
throughout  the  dependencies  of  Carthage.      The   extent   of 
the  revolt  shows  how  hateful  and  hated  was  the  rule  of  the 

great  capital  over  her  subject  states. 

The  war  was  unspeakably  bitter  and  cruel.  It  is  known 
>n  history  as  "The  Truceless  War."  At  one  time  Car- 
thage was  the  only  city  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  gov- 
ernment, liut  the  genius  of  the  great  Carthaginian  genera., 
Ham,lcar  Barca,  at  last  triumphed,  and  the  authority  of 

tarthage  was  everywhere  restored. 

This   road,    under  the    name    of     J^f\i    ^^«,//  ,-     , 

(in  .87  B.c.)  extended  to  Placentia,  LThl;^,'      "  ^  """=  '"" 


loi.  The  Carthaginians  in  Spain.  —  After  the  disastrous 
termination  of  the  First  Punic  War,  the  Carthaginians 
determined   to    repair    their    losses    by    new    conquests    in 

Spain.     Hamilcar  Barca  was  sent  over  into  that  country, 

and  for  nine  years  he  devoted  his  commanding  genius  to 
organizing  the  different  Iberian  tribes  into  a  compact  state, 
and  to  developing  the  rich  gold  and  silver  mines  of  the 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula.      He  fell  in  battle  228  B.C. 

Hamilcar  Barca  was  the  greatest  general  that  up  to  this 
time  the  Carthaginian  race  had  produced.  As  a  rule,  genius 
is  not  transmitted ;  but  in  the  Barcine  family  the  rule  was 
broken,  and  the  rare  genius  of  Hamilcar  reappeared  in  his 

sons,  whoin  he  himself,  it  is  said,  was  fond  of  calling  the 
**  lion's  brood."  Hannibal,  the  oldest,  w^as  only  nineteen 
at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  and  being  thus  too  young 
to  assume  command,  Hasdrubal,"*  the  son-in-law  of  Hamil- 
car, was  chosen  to  succeed  him.  He  carried  out  the 
unfinished  plans  of  Hamilcar,  extended  and  consolidated 
the  Carthaginian  power  in  Spain,  and  upon  the  eastern 
coast  founded  New  Carthage  as  the  centre  and  capital   of 

the  newly  acquired  territory.  The  native  tribes  were  con- 
ciliated rather  than  conquered.  The  Barcine  fainily  knew 
how  to  rule  as  well  as  how  to  fight. 

102.  Hannibal's  Vow.  —  Upon  the  death  of  Hasdrubal, 
which  occurred  221  b.c,  Hannibal,  now  twenty-six  years 
of  age,  was  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  army  called  to 
be  their  leader.  When  a  child  of  nine  years  he  had  been 
led  by  his  father  to  the  altar ;  and  there,  with  his  hands 

upon  the  sacrifice,  the  little  bo'y  had    sworn    eternal    hatred 

*  Not  to  be  confounded  with  Ilannilial's  own  brother,  Hasdrubal. 
See  par.  i  17. 


i6o 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLfC. 


ROME    AA^D    CARTHAGE. 


I6l 


:f  t 
If 

i  ! 


to  the  Roman  race.  He  was  driven  on  to  his  gi<^antic 
undertakings  and  to  his  hard  fate,  not  only  by  the  restless 
fires  of   his  warlike  genius,  but,  as  he  himself   declared,  by 

the  sacred  obligations  of  a  vow  that  could  not  be  broken. 

103.  Hannibal  attacks  Saguntum.  —In  two  years  Hannibal 
extended  the  Carthaginian  power  to  the  Ebro.  Saguntum, 
a  Greek  city  upon  the  east  coast  of  Spain,  alone  remained 

unsubdued.      The  Romans,   who  were  jealously  watch  in- 

CC   '       '       1  '  ^ 

attairs    in    the  peninsula,   had    entered  into    an    alliance  with 

this   city,    and   taken   it,   with    other    Greek    cities   in    that 

quarter   of    the    Mediterranean,    under    their    protection. 

Hannibal,  although  he  well  knew  that  an  attack  upon  this 

place  would  precipitate  hostilities  with  Rome,  laid  siege  to 
it  in  the  spring  of  219  m.c.  He  was  eager  for  the  ren'Iwal 
Of  the  old  contest.  The  Roman  senate  sent  messengers  to 
him  forbidding  him  to  make  war  upon  a  city  that  was  an 

ally    of    the    Roman    people:    but     Hannibal,    disregarding 

their  remonstrances,   continued   the  siege,  and  after  an 

investment  of  eight  months  gained  possession  of  the  town. 

The  Romans  now  sent  commissioners  to  Carthage  to 

demand  of  the  senate  that  they  give  up  Hannibll   to 

them,  and  by  so  doing  repudiate  the  act  of  their  general. 
The  Carthaginians  hesitated.  Then  Quintus  Fabius,  chief 
of  the  embassy,  gathering  up  his  toga,  said,  "  I  carry  here 

peace  and  war ;  choose,  men  of  Carthage,  which  ye  win 

have."    "  Give  us  whichever  ye  will,"  was  the  reply.    "  War 
then,"  said    Fabius,   dropping   his  toga.     The   "die  was 
now  cast ;  and  the  arena  was  cleared  for  the  foremost 
perhaps  the  mightiest,  military  genius  of  any  race  and  oi 

any  time."  ^ 

^  Smith's  Carthage  and  Rome,  p.  1 14. 


Rkferences. —  Poi.YBius,  i.    65— 88.       Appian  (translated   from    the 

Greek  by  Horace  White),  vol.  i.  Foreign  Wars,  hk.  x.  chaps,  i.  and  ii. 
*  MoMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome^  vol.  ii.  bk.  iii.  chaps,  ii.  and  iii.  pp. 
38—102. 

Ihne  (W.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  bk.  iv.  chaps,  iv.-vii.  pp.  1 16-142. 

Arnold  (W.  T.),**7y/^  Roman  System  of  Pro7)incial  Administration, 
chap,  i.,  "  What  a  province  was.  How  acquired.  Use  of  '  client  princes.' 
How  secured  and  organized.      Moral  aspect  of  the  Roman  ride." 


^^jlJjT^  itu.     vJA^A-k^u-  -^    \ jticXiWa 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE    .SECOND     PUKIC    WAR. 
(218-201   B.C.) 

104.  Hannibal  begins  his  March. —The  Cartha-.ini,n 
empire  was  now  all  astir  with  preparations  for  the  inLnd- 
ing  struggle.  Hannibal  w.is  the  life  and  soul  of  every 
movement.  He  planned  and  executed.  The  Carthaginian 
senate  tardily  confirmed  his  acts.  His  bold  „,.,„  was  to 
cross  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Alps  and  descend  upon  Ron,e 
from  the  north.  He  secured  the  provinces  in  .Spain  and 
Afr.ca  by  placing  garrisons  of  Iberians  in  Africa  and  of 

Libyans  in  the  peninsuha.  Am- 
b.assadors  were  sent  among  the 
Oallic  tribes  on  both  sides  of  the 
Alps,  to  invite  them  to  be  ready 
to  join  the  army  that  would  soon 
set  out  from  Spain. 

With  these  preparations  com- 
pleted, Hannibal  left  XewCarth.age 
early  in  the  spring  of  218  n.c., 
with  an  army  numbering  about  a 
hundred  thousand  men,  and  in- 
cluding thirty-seven  war  elephants. 

,  .  ,      ,       „  ^    'hostile     country     lay    between 

'  sTst'd  ,  ?"""•     '''™"«"'^  ''''  ''^'^^^   tribes  that 

res.sted   h.s  advance  he  forced  his  Way  tO  the  foot  of  the 

162 


H.\NNri;.\L 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR. 


163 


mountains  that  guard  the  noi  thern  frontier  of  Spain.  More 
than  twenty  thousand  of  his  soldiers  were  lost  in  this  part 
of  his  march. 

105.  Passage  of  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Rhone.  —  I^eaving  a 
strong  force  to  garrison  the  newly  conquered  lands,  and 
discharging  ten  thousand  more  of  his  men  who  had  begun 
to  murmur  because  of  their  hardships,  he  pushed  on  with 
the  remainder  across  the  Pyrenees,  and  led  them  down  into 


ROUTE  OF 

>    HANMBAL 


the  valley  of  the  Rhone.  The  Gauls  attempted  to  dispute 
the  passage  of  the  river,  but  they  were  routed,  and  the 
ariTiy  was  ferried  across  the  stream  in  native  boats  and  on 
rudely  constructed  rafts. 

106.  Passage  of  the  Alps.  —  Hannibal  now  followed  up 
the  course  of  the  Rhone,  and  then  one  of  its  eastern  tribu- 
taries, the  Isere  (Isar),  until  he  reached  the  foothuls  of 
the  Alps,  probably  under  the  pass  known  to-day  as  the 
Little  St.  Bernard.  Nature  and  man  joined  to  oppose  the 
passage.     The  season  was  already  far  advanced, — it  was 


164 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


October, -and  snow  was  falling  upon  the  higher  portions 
of  the  trail.  Day  after  day  the  army  toiled  painfully  up 
the  dangerous  path.  In  places  the  narrow  way  had  to  be 
cut  wider  for  the  monstrous  bodies  of  the  elephants.  Often 
avalanches  of  stone  were  hurled  upon  the  trains  by  the 
hostile  bands  that  held  possession  of  the  heights  above. 
At  last  the  summit  was  gained,  and  the  shivering  array 

looked  down  into  the  warm  haze  of  the  Italian  plains    The 

sight,  together  with  encouraging  words  from  Hannibal 

somewhat    revived    the    drooping    spirits    Of    the    Soldiers' 
The.r   descent    of   the   mountains   was    accomplished    Only 

after  severe  toil  and  losses.    At  length  the  thinned  Columns 

.ssued  from  the  deHles  of  the  foothills  upon  the  plains  of 
the  l.o.  Of  the  fifty  thousand  men  and  more  with  whom 
Hann.bal  had  set  out,  barely  twenty  thousand  had  survived 

the  hardships  and  perils  of  the  iiiarch,  and  these  "looked 

more  like  phantoms  than  men." 

Yet  this  was  the  pitiable  force  with  which  Hannibal  pro- 
posed to  attack  the  Roman  state  -  a  state  that  at  this  time 
had  on  tts  levy  lists  over  seven  hundred  thousand  foot 
soldiers  and  seventy  thousand  horse." 

107.  Battles  of  the  Ticinus,  the  Trebia,  and  of  Lake  Trasime- 
nus—  The  Romans  had  not  the  remotest  idea  of  Hannibal's 
plans.  With  war  determined  upon,  thc  SChatC  had  Sent 
one  of  the  consul.,  Tiberius  Sempronius,  with  an  annv  intO 
Afrtca  by  the  way  of  Sicily;  while  the  other,  Publius  fornelius 
Sc,p.o  they  had  directed  to  lead  another  army  into  Spain. 
While  the  senate  were  watching  the  movements  of  these 
expedtfons,   they  were    startled    by   the    intelligence    that 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC   WAR, 


165 


Hannibal,  Instead  of  being  in  Spain,  had  crossed  the  Pyre- 
nees and  was  among  the  Gauls  upon  the  Rhone.  Sempro- 
nius  was  hastily  recalled  from  his  attempt  upon  Africa,  to 

the  defence  of  Italy.  Scipio,  on  his  way  to  Spain,  had 
touched  at  Massilia,  and  there  learned  of  the  movements 
of  Hannibal.  He  turned  back,  hurried  into  Northern  Italy, 
and  took  command  of  the  levies  there.     The  cavalry  of  the 

two  armies  met  upon  the  banks  of  the  Ticinus,  a  tributary 
of  the  Po.  The  Romans  were  driven  from  the  field  by 
the  fierce  onset  of  the  Numidian  horsemen.  Scipio  now 
awaited  the  arrival  of  the  other  consular  army,  which  was 
hurrying  up  through  Italy  by  forced  marches. 

In  the  battle  of  the  Trebia  (218  rc.)  the  united  armies 
of  the  two  consuls  were  drawn  into  an  ambuscade  and 
almost  annihilated.     The  refugees  that  escaped  from  the 

held  sought  shelter  behind  the  walls  of  Placentia.  The 
Gauls,  who  had  been  waiting  to  see  to  which  side  fortune 
would  incline,  now  flocked  to  the  standard  of  Hannibal, 
and  hailed  him  as  their  deliverer. 

Hie  spring  following  the  victory  at  the  Trebia,  Hannibal 
led  his  army,  now  recruited  by  many  Gauls,  across  the 
Apennines,  and  moved  southward.  At  Lake  Trasimenus 
he  entrapped  the  Romans  under  the  consul  Gaius  T  laminius 

in  a  mountain  defile,  where,  bewildered  by  a  fog  that  filled 
the  valley,  the  greater  part  of  the  army  wms  slaughtered, 
and  the  consul  himself  was  slain  (217  B.C.). 

108.  Hannibal's  Policy.  —  The  way  to  Rome  was  now 
open.  Believing  that  Hannibal  would  march  directly  upon 
the  capital,  the  senate  caused  the  bridges  that  spanned  the 
Tiber  to  be  destroyed,  and  appointed  Fabius  Maximus 
dictator.      But  Hannibal  did  not  deem  it  wise  to  throw  his 


1 66 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


troops  against  the  walls  of  Rome.  Crossing  the  Apennines, 
he  pressed  eastward  to  the  Adriatic  Sea,  whence  he  sent 
messages    to     Carthage    of    his    wonderful    achievements. 

Here  he  rested  his  army  after  a  march  that  has  fcw  paral- 

lels  in  the  annals  of  war. 

In  one  respect  only  had  events  disappointed  Hannibal's 
expectations.  He  had  thought  that  the  Italian  allies,  like 
the  Gauls,  were  ready  at  the  first  opportunity  to  revolt  from 
Rome  ;  and  to  induce  them  to  do  so,  he  had  treated  with  the 
greatest  consideration  those  Italians  who  chanced  to  fall 
into  his  hands  as  prisoners.  But  thus  far  not  a  single  city 
or  tribe  of  the   Umbro-Sabellian   folk  (par.  5)  had  prOVed 

unfaithful  to  Rome. 

109.  Fabius  "  the  Delayer."—  The  dictator  Fabius,  at  the 
head  of  four  new  legions,  started  in  pursuit  of  Hannibal, 
who  was  again  on  the  move.  The  fate  of  Rome  was  in  the 
hands  of  Fabius.  Should  he  risk  a  battle  and  lose  it, 
everything  would  be  lost.  He  determined  to  adopt  a  more 
prudent  policy -to  follow  and  annoy  the  Carthaginian 
army,  but  to  refuse  all  proffers  of  battle.     Thus  time  would 

be  gained  for  raising  a   new  army  and   perfecting  measures 
for  the  public  defence. 

In  every  possible  way  Hannibal  endeavored  to  draw  his 
enemy  into  an  engagement.  He  ravaged  the  fields  far  and 
wide  and  fired  the  homesteads  of  the  Italians,  in  order  to 
force  Fabius  to  fight  in  their  defence.  The  soldiers  of  the 
dictator  began  to  murmur.  They  called  him  Cunctator,  or 
"  the  delayer."     They  even  accused  him  of  treachery  to 

the     cause    of    Rome.       But    nothing     moved    him    from    the 
Steady  pursuit  of   the    policy  which   he   clearlv  saw  was  the 

only  prudent  one  to  follow. 


1 68 


ROUE  AS  A    KEPUBLIC. 


Hannibal  now  marched  through  Samnium,  desolating 

the  country  as  he  went,  and   then   descended  UpOD  the  rich 

plains  of  Campania.       Fabius   followed  him  CloSCly.       FrOm 

the   mountains,  which   they  were   not  allowed   to  leave,  the 

Roman  soldiers  were  obliged  to  watch,  with  such  patience 

as   they   might   command,   the  devastations  of    the  enemy 

going  on  beneath   their  very  eyes.     They  besought  Fabius 

to  lead  them  down  upon  the  plain,  where  they  might  at 

least  strike  a  blow  in  defence  of  their  homes.     Fabius  was 

unmoved  by  their  clamor.  He  planned,  however,  tO  entrap 
Hannibal.  Knowing  that  the  enemy  could  not  support 
themselves  in  fampania  through  the  approaching  winter, 
but  must  recross  the  mountains  into  Apulia,  he  placed  a 
strong  guard  in  the  pass  by  which  they  must  retreat,  and 
then  quietly  awaited  their  movements. 

Hannibal,  we  are  told,  resorted  to  a  stratagem  to  draw 
the  guards  away  from  the  mountain  path.     To  the  horns  Of 

two  thousand  oxen  burning  torches  one  night  were  fastened, 
and  then  these  animals  were  driven  up  among  the  hills 
that  overhung  the  pass.  These  creatures,  frantic  with  pain 
and  fright,  rushed  along  the  ranges  that  bordered  the  pass, 
and  led  the  watchers  there  to  believe  that  the  Carthaginians 

were  forcing  their  way  over  the  hills  in  a  grand  rush 
i^traightway  the  guardians  of  the  pass  left  their  position,  in 
order  to  intercept  the  fleeing  enemy.  While  they  were  pur- 
suing the  cattle,  Hannibal  marched  quietly  with  all  his 
booty    through    the    unguarded    dehle,     and    escaped    into 

oamnium. 

1 10.  The  Policy  of  Fabius  vindicated.  _  The  escape  of  the 
Carthaginian  army  caused  the  smothered  discontent  with 
Fabius  and  his  policy  to  break  out  into  open  opposition. 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR. 


169 


both  among  the  citizens  at  the  capital  and  the  soldiers  In 
the  camp.  Minucius,  commander  of  the  cavalry,  disobeyed 
the  orders  of  the  dictator  to  refrain  from  any  engagement 
with  the  enemy,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  gain  a  slight 
success.  This  brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  By  a  vote  of 
the  people  Minucius  was  made  co-dictator  with  Fabius. 
He  now  sought  an  engagement  with  the  Carthaginians. 
An    opportunity  soon   presented    itself.     But  fortune  was 

against  him ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  timely  assistance 
of  Fabius,  his  forces  would  have  been  cut  to  pieces.  Minu- 
cius at  once  acknowledged  the  rashness  of  his  policy,  and 
took  again  his  old  position  as  a  subordinate  ;  while  Fabius, 

by  universal  acclamation,  was  declared  the  "Savior  of 
Rome." 

III.    The  Battle  of  Cannae  (216  B.C.).  — The  time  gained 
by  Fabius  had  enabled  the  Romans  to  raise  and  discipline 

an  army  that  might  hope  to  engage  successfully  the  Car- 
thaginian forces.     Early  in  the  summer  of  the  year  216  ac, 

these  new  levies,  numbering  eighty  thousand  men,  under 
the  command  of  the  recently  chosen  consuls  Paulus  and 
Varro,"  confronted  the  army  of   Hannibal,  amounting  to 

7  The  dictatorship  of  Fabius  Maximus  had  expired.  The  patrician 
consul's  full  name  was  Lucius  yEmilius  Paulus  ;  the  plebeian's,  Gaius 
Terentius  Varro.  They  were  divided  in  counsel,  and  it  was  the  rashness 
of  Varro,  a  man  wholly  without  experience  in  military  affairs,  that  pre- 
cipitated the  battle.       When  his  day  for  command  came for  according 

to  an  absurd  custom  each  consul  held  the  supreme  command  on  alter- 
nate days  — he  imprudently,  and  against  the  earnest  protest  of  his  col- 
league, began  the  battle  on  ill-cho§en  ground.  The  yearly  change  of 
their  chief  magistrates  was  a  source  of  weakness  and  loss  to  the  Romans 
m  time  of  war.  The  popular  vote  frequently  failed  to  secure  experi- 
enced generals.    Demagogues  often  controlled  the  election,  as  at  Athens 

in  the  times  of  Cleon  and  Alcibiades. 


ill 


lyo 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


THE   SECOND    PUNIC    WAR. 


not  more  than  half  that  number,  at  Caniicxs  in  Apulia.  It 
was  the  largest  army  the  Romans  had  ever  gathered  on  any 
battlefield.  But  it  had  been  collected  only  to  meet  the 
most  overwhelming  defeat  that  ever  befell  the  forces  of 

the  republic.       Through  the  skilful  man^tiuvres  of  Hannibal, 

the  Romans  were  completely  surrounded,  and  huddled 
together  in  a  helpless  mass  upon  the  field ;  then  they  were 


PLAN  OF  THE 
BATTI.E     OF     CA>>.E 

Al-TEK  STKACHANDAVIDSON. 


..^^^^s^^^ 

%?'^^.^  ' 


'*'^«/C, 


^^alW 


•*\ 


AFHir 


AN 


cut  down  by  the  Numidlan  cavalry.*^  From  forty  to  seventy 
thousand  are  said  to  have  been  slain  ; '^  a  few  thousand 
were  taken  prisoners;  only  the  merest  handful  escaped, 
including  the  consul  Varro.  The  slaughter  was  so  great 
that,  according  to  Livy,  when  Mago,  a  brother  of  Hannibal, 
carried  the  news  of  the  victory  to  Carthage,  he,  in  confirma- 

8  The  Romans  were  weak  in  cavalrjr  ■  thejr  had  only  OOOO,  the  Car- 
thaginians  10,000. 

^  PolybiuS,  iii.    117,  places  the   killed  at   70,000  and  the  prisoners  at 
10,000  J  Livy,  xxii.  49,  puts  the  number  of  the  slain  at  42,700. 


171 


tion  of  the  Intelligence,  poured  out  on  the  floor  of  the 
senate-house  nearly  a  peck  of  gold  rings  taken  from  the 
fingers  of  the  Roman   knlghts.^^ 

112.    Events  after  the  Battle  of  Cannae.  —  The  awful  news 

flew  to  Rome.  Consternation  and  despair  seized  the  peo- 
ple. The  city  would  have  been  emptied  of  its  population 
had  not  the  senate  ordered  the  gates  to  be  closed.  Never 
did  the  senators  display  greater  calmness,  wisdom,  prudence, 
and  resolution.  They  publicly  thanked  the  consul  Varro, 
although  he  was  the  bitter  enemy  of  their  body,  and  the 
one  whose  incompetency  and  rashness  had  caused  the  terri- 
ble disaster,  because  he  had  not  despaired  of  the  republic. 

Little  by  little  the  panic  was  allayed.  Measures  were 
concerted  for  the  defence  of  the  capital,  as  It  was  expected 
that  Hannibal  would  immediately  march  upon  the  city. 
Swift  horsemen  were  sent  out  along  the  Appian  Way  to 
gather  information  of  the  conqueror's  movements,  and  to 
learn,  as  Livy  expresses  it,  "if  the  immortal  gods,  out  of 
pity  to  the  empire,  had  left  any  remnant  of  the  Roman 
name." 

The  leader  of  the  Numldian  cavalry,  Maharbal,  urged 
Hannibal  to  follow  up  his  victory  closely.  "  Let  me  ad- 
vance with  the  horse,"  he  said,  "and  in  five  days  you  shall 
banquet  in  Rome."  But  Hannibal  refused  to  adopt  the 
counsel  of  his  impetuous  general.  Maharbal  turned  away, 
and  with  mingled  reproach  and  impatience  exclaimed, 
"Alas!  you  know  how  to  gain  a  victory,  but  not  how  to 
use  one."     The  great  commander,  while  he  knew  he  was 

!'>  Among    the   slain  were   one   consul,  two  cjuacstors,  twenty-one   mil- 
itary   tribunes,  and    eighty  senators,  or  persons   eligible  to  seats   in    the 

senate.  —  Livy,  xxii.  49. 


1/2 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


invincible    in    the   open    field,  did    not    think    it    prudent    tO 
fight    the    Romans    behind    their   walls. 

Hannibal  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  to  offer  terms 
of  peace.  The  senate,  true  to  the  Appian  policy  never  tO 
treat  with  a  victorious  enemy  (par.  82),  would  not  even 
permit  the  ambassadors  to  enter  the  gates.  Hardly  less 
disappointed  was  Hannibal  in  the  temper  of  the  Roman 
confederates.     All  the  allies  of  the  Latin  name  (par.  163) 

adhered    to    the    cause    of    Rome    through    all    these    trying- 
times    with    unshaken    loyalty. 

Some  tribes  in  the  south  of  Italy,  however,  among  which 
were  the  Lucanians,  the  Apulians,  and  the  Bruttians,  now 
went  over  to  the  Carthaginians.  The  important  city  of 
Capua  also  seceded  from  Rome  and  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  Hannibal.  A  little  later  Syracuse  was  lost  to  Rome  ; 
for  it  so  happened  that,  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Canrnx 

Hiero,  the  king  of  the  SyracTJsans,  who  loved  to  call  him- 
self the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Roman  people,  had  died, 
and  the  government  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  party 
unfriendly  to  the  republic.  This  party  now  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  Carthage,  and  thus  Syracuse,  with  a  large  part 
of  Sicily,  was  carried  over  to  the  side  of  the  enemies  of 
Rome. 

Furthermore,  Philip  V.  of  Macedonia,  who,  apprehensive 

of  the  growing  power  of  Rome,  had  been  watching  with 
friendly  interest  the  successes  of  Hannibal  in  Italy,  now 
formed  an  alliance  with  him  and  promised  him  help.  Had 
Philip  acted  energetically  and  brought  promptly  to  Hanni- 
bal the  relief  promised  and  expected,  the  war  might  have 
taken  a  very  different  turn  from  what  it  did,  and  the  whole 
course  of  the  world's  history  have  been  chano-ed. 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR, 


73 


113.  Hannibal  in  Winter  Quarters  at  Capua.  —  After  the 
battle  of  Canncxs  Hannibal  marched  into  Campania  and 
quartered  his  army  for  the  winter  in  the  luxurious  city  of 
Capua,  which,  as  we  have  noticed  (par.  112),  had  opened 
its  gates  to  him.  Here  he  allowed  his  soldiers  to  rest  and 
to  recover  from  the  fatigue  of  the  most  arduous  campaign 
that  any  army  had  endured  since  the  marches  and  cam- 

paigns  of  Alexander  the  Great  in  Asia. 

But  there  is  always  danger  in  relaxation  after  excessive 

toil.  Hannibal's  soldiers,  according  to  Livy,  were  fatally 
enervated  both  in  body  and  mind  by  the  influences  of  this 
Sybarite  capital.  The  winter  was  spent  by  them  in  a 
round  of  feasting,  drinking,  bathing,  and  indulgences  of 
all  kinds,  so  that  almost  every  trace  of  martial  vigor  and 
discipline  was  lost.     It  is  the  opinion  of  persons  versed  in 

the  art  of  war,  adds  the  historian,  that  Hannibal,  in  tak- 
ing up  his  winter  quarters  in  Capua,  committed  a  greater 
error  than  when  he  neglected  to  march  upon  Rome  after 
the  battle  of  Cannai.^ 

114.  The  Fall  Of  Syracuse  (212  RC.).- While  Hannibal 
was  resting  and  awaiting  reinforcements,  Rome  was  putting 
forth  every  etfort  and  straining  every  resource  in  raising 
and  equipping  new  levies  to  take  the  place  of  the  legions 
lost  at  C^annct, 

The  first  task  to  be  undertaken  was  the  chastisement 
of  Syracuse  for  its  desertion  of  the  Roman  alliance  (par. 
112).  The  distinguished  Roman  general,  Marcus  Claudius 
Marcellus,  called  "the  Sword  of  Rome,"  was  intrusted  with 

this    commission.      In   the   year   214   B.C.,   he   laid   siege   tO 
the   city. 

^  xxiii.  18. 


174 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC, 


Syracuse  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  largest  and  richest 
cities  of  the  Grecian  world.  Its  walls  were  strong,  and 
enclosed  an  area  eighteen  miles  in  circuit.     P'or  three  years 

it  held  out  against  the  Roman  forces.  It  is  said  that 
Archimedes,  the  great  mathematician,  rendered  valuable 
aid  to  the  besieged  with  curious  and  powerful  engines  con- 
trived by  his  genius.  But  the  city  fell  at  last,  and  was  given 
over  to  sack  and  pillage  (2  i  2  w.^:.).  Rome  was  adorned  with 
the  masterpieces  of  Grecian  art  that  for  centuries  had  been 
accumulating  in  the  city,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
renowned   of   the   colonies  of   ancient    Hellas.      Syracuse 

never    recovered    from    the    blow    inflicted    upon    it    at    this 
time  by  the  relentless   Romans. 

115.  The  Fall  of  Capua  (211  i;.c.).  —  Capua- must  next 
be  punished  for  opening  its  gates  and  extending  its  hos- 
pitalities to  the  enemies  of  Rome.  A  line  of  circumvalla- 
tion  was  drawn  about  the  city,  and  two  Roman  armies  held 
it  in  close  siege.  Hannibal,  ever  faithful  to  his  allies  and 
friends,  hastened  to  the  relief  of  the  Capuans.     Unable  to 

break  the  enemy's  lines,  he  marched  directly  upon  Rome, 
as  if  to  make  an  attack  upon  that  city,  hoping  thus  to  draw 
off  the  legions  about  Capua  to  the  defence  of  the  capital. 
The  *' dread  Hannibal  "  himself  rode  alongside  the  walls  of 
the  hated  city,  and,  tradition  says,  even  hurled  a  defiant 
lance  against  one  of  the  gates.  The  Romans  certainly 
were  trembling  with  fear;  yet  Livy  tells  how  they  mani- 
fested their  confidence  in  their  affairs  by  selling  at  public 

auction  the  land  upon  which  Hannibal  was  encamped.     He 

in  turn,  in  the  same  manner,  disposed  of  the  shops  fronting 

2  Before  its  defection,  Capua  was  one  of  those  cities  which  enjoyed 

Casritan  rights  (par.  73). 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAP.  175 

the  forum.     The  story  is  that  there  were  eager  purchasers 
in  both   cases. 

Failing  to  draw  the  legions  from  Capua  as  he  had  hoped 
Hann.bai  now  retired  from  before  Rome,  and,  retreating 

into  the  southern  part  of  Italy,  abandoned  C'apua  tO  its 
fate.  It  soon  feU,  and  paid  the  penalty  that  Rome  never 
failed  to  inflict  upon  an  unfaithful  ally.  The  chief  men  of 
the  city  were  put  to  death,  and  a  large  part  of  the  inhab- 
itants sold  as  slaves  (211  b.c.).  The  privilege  of  local  self- 
government  was  taken  away  from  the  community,  and  the 
whole  Capuan  district  reduced  practically  tO  the  servlIe 

condition  of  a  province  beyond  the  seas. 

116.  The  First  Macedonian  War  (215-206  B.C.).— At  the 
same  time  that  the  Romans  were  meting  out  punishment  to 
Syracuse  and  to  Capua  for  their  disloyalty,  they  were  cajry- 
ing  on  operations  against  Philip,  king  of 
Macedonia,  who,  after  his  alliance  with 
Hannibal  (par.  112),  had  attacked  the 
cities  either    belonging    to    the    Roman 

state     or     under     its     protection     on     the 

eastern     coast    of    the    Adriatic.       They 

easily  persuaded  the  yJ^:tolians  (par.  127) 

to  aid  them  ;   but  after  they  had  once  got 

them  enlisted  in  the  enterprise,  they  left  them  to   prosecute 

It   with    their  own   resources.      The   Romans,    indeed,   were 

too  much  engaged  in  watching  Hannibal  and  in  prosecuting 
their  mditary  operations  at  home  to  give  much  attention 
to  outside  affairs. 

Consequently,  the  ^:toHans,  becoming  weary  of  the 
Struggle,  concluded  a  peace  with  Philip  in  the  year  206 
B.C.,  and  the  following  year  the  Roman  senate  also  entered 


Philip  V.  op 
MaCED(JNIA. 


1/6 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


into  a  treaty  with  him.  The  contest  thus  ended  without 
any  practical  results,  save  that  of  deterring  Philip  from 
openly  taking  any  further  part  in  the  Hannibaiic  war. 

117.  Hasdrubal  in  Spain.  —  During  all  the  years  Hannibal 
was  waging  war  in  Italy,  his  brother  Hasdrubal  was  carrying 
on   a  desperate  struggle  with   the   Romans  in  Spain.      His 

plan  was  to  gather  and  lead  an  army  into  Italy  to  the  aid 

of  his  brother.  This  the  Romans  made  every  effort  to 
prevent.  Hence,  even  while  Hannibal  was  threatening 
Rome  itself,  we  find  the  senate  sending  its  best  legions  and 

generals  across  the  sea  into  Spain. 

But  Hasdrubal  possessed  much  of  the  martial  genius  of 
his  brother,  and  proved  more  than  a  match  for  the  Scipios 
who  commanded  the  Roman  levies.  Yet  the  fortunes  of 
war  were  more  fickle  here  than  in  Italy.     At  one  time  the 

Cartha<^inians  were  almost  driven  out  of  the  peninsula  ; 
and  then  the  whole  was  regained  by  the  genius  of  Has- 
drubal, and  the  two  Scipios^  were  slain.  Another  Roman 
army,  under  the  command  of  l^iblius  Cornelius  Scipio,  was 
sent  to  retrieve  these  disasters  and  to  keep  Hasdrubal 
engaged.  The  war  was  renewed,  but  without  decisive 
results  on  either  side,  and  Hasdrubal  determined  to  leave 
its  conduct  to  others,  and  go  to  the  relief  of  his  brother, 

who  was  sadly  in  need  of  aid,  for  the  calamities  of  war 
were  constantly  thinning  his  ranks.  Like  Pyrrhus,  he  had 
been  brought  to  realize  that  even  constant  victories  won  by 
the  loss  of  soldiers  that  could  not  be  replaced  meant  final 

defeat  (par.  82). 

118.    Battle  of  the  Metaurus  (207  p..c.).  —  Hasdrubal  fol- 

8  Publius  and  (Inzeus  Scipio,  brothers.     Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  men- 
tioned just  below,  was  the  son  of  Publius  Scipio. 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR. 


177 


lowed  the  same  route  that  had  been  taken  by  his  brother 
Hannibal,  and  in  the  year  207  b.c.  descended  from  the 
Alps  upon  the  plains  of  Northern  Italy.  Thence  he 
advanced  southward,  while  Hannibal  moved  northward 
from    Bruttium   to   meet   him. 

Rome  made  a  last  effort  to  ward  off   the  double  danger. 
One  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men  were  put  into  the 

field.  One  of  the  consuls,  Oaius  Claudius  Nero,  was  to 
obstruct  Hannibal's  march  ;  while  the  other,  Marcus  I^ivius, 
was  to  oppose  Hasdrubal  in  the  north.  The  great  effort 
of  the  Roman  generals  was  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the 
armies  of  the  two  brothers. 

Hasdrubal  pressed  on  southward  and  crossed  the  Metau- 
rus. From  here  he  sent  a  message  to  Hannibal,  appoint- 
in^^  a    meeting-place    only  two    days'  march    from  Rome. 

The  messenger  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  consul  Nero.  In 
a  moment  Nero's  plan  was  formed.  With  seven  thousand 
picked  soldiers  he  hastened  northward,  to  join  the  other 
consul  and,  with  their  united  forces,  to  crush  Hasdrubal 
before  his  brother  should  know  of  the  movement.  In  a  few 
days  Nero  reached  the  camp  of  his  colleague  Livius,  in 
front  of  which  lay  the  Carthaginian  army. 

As  the  soldiers  of  Nero  entered  the  camp  of  his  associate 

in  the  night,  Hasdrubal  knew  nothing  of  their  arrival  until 
the  next  morning,  when  he  observed  that  the  trumpet 
sounded  twice  from  the  enemy's  camp.  Fearing  to  risk  a 
battle,    he    attempted    to  fall    back   across  the  Metaurus. 

Misled  by  his  guides,  he  was  forced  to  turn  and  give  battle 
to  the  pursuing  Romans.  His  army  was  entirely  destroyed, 
and  he  himself  was  slain  (207  B.C.). 

Nero  now  hurried  back  to  face  Hannibal,  bearing  with 


178 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


him  the  head  of  Hasdrubal.  This  bloody  trophy  he  caused 
to  be  hurled  into  the  Carthaginian  camp.  Upon  recog- 
nizing the  features  of  his  brother,  Hannibal,  it  is  said, 
exclaimed    sadly,    "Carthage,    I    behold    thy    doom!" 

119.  The  Romans  carry  the  War  into  Africa;  Battle  of 
Zama  (202  B.C.).  — The  defeat  and  death  of  Hasdrubal  gave 
a  different  aspect  to  the  war.  Hannibal  now  drew  back 
into  the  rocky  peninsula  of  Bruttium,  the  southernmost 
point  of  Italy.  There  he  faced  the  Romans  like  a  lion  at 
bay.     No  one  dared  attack  him.      It  was  resolved  to  carry 

the  war  into  Africa,  in  hopes  that  the  C^arthaginians  would 
be  forced  to  call  their  great  commander  out  of  Italy  to  the 
defence  of  Carthage.  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  who  after 
the  departure  of  Hasdrubal  from  Spain  (par.  117)  had 
quickly  brought  the  peninsula  under  the  power  of  Rome,"* 
led  the  army  of  invasion.  He  had  not  been  long  in  Africa 
before  the  Carthaginian  senate  sent  for  Hannibal  to  con- 
duct the  war.     At  Zama,  not  far  from  Carthage,  the  hostile 

armies  met.  Fortune  had  deserted  Hannibal  ;  he  was  fight- 
ing against  fate.  He  here  suffered  his  first  and  final  defeat. 
His  army,  in  which  were  many  of  the  veterans  that  had 
served  through  all  his  Italian  campaigns,  was  almost  anni- 
hilated (202  B.C.). 

120.  The  Close  of  the  War  (201  b.c.). — Carthage  was 
now  completely  exhausted,  and  sued  for  peace.  Even  Han- 
nibal himself  could  no  longer  counsel  war.     The  terms  of 

the  treaty  were  much  severer  than  those  imposed  upon  the 

*  A  few  years  later,  in  197  B.C.,  the  country  was  made  into  two  prov- 
inces which  bore  the  names  of  //is/>ania  Citerior,  or  "  Nearer  Spain," 
and  Hispania  Ulterior,  or  "  Farther  Spain."  The  number  of  pra;tors 
(par.  7 1 )  was  at  the  same  time  raised  to  six. 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR, 


179 


city  at  the  end  of  the  First  Punic  War  (par.  95).      She  was 
required  to  give  up  all  claims  to  Spain  and  the  islands  of 

the  Mediterranean  ;  to  surrender  her  war  elephants,  and 
all  her  ships  of  war  save  ten  galleys  ;  to  pay  an  indemnity 
of  four  thousand  talents  ^  at 
once,and  two  hundred  talents 
annually  for  fifty  years  ;  and 
notjunder  any  circumstances, 
to  make  war  upon  an  ally  of 
Rome.      Five  hundred  of  the 

costly  Phoenician  war-galleys 
were  towed  out  of  the  harbor 
of   Carthage    and  burned    in 


full  sight  of  the  citizens. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the 
Hannibalic  War,  as  called  by 
the  Romans,  the  most  des- 
perate struggle  ever  main- 
tained by  rival  powers  for 
empire.  Scipio  was  accorded 
a  grand  triumph  at  Rome,  and  in  honor  of  his  achieve- 
ments given  the  surname  Africanus. 

121.  Effects  of  the  War  on  Italy.  —  Italy  never  entirely 
recovered  from  the  calamitous  effects  of  the  Hannibalic 
War.  During  its  long  continuance  the  Roman  state  was 
almost  drained  of  its  young  men  of  military  age.     Three 

hundred  thousand  Roman  citizens  are  said  to  have  been 
slain  in  battle,  and  four  hundred  towns  and  hamlets  actu- 
ally swept  out  of  existence.    *As  a  punishment  for  joining 

5  About  $5,000,000.  Our  authorities  differ  as  to  the  exact  amount 
of  this  indemnity. 


Publius  Cornelius  Scipio 
(Africanus). 

(From  a  bust  in  the  Museum  at  Najiles.) 


1 80 


KOMt:    AS    A    KErCTBLIC. 


tj^aaA  ;  c 


the  invaders,  Rome  herself  had  destroyed  many  cities  be- 
lonsrin^  to  her  allies  and  turned  their  territories  into  waste 
land.  Agriculture  in  some  districts  was  almost  ruined. 
The  peasantry  had  been  torn  from  the  soil  and  driven 
within  the  walled  towns.  The  slave  class  had  increased, 
and  the  estates  of  the  great  landowners    had    constantly 

grown  in  size,  and  absorbed  the  little  holdings  of  the 
ruined  peasants.  In  thus  destroying  the  Italian  peasantry, 
Hannibal's  invasion  and  long  occupancy  of  the  peninsula 
did  very  much  to  aggravate  all  those  economic  evils  which 
even  before  this  time  were  at  work  undermining  the  earlier 
sound  industrial  life  of  the  Romans,  and  filling  Italy  with 
a  numerous  and  dangerous  class  of  homeless  and  discon- 
tented men. 

References.  —  White's  Appian,  vol.  i.,  /'orei^n  Wars,  bk.  vii.  chaps, 
i.-ix.,  for   operations   in    Italy  ;    bk.    viii.  chaps,    ii.— ix  ,  for   operations   in 

Africa;  and  bk.  vi.  chaps,  ii.-vii.,  for  operations  in  Spain.  PLUTARCH, 
Lives  of  **  Fabiiis  Maxim  us  and  **  Marcclliis.  Li  v  Y,  xxi-xxx.  Poly  b- 
lUS :   the  references  are  numerous  ;   the  student  should  consult  Index 

in  Shuckburgh's  edition.  Ihne  (W.),  History  of  Konie,  vol.  ii.  bk.  iv. 
chaps,  viii.-lx.  pp.  143-484.  MoMMSEN  (T.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  ii. 
bk.  ill.  chaps,  iv.-vi.  pp.  103-229.  Arnold  (T.),  **  History  of  Rom c^ 
haps,  xliii.-xlvii.  These  chapters  are  generally  regarded  as  the  best 
account  ever  written  of  the  Second  Punic  War.  The  death  of  the 
\  author  broke  off  the  narrative  just  three  years  before  the  battle  of  Zama. 

^loRRis  (W.  O.),  Hannibal  (Heroes  of  the  Nations).    Dudge  (T.  A.), 

'^Hannibal  ((ireat  Captains),  chap,  xliii.  pp.  613-641,  "The  Man  and 
the  Soldier";  and  chap.  xliv.  pp.  642,  653,  "  Hannibal  and  Alexander." 
Smith  (R.  B.),  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians,  and  Rome  and  Carthage. 
Mahan  (A.  T.),  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History,  x^"^.  14-21. 
Creasy  (E.  S.),  ** Decisive  Battles _^  tjie  Worlds  chap,  iv.,  "The 
Battle  of  the   Metaurus,    207    B.C." 


CHAPTER    X. 
EVENTS    BETWEEN   THE    SECOND    AND   THE   THIRD 

PUNIC  WAR:   COKQUKST  OF  THE  EAST 

BY  ROME. 

(201-146  B.C.) 

122.   Introductory.  —  The  termsMmposed  upon  Carthage 

at  the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War  left  Rome  mistress  of 
the  Western  Mediterranean.  During  the  eventful  half 
century  that  elapsed  between  the  close  of  that  struggle  and 
the    breaking  out  of    the   last    Funic  war,   her    authority 

became  supreme  also  in  the  Kastem  seas.  In  another 
connection,"  while  narrating  the  fortunes  of  the  most 
important  states  into  which  the  great  empire  of  Alexander 
was  broken  at  his  death,  we  followed  their  several  histories 
until  one  after  another  they  fell  beneath  the  arms  of  Rome, 
and  were  successively  absorbed  into  her  growing  domin- 
ions. We  shall  therefore  in  this  place  speak  of  these  states 
only  in  the  briefest  manner,  simply  indicating  the  connec- 
tion of  their  affairs  with  the  series  of  events  which  mark 
the    advance   of    Rome    to   universal   empire. 

123.  General  Condition  of  the  East  at  the  Beginning  of  the 
Second  Century  B.C.  —  In  the  year  323  B.C.  Alexander  the 
Great,  after  having,  through  a  series  of  unparalleled  cam- 
paigns, established  an  empire  that  stretched  from  the 
Adriatic  Sea  to  the  Indus,  died  at  Babylon  at  the  premature 

^  IMory  of  Greece^  chap,  xxvii.  pj).  436-469. 

iSi 


l82 


HOME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


age  of  thirty-two  years,  and  left  his  immense  dominions  to 
become  the  prey  of  rival  aspirants  for  his  place. 

For  our  present  purpose  we  need  not  follow  the  century 

and  more  of  wars  and  intrigues,  of  divisions  and  redivisions 
of  territories,  that  followed.  It  will  be  sufficient  if  we 
notice  what  was  the  situation  of  things  at  the  period,  say 
about  200  P..C.,  to  which  we  have  now  brought  our  account 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Western  Mediterranean. 

At  this  time  there  were  in  the  East  three  monarchical 
states,  Macedonia,  Syria,  and  Kgypt,  and  three  leagues  of 

Greek  cities  or  tribes,  whose  histories  were  destined  soon 

to  become  merged  with  the  history  of  Rome. 

124.  Macedonia. — The  first  of  the  monarchical  states, 
Macedonia,  had  already  had  relations  with  Rome  (par. 
116).  It  possessed  at  this  period  about  the  limits  it  had 
when  Alexander  the  Great  came  to  the  throne,  and  before 
he  had  made  it  the  nucleus  of  a  world  empire.  Its  kings 
claimed  and  exercised  suzerainty  over  a  great  part  of  the 
cities  of  continental  Greece.     Their  garrisons  held  the  chief 

strategic  positions  in  the  land.  The  throne  was  now  filled 
by  Philip  V.,  —  the  same  who  after  the  battle  of  Cannae 
formed  an  alliance  with  Carthage  (par.  112), — an  am- 
bitious  and  able,  but  unscrupulous,  man.  The  people  over 
whom  he  ruled  still  retained  that  love  of  war  and  aptitude 
for  it  which  had  distinguished  them  in  the  days  of  ThHip 
II.  and  Alexander.  So  far  as  their  soldierly  qualities 
went,  they  were  the   Romans  of  the   East.     But  neither 

they   nor   their   rulers   had   any  capacity   for   civil    affairs. 

125.     Syria  or  Asia.  — Syria  or  Asia,  the  dominion  of  the 
Seleucidai,"  was,   in   the   words   of  the   historian    Mommsen, 

'  So  called  from  Seleucus  Nicator,  one  of  Alexander's  generals,  and 

the  founder  of  the  dynasty  (312  i?.c.). 


CONQUEST  OF   THE   EAST  BY  ROME. 


183 


"nothing  but  Persia  superftcially  remodelled  and  Hellen- 
ized."      Its  kings  claimed  that  their  dominion  represented 

the  Graico-Fersian  empire  of  Alexander,  and  the  more 

energetic  and  ambitious  among  them  were  stirred  by  the 
memories  and  traditions  of  that  empire  to  put  forth  efforts 
for  its  restoration.  This  will  find  illustration  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  reign  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  who  at  this  time 
held  the  throne,  and  whose  ambitious  plans  of  conquest  it 
was  that  brought  the  monarchy,  as  we  shall  see,  in  fatal 
collision  with  Rome. 

12O.  Egypt.  — The  third  monarchical  state  was  Kgypt. 

Its  ruler  at  this  time  was  rtolemy  V.  (205-181  b.c).  its 
capital,  Alexandria,  was  the  intellectual  centre  of  the  Hel- 
lenistic East.  But  what  made  Egypt  an  important  factor 
in  the  political  complications  of  the  Mediterranean  world, 
and  its  affairs  a  matter  of  serious  concern  to  Rome,  was 
the  fact  that  now,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Pharaohs,  it  was 
one  of  the  chief  corn-producing  countries  of  the  East,  and 
the  centre  as  well  of  great  general  commercial  and  trading 
interests. 

127.  Leagues  of  Greek  Cities.  ^ —  The  three  leagues  of 
Greek  tribes  and  cities  which  were  at  this  period  exer- 
cising an  important  influence  upon  the  Hellenistic  East, 
were  the  .^^tolian,  the  Achaean,  and  the  Rhodian.  These 
leagues  had  been  called  into  existence  among  the  Greek 
cities  by  the  common  dangers  to  which  they  were  all  sub- 
jected by  the  monarchical  states,  particularly  Macedonia 

and  Syria,  which,  hemming  them  in  on  every  side,  cramped 
their  energies  and  encroached  upon  their  independence. 

The  .Etolian  league  was  formed  about  280  b.c.  It  was 
made  up  for  the  most  part  of  the  half-civilized,  predatory 


I  84 


ROM£:    AS    A     K^irC/BLIC. 


CONQUEST  OF   THE  EAST  BV  ROME. 


185 


tribes  of  Central  Greece.     It  was  animated  by  an  intense 
hatred  of  Macedonia. 

The  Achaan  league  had  sprung  into  importance  only 
after  the  great  days  of  Greece  were  already  past.  It  was 
the  most  promising  of  all  the  attempts  ever  made  among 
the  Greek  cities  to  form  a  true  federal  union.     It  came  in 

time   to   embrace   all  the  cities  within  the    PelopOniieSUS  aS 

well  as  some  outside  its  limits.  It  was,  at  the  time  which 
we  have  now  reached,  dependent  upon  Macedonia,  and 
Macedonian  garrisons  were  established  in  all  the  chief 

cities  of  the  confederacy. 

The  third  league,  the  Rhodian,  was  formed  by  a  large 
number  of  the  Greek  islands  and  coast  cities  of  the  Pro- 
pontis  and  the  .^.gean,  —  a  union  of  cities  that  Mommsen 

likens  to  the  Hanseatic  league  of  the  Middle  Ages.  At 
its  head  stood  Rhodes,  whose  leadership  rested  not  so  much 
upon  her  military  or  naval  strength  as  upon  her  wealth  and 
her  wide  commercial  relations,  for  she  had  in  her  hands  a 
chief  part  of  the  carrying  trade  of  the  Eastern  Mediter- 
ranean. Rhodes  was  also  something  more  than  a  great 
trade  emporium.  After  Alexandria,  the  city  was  the  most 
important  centre  of  culture  in  the  Hellenistic  world.      Her 

schools  of  rhetoric  and  oratory  were  already  celebrated, 

and  the  lecture  rooms  of  her  teachers  were  soon  to  be 
crowded  with  the  youth  of  the  leading  families  of  Rome. 
128.    Minor    States.  —  Besides    these    great     states     and 

leagues  there  were  a  number  of  smaller  states  —  and  among 
them  particularly  Fergamus,  Bithynia,  and  Pontus  — which 
had  arisen  out  of  the  break-up  of  the  Persian-Alexandrian 
empire,    and   which   were    destined   to    play   more    or   less 

important  parts  in  the  drama  now  opening ;  but  respecting 


these  countries  and  their  rulers  it  will  be  best  for  us  to  defer 
notice  until  the  moment  when  they  severaUy  come  into 
contact  or  definite  relations  with  Rome.  What  has  been 
said  will  give  the  reader  some  idea  at  least  of  the  condition, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  b.c.,  of  that  Hellen- 
istic world,  on  the  threshold  of  which  the  Roman  legions 
were  now  standing.  It  was  a  fine  field  for  Roman  diplo- 
macy and  Roman  arms. 

129.  The  Second  Macedonian  War  (200-197  B.C.)  ;  the 
Battle  of  Cynoscephalae  (197  b.c).  ^  Rome  came  first  into 
collision  with  the  Macedonian  power.  There  were  various 
causes  which  led  Rome  to  renew  her  earlier  war  with  Philip 
(par.  116).  Chief  among  these  was  the  alliance  which  he 
had  formed  with  Antiochus  of  Syria,  for  the  partition  of 
the  possessions  of  the  king  of  Egypt.    The  success  of  this 

partitioning  enterprise  meant  the  actual  possession,  or  at 
least  the  control,  by  Philip,  of  all  the  Greek  commercial 
cities  of  the  .^^^gean  Sea  and  on  the  adjacent  Asian  shore, 
together  with  Cyrene,  and  the  substitution  of  Macedonia 

for  Egypt  in  the  vast  trading  and  mercantile  affairs  of  the 
Eastern  Mediterranean. 

But  Rome  was  vitally  concerned  in  the  grain  trade  of 
Egypt  and  that  of  the  Black  Sea,  now  largely  in  the  hands 

of  the  shippers  and  merchants  of  Rhodes,  and  so  could  not 
look  on  listlessly  while  Philip  was  prosecuting  schemes  the 
success  of  which  must  necessarily  injure  the  Italian  trade, 
and  place  Italy,  as  to  a  large  part  of  her  food  supply,  at 
the  mercy  of  an  enemy.  It  was  the  situation  thus  created 
which  made  war  between  Rome  and  Macedonia  inevitable. 
The  immediate  cause  of  the  war  was  Philip's  attack,  in 
pursuance  of  the  plan  formed  with  Antiochus,  upon  the 


1 86 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


Greek  cities.  In  the  course  of  his  aggressions,  he  found 
a  pretext  for  attacking  Athens.      Now  Athens  was  under 

the  protection  of  Rome.    The  Romans  straightway  declared 

war.^  This,  in  the  judgment  of  the  historian  Mommsen, 
was  "one  of  the  most  righteous  wars  which  the  city  ever 
waged."  ^ 

An  army  under  Flamininus  was  sent  into  Greece,  and  on 

the  plains  of  Cynoscephala?,  in  Thessaly,  the  Roman  legion 
demonstrated  its  superiority  over  the  unwieldy  Macedonian 
phalanx  by  subjecting  Philip  to  a  most  disastrous  defeat 
(197  iJ.c).  The  king  was  forced  to  give  up  all  his  con- 
quests, and  the  Greek  cities  that  had  been  brought  into 
subjection  to  Macedonia  were  declared  free. 

Flamininus  read  the  edict  of  emancipation  to  the  Greeks 
assembled  at  Corinth  for  the  celebration  of  the  Isthmian 

o-ames.  The  decree  was  received  with  the  greatest  enthusi- 
asm  and  rejoicing,  and  Flamininus  was  called  by  the  grate- 
ful Greeks  the  Restorer  of  Greek  liberties.  Unfortunately 
the  Greeks  had  lost  all  capacity  for  freedom  and  self-gov- 
ernment, and  the  anarchy  into  which  their  affairs  soon  fell 
afforded  the  Romans  an  excuse  for  extending  their  rule 
overall  Greece  (par.  135). 

130.  War  against  Antiochus  III.  of  Syria  (192-189  B.C.)  ; 
the  Battle  of  Magnesia  (190  B.C.).  — Antiochus  the  Great,  of 
Syria,  had  at  this  time  not  only  made  important  conquests 
in  Asia  Minor,  but  had  even  carried  his  arms  into  Europe. 

s  The  Romans  had  still  other  grounds  of  complaint  against  Philip. 

He  had    attacked  Attalus,  king  of  Pergamxxs,  who  since   the  first  Mace- 
donian war  had  stood  in  the  relation  of  friend  and  ally  to  the  Roman 
people,     rhilip  was  further  believed  to  have  secreUy  given  the  Cartha- 
ginians aid  at  the  battle  of  Zama  (par.  119). 
9  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  p.  272. 


CONQUEST  OF  THE  EAST  BY  ROME. 


187 


He  was  at  this  moment  in  Greece.  The  object  of  his  pres- 
ence in  these  regions,  he  declared,  was  to  give  liberty  to 
the  Greek  cities.      But  the  Greeks,  as  Plutarch  remarks, 

were  In   no  need  of  a  liberator,  since  they  had  just  been 

delivered  from  the  Macedonians  by  the  Romans  (par.  129). 


Coin  of  Antiochus  the  Grkat. 

Just  as  soon  as  intelligence  was  carried  to  Italy  that  the 
Syrian  king  was  in  Greece,  at  the  head  of  an  army,  the 
legions  of  the  republic  were  set  in  motion.  Some  reverses 
caused  Antiochus  to  retreat  in  haste  across  the  Hellespont 
into  Asia,  whither  he  was  followed  by  the  Romans,  led  by 

Sclpio,  a  brother  of  Afrlcanus. 

At  Magnesia,  Antiochus  was  overthrown,  and  a  large 
part  of  Asia  Minor  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans 
(190  i?.c.).  Not  yet  prepared  to  maintain  provinces  so 
remote  from  the  Tiber,  the  senate  conferred  the  new  terri- 
tory, with  the  exception  of  Lycia  and  Caria,  which  were 
given  to  the  Rhodians,  upon  their  friend  and  ally,  Eumenes, 
king  of  Pergamus.     This  "Kingdom  of  Asia,"  as  it  was 

called,  was  really  nothing  more  than  a  dependency  of 
Rome,  and  its  nominal  ruler  only  a  puppet  king  in  the 
hands  of  the  Roman  senate. 

Scipio  enjoyed  a  magnificent  triumph  at  Rome,  and,  in 


I88 


ROME    AS   A    RJLrUBLIC. 


COJVQC//£ST    O/^^    T///-:    Z^AST   BY    KOxMH. 


189 


accordance  with  a  custom  that  had  now  become  popular 
with  successful  generals,  erected  a  memorial  of  his  deeds  in 

his  name  by  assuming  the  title  of  Asiaticus. 

131.  The  Thirdi  Macedonian  War  (i 71-168  B.C.)  ;  the 
Battle  of  Pydna  (168  B.C.).  —  In  a  few  years  Macedonia, 
under  the  leadership  of  Perseus,  son  of  Philip  V.,  was  again 

in  arms  and  offering  defiance  to  Rome  ;  but  In  the  year 
168  B.C.  the  Roman  consul,  .-Emilius  Paulus,  crushed  the 
Macedonian   power   forever  upon   the  memorable  tield  of 

Pydna.  Twenty-two  years  later  (in 
146  B.C.),  the  country  was  organized 
as  a  Roman  province. 

The  great  part  which  Macedonia 
as  an  independent  state  had  played 

In  history  was  ended.  It  became 
tributary  to  Rome,  and  so  large  was 
the  stream  of  tribute  that  now  began 
to  pour  into  the  treasury  of  the  city 
from  this  and  other  subjugated  countries  that  the  land  tax, 
hitherto  paid  by  Roman  citizens,  was  done  away  with  (167 
B.C.),  and  was  not  resorted  to  again  until  the  evil  days 
which  marked  the  approaching  end  of  the  republic. 

But  the  battle  of  Pydna  constitutes  a  great  landmark 
not  simply  in  the  history  of  Macedonia;  it  forms  a  land- 
mark in  universal  history  as  well.  It  was  one  of  the  deci- 
sive battles  fought  by  the  Romans  in  their  struggle  for  the 
dominion  of  the  world,  l^he  last  great  power  in  the  East 
was   here  broken.'    The  Roman   senate   was   henceforth 

1  For  the  Second  Macedonian  War,  see  par.  i  29. 

2  Mithradates  the  Clreat  had  not  yet  appeared  to  dispute  with  Rome 

the  sovereignty  of  the  Orient  (par.  168). 


Perseus  of  Macedonia. 


recognized  by  the  whole  civilized  w^orld  as  the  source  and 
fountain  of  supreme  political  wisdom  and  authority.  We 
shall  have  yet  to  record  many  campaigns  of  the  Roman 
legions ;  but  these,  if  we  except  the  campaigns  against  the 
Pontic  king  Mithradates  the  Great,  were  efforts  to  sup- 
press revolt  among  dependent  or  semi-vassal  states,  or  were 

expeditions  aimed  at  barbarian  tribes  that  skirted  the 
Roman  dominions. 

132.  The  Fate  of  Hannibal  and  of  Scipio. — Among  the 
many  events  that  crowded  the  brief  period  we  are  review- 
ing, we  must  not  fail  to  notice  the  fate  of  the  two  great 
actors  in  the  Hannibalic  war.  Soon  after  the  battle  of 
Zama,  and  the  treaty  between  Carthage  and  Rome  (par. 
119),  Hannibal  was  chosen  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the 

former  city.  In  this  position  he  introduced  much-needed 
reform  into  every  department  of  the  government,  and 
secured  to  the  capital  a  period  of  prosperity  and  rapid 
growth.     But  his  measures  stirred  up  not  only  enmity  at 

home,  but  jealousy  at  Rome.  The  Roman  senate,  fearing 
Hannibal  as  a  statesman  as  much  as  they  dreaded  him  as 
a  general,  demanded  of  the  Carthaginians  his  surrender. 
While  they  were  deliberating  whether  to  give  up  their  great 

commander,  Hannibal  fled  across  the  sea,  and  found  an 
asylum  at  the  court  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  who  gave  him 
a  command  in  his  army. 

Upon  the  defeat  of  Antiochus  at  Magnesia  (par.  130), 

the  Romans  demanded  that  Hannibal  should  be  given  up 
to  them.  Again  the  exile  fled  from  his  implacable  foes, 
and  at  last  found  a  refuge  with  the  prince  of  Bithynia. 
Yet  even  there  Roman  hatred  pursued  him.      It  seemed  as 

though  there  was  no  spot  in  all  the  world  where  the  arm  of 


190 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


Rome  did  not  reach.     His  new  friend   could   not  shield 

him  ;    and,    determined    not    to    fall    Into    the    hands   of    hlS 

enemies,  Hannibal  took  his  own  life  by  means  of  poison, 
and  died  faithful  to  his  vow  of  eternal  hatred  to  the  Roman 
race  (about  183  B.C.). 

Almost  equally  bitter  was  the  cup  which  the  ungrateful 
Romans  pressed  to  the  lips  of  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal. 
After  the  battle  of  Zama,  Scipio  Africanus  turned  to  poli- 
tics, but    soon   raised    about  himself   a    perfect    storm   of 

unmerited  abuse  and  persecution.  Leaving  Rome,  he  went 
into  a  sort  of  voluntary  exile  at  his  country  seat  near  Liter- 
num,  in  Campania.  He  died  about  the  same  time  that 
witnessed  the  death  of  Hannibal.  Upon  his  tomb  was 
placed  this  inscription,  which  he  himself  had  dictated: 
"Ungrateful    country,    thou   shalt    not    possess   even    my 

ashes." 

133.    The  Achaean  War  and  the  Destruction  of  Corinth  (146* 

B.C.).  — During  the  third  war  between  Rome  and  Mace- 
donia, which  ended  with  the  battle  of  Fydna  (par.  131), 
the  cities  of  the  Achaean  league,  had  shown  themselves  luke- 
warm  in   their  friendship   for    Rome.      Consequently,  after 

that  battle  the  Romans  collected  a  thousand  of  the  chief 
citizens  of  these  confederated  cities  and  transported  them 
to  Italy,  where  they  were  held  for  seventeen  years  as  hos- 
ta"-e  prisoners  for  the  good  conduct  of  their  countrymen  at 

home.    Among  these  exiles  was  the  celebrated  historian 

Polybius,  who  wrote  an  account  of  all  these  events  which 

we  are   now   narrating,   and    which    mark    the  advance   of 
Rome  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  world. 

At  the  end  of  the  period  named,  the  Roman  senate,  in 
an  indulgent  mood,  gave  the  survivors  permission  to  return 


CONQUEST  OF  THE  EAST  BY  ROME. 


191 


home.      They  went  back  inflamed  by  hatred  towards  Rome, 

and  became  active  in  the  cities  of  the  league  in  stirring  up 

feeling  against  her.  In  Corinth  particularly  the  people 
displayed  the  most  unreasonable  and  vehement  hostility 
towards  the  Romans.  They  refused  to  listen  to  the  envoys 
that  the  senate  had  sent  to  reason  with  them,  and  in  a 

tumultuous  assembly  endorsed  with  assenting  plaudits  one 
of  their  speakers  when  he  declared  that  the  Greeks  wanted 
*'  the  Romans  as  friends  but  not  as  masters."  The  league 
even  went  so  far  as  to  make  war  on  Sparta,  in  spite  of  the 

protest  of  a  Roman  embassy.  There  could  be  but  one 
issue  of  this  foolish  conduct,  and  that  was  war  with 
Rome. 

This  came  in  the  year  147  n.c.  The  management  of 
the  campaign  soon  fell  to  the  consul  Lucius  Mummius. 
He  inflicted  upon  the  Achaean  army  a  decisive  defeat  just 
outside  the  walls  of  Corinth.  The  city  feh  into  his  hands 
without  further  resistance.     In  obedience  to  the  commands 

of  the  Roman  senate,  Mummius  destroyed  the  place  utterly. 
The  men  were  killed,  and  the  women  and  children  sold  Into 
slavery. 

The  city  was  sacked,  and  the  booty,  much  of  it,  sold  on 
the  spot  at  public  auction.  Numerous  works  of  art,  invalu- 
able statues  and  paintings,  with  which  the  city  was  crowded, 
were  laid  aside  to  be  transported  to  Rome.  But  a  large 
part  of  the  rich  art  treasures  of  the  city  must  have  been 

destroyed  by  the  rude  and  unappreclative  soldiers-  Polyb- 
ius, who  was  an  eyewitness  of  the  sack  of  the  city,  himself 
saw  groups  of  soldiers  using  priceless  paintings  as  boards 
on  which  to  play  their  games  of  dice.^ 

^xxxix.    13. 


192 


ROME    AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


It  is  further  told  of  Mummius,  as  illustrating  how  far 
behind  the  Greeks  their  conquerors  were  in  all  matters  per- 
taining to  the  finer  side  of  life,  that  in  the  contracts  which 
he  made  for  the  transportation  of  the  statues  and  paintings 
to  Italy,  he  inserted  a  clause  to  the  effect  that  if  any  of  the 

pieces  were  lost  at  sea,  they  should  be  replaced.^ 

The  city,  emptied  of  its  inhabitants,  despoiled  of  its 
riches,  and  denuded  of  its  works  of  art,  was  given  up  to 
the  flames,  its  walls  were  levelled,  and  the  very  ground  on 

which  the  city  had  stood  was  accursed.  Thus  fell  the 
brilliant  city  of  Corinth,  "the  eye  of  Hellas,"  as  Cicero 
called  it,  the  "  last  precious  ornament  of  the  Grecian  land 
once  so  rich  in  cities." 

The     consul      Mummius     enjoyed     a     splendid     triumph. 
"Never  before   nor  after,"  says  the   historian   Long,  "  waS 

such  a  display  of  Grecian  art  carried  in  triumphal  proces- 
sion through  the  streets  of  Rome." 

134.  Why  Corinth  was  destroyed.  —  Corinth  was  dealt 
with  in  this  harsh  way  — harsh  and  cruel  even  for  the 
times  in  which  these  things  were  done  —  not  simply  because 
the  Corinthian  mob  had  insulted  a  Roman  embassy.     A 

new   spirit  was  beginning  to  rule  the   Roman   senate  and  to 

dictate  the  policies  of  Rome  —  a  mercantile  spirit,  a  spirit 
narrow,  selfish,  and  jealous.  The  Roman  merchants,  trad- 
ers, and  speculators  were  coming  to  be  the  power  behind 
the  throne  at  the  capital  —  as  is  often  the  case  in  modern 
senates.  Corinth  was  the  commercial  rival  of  Rome.  It 
was  this  that  at  least  contributed  to  her  ruin.     Delos  in 

*  Momnisen  thinks  that  this  may  all  be  true,  but  yet  that  the  clause 

in  question    was    simply  the   formal   contract-provision   covering   all    the 

articles  consigned  to  the  carriers. 


COJVQUEST   OF    THE    EAST  BY   ROME. 


193 


the  ^gean  became  the  heir  of  her  trade  and  prosperity 
and  grew  into  a  place  of  great  commercial  importance. 

135.  How  "  Ruin  averted  Ruin  "  from  Greece.  — After  the 
destruction  of  Corinth,  Greece,  under  the  name  of  Ac/midy 
was  reduced   to  the   status  of   a   province   and  joined   to 

Macedonia.  Rome  carried  out  here  her  usual  policy  of 
"  divide  and  rule  '*'' {jirrii/c  ct  itnpera).  The  Acha-an  and 
other  Greek  confederacies  were  dissolved,  and  the  cities 
were  taught  to  lean  upon  Rome  and  not  upon  each  other. 

Their  democratic  constitutions  were  set  aside,  and  coun- 
cils were  appointed  which  were  made  up  of  members 
chosen  from  the  aristocratic  and  wealthy  class.  Each 
city  was  required  to  pay  a  certain  tribute  into  the  Roman 

treasury. 

Under  the  Roman  rule  a  moderate  degree  of  prosperity 
seems  for  a  time  to  have  returned  to  the  Grecian  land ; 
for  before  the  coming  of  the  Romans  the  Greeks,  through 
their  interminable  feuds  and  wars,  had  fallen  into  a  most 
pitiable  condition  and  reduced  their  country  almost  to  a 
desert.  They  had  become  utterly  unfit  for  self-government. 
Public  and  private  virtue  had  almost  disappeared.     The 

land  was  filled  with  bandits,  even  the  cities,  as  cities, 
turned  robbers  and  plundered  each  other.  The  population 
daily  grew  less,  and  the  land  seemed  in  danger  of  becom- 
ing wholly  empty  of  inhabitants.  The  historian  Tolybius 
seems  at  a  loss  to  find  words  to  express  his  indignation  at 
the  foolish  and  wicked  conduct  of  his  fellow-countrymen, 
and  evidently  is  in  utter  despair  of  their  ever  coming  to 
behave  in  a  reasonable  manner  and  to  make  a  rational  use 

of  liberty.  This  will  explain  what  he  means  by  quoting 
the  proverb,  '*  Had  we  not  perished  quickly  we  had  not 


194 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


■-!  = 


been  saved/"     The   Romans,  he   means,  had   saved   his 

countrymen   from    themselves. 

And  yet  the  salvation  which  the  Romans  brought  to  the 
Greeks  does  not  seem  to  have  been  a  very  great  salvation. 
Public  and  private  life,  which  had  already  sunk  so  low, 
declined  to  a  still  lower  level.  Greece  never  became  more 
than  a  shadow  of  her  former  self.  Her  great  days,  like 
those  of  Macedonia,  had  passed  away  forever.  When  the 
celebrated  traveller    Pausanias,  in  the  second  century  of 

our  era,  made  a  tour  of  Greece,  he  found  everywhere 
unroofed  temples,  neglected  shrines,  and  the  ruins  of  once 
larcre  and  flourishing  cities.  Evidently  ruin  had  averted 
ruin  only  for  a  time. 

136.  The  General  Effect  upon  Rome  of  her  Conquest  of  the 
East.  — In  entering  Greece  the  Romans  had  entered  the 
homeland  of  Greek  culture,  with  which  they  had  first  come 
in  close  contact  in  Magna  Gni^cia  a  century  earlier  (par. 

^2).      This    culture   was,  in    many  respects,    vastly   superior 
to  their   own,    and   for  this    reason    it   exerted    a    profound 

influence  upon  life  and  thought  at  Rome.  Many  among 
the  Romans  seemed  to  have  conceived  a  sudden  contempt 
for  everything  Roman,  as  something  provincial  and  old- 
fashioned,  and  as  suddenly  to  have  become  infatuated  with 
everything  Greek.  Greek  manners  and  customs,  Greek 
modes  of  education,  and  Greek  literature  and  philosophy 

became  the  fashion  at  Rome,  so  that  Roman  society  Seemed 

5  xxxix.  2.  This  proverb  has  ])een  attributed  to  the  Athenian  The- 
mistocles,  who,  having  been  exiled,  found  life  as  a  Persian  courtier  so 
pleasant  that  he  on  one  occasion  felicitated  himself  and  his  friends  in 
these  words  :  "  How  much  we  should  have  lost  had  we  not  been 
ruined  !  " 


CONQUEST  OF   THE  EAST  BY  ROME. 


195 


in  a  fair  way  of  becoming  Hellenized.    And  to  a  certain 

degree  this  did  take  place :  Greece  captive  led  enthralled 
her  captor.  So  many  and  so  important  were  the  elements 
of  Greek  culture  which  in  the  process  of  time  were  taken 
up  and  absorbed  by  the  Romans,  that  there  ceased  to  be 
such  a  thing  in  the  world  as  a  pure  Latin  civilization.  We 
recognize  this  intimate  blending  of  the  cultures  of  the  two 
great  peoples  of  classical  antiquity  by  always  speaking  of 

the  civilization  of  the  later   Roman  empire  as  Gra^co- 

Roman. 

But  along  wdth  the  many  helpful  elements  of  culture 
which  the  Romans  received  from  the  Hellenized  lands  of 
the  Kast  which  their  arms  had  opened  up,  they  received 
also  many  germs  of  great  social  and  moral  evils.  Life 
in  Greece  and  the  Orient  had  become  degenerate  and 
corrupt.  Close  communication  with  this  society,  in  union 
with  other  influences  which  we  shall  notice  later,  corrupted 

life  at  Rome.  The  simplicity  and  frugality  of  the  earlier 
times  were  replaced  by  oriental  extravagance,  luxury,  and 
dissoluteness.  Evidences  of  this  decline  in  the  moral  life 
of  the  Romans,  the  presage  of  the  downfall  of  the  republic, 
will  inultiply  as  we  advance  in  the  history  of  the  years 
following  the  destruction  of  Corinth. 

137.  Cato  the  Censor.  —  One  of  the  most  noted  of  all  the 
Romans    was   Marcus    Porcius    Cato  (232-147  B.C.),  sur- 

named  the  Censor.  His  active  life  covered  the  whole  of 
the  long  period  the  important  events  of  which  we  have  just 
been  narrating,  and  which  makes  up  the  interval  between 
the  Second  and  the  Third  Punic  War.  Indeed,  Cato  as  a 
young  man  fought  in  the  Hannibalic  war,  and  as  an  old 
counsellor  did  more  than  any  other  one  to  bring  on  the 


196 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


third  war,  which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  (^arthage. 

His  life  is  a  sort  of  mirror  in  which  is  reflected  the  life  of 
three  generations  at  Rome. 

Cato   was    born    the   son  of  a  peasant   at  Tusculum,   in 

Latium.     From  his  father  he  received  as  an  inheritance  a 

scanty  farm  in  the  Sabine  country.  Near  by  were  the  cot- 
ta<^e  and  farm  of  the  celebrated  Roman  commander  Manius 
Curius  Dentatus,  one  of  the  popular  heroes  of  the  Samnite 

wars,  of  whom  tradition  related  that,  when  the  Samnites 
on  one  occasion  sought  to  bribe  him,  they  found  him  cook- 
ing turnips,  and  wanting  nothing  that  they  could  give  him. 
This  worthy  old  Roman  Cato  took  as  his  model. 

Cato's  house  was  small,  with  the  rooms  unwhitewashed. 

His  dress  was  the  plainest  possible,  his  diet  was  simple, 
and  his  expenditures  were  frugal.  He  arose  before  it  was 
light  and  worked  along  with  his  servants  in  the  fields,  and 
afterwards  ate  with  them  their  slender  meal. 

This  simplicity  of  the  home  life  of  Cato,  as  in  the  case 
of  so  many  other  typical  Romans  of  the  earlier  times, 
attracts  and  interests  us  for  the  reason  that  it  forms  the 
background  of  a  public  life  of  great  force,  prominence,  and 

influence.  Life  at  Rome,  as  in  all  the  other  great  cities  of 
Italy  and  Greece,  was  many-sided.  Men  were  not  special- 
ists then  as  they  are  now.  A  great  man  was  almost  sure 
to  be  great  in  many  fields— as  a  soldier,  as  a  statesman, 
and  as  a  man  of  letters.  Cato  was  no  exception  to  this 
rule.  His  military  record  was  a  brilliant  one.  As  a  young 
man  of  seventeen  he  served,  as  we  have  already  noticed, 
in  the  Second  Punic  War ;  he  commanded  with  ability  an 

army  in  Spain  ;    and  in    the   war  with    Antiochus   the  Great 
(par.  130)  he  rendered  at  the  battle  of  Thermopylae  services 


CONQUEST   or    THE    EAST  BY  ROME. 


197 


that  his  superior  declared  could  never  be  properly  rewarded 
by  the  Roman  people. 

In  civil  life  Cato  was  the  most  noted  of  all  the  Romans 
of  his  times.  He  served  the  state  in  the  very  highest  mag- 
istracies.    He  was  consul  for  the  year  193  p,.c.,  and  in  the 

year  184  the  people,  notwithstanding  the  bitter  opposition 
of  those  who  had  reason  to  fear  him  in  the  censorship, 
elected  him  censor.  It  was  what  he  did  in  this  capacity 
that  perhaps  gave  him  the  best  title  to  the  grateful  remem- 
brance of  his  countrymen.  Cato  came  to  this  office  at  a 
time  when  life  at  Rome  was  losing  its  earlier  simplicity, 
and  was  becoming  etTeminate  and  corrupt.  He  strove  to 
stem    the    rising   tide    of    luxury  by  causing    to    be  taxed 

heavily  carriages,  personal  ornaments,  and  furniture  which 
exceeded  w^hat  he  deemed  a  reasonable  value.  He  watched 
closely  the  public  contracts  for  the  erection  of  buildings 
and  the  prosecution  of  other  state  works.  He  expelled 
from  the  senate  Lucius  Quintius  Flamininus,  brother  of 
the  famous  victor  at  CynoscephaLx  (par.  129),  for  having 
caused  a  man  —  one,  however,  who  had  forfeited  his  life  — 
to  be  beheaded  at  a  banquet,  just  to  please  a  favorite  boy 

who  was  lamenting  because  he  had  never  seen  a  man  killed 

in  the  gladiatorial  games.  He  also  expelled  another  sena- 
tor for  kissing  his  wife  in  the  presence  of  his  daughter. 

As  we  have  seen  (par.  136),  at  just  this  time  Greek 
ideas  and  customs  were  being  introduced  at  Rome.  Cato 
set  his  face  like  a  flint  against  all  these  innovations.  He 
did  everything  in  his  power  to  cast  discredit  and  contempt 
upon  everything  Greek.      He  visited  Athens  and  made  a 

speech  to  the  people;  but  instead  of  addressing  the  Athe- 
nians  in    their  own   language,   which    he   could   speak  well 


198 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


enough,  he  talked  to  them  in  Latin,  simply  in  order,  Plu- 
tarch says,  to  rebuke  those  of  his  countrymen  who  affected 
to  regard  the  Greek  language  as  better  than  the  Roman. 
He  told  the  Romans  that  Greek  education  and  Greek  liter- 
ature and  philosophy  would  bring  their  country  to  ruin. 
He  refused  to  allow  his  little  son  to  be  taught  by  a  Greek 
slave,  as  was  coming  to  be  the  custom  in  the  leading  Roman 
families,  but  he  himself  attended  carefully  to  the  education 
of  the  boy. 

Cato  spent  much  of  his  time  in  the  courts,  for  he  was  a 

good  pleader.  Most  of  the  cases  in  which  he  was  interested 
were  cases  that  concerned  his  friends  and  clients.  But 
Cato  had   many   cases   of  his  own,  for  he  was  constantly 

prosecuting  somebody  or  being  prosecuted.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  brought  into  court  fifty  times  for  alleged  misuse 
of  authority  or  on  other  charges,  suggested  usually  by  per- 
sonal resentment.      In  every  case  he  was  acquitted. 

One  of  the  most  unattractive,  and,  indeed,  to  us,  repel- 
lent, sides  of  Cato's  character  is  revealed  in  his  treatment  of 
his  slaves.  He  looked  upon  them  precisely  as  so  much  live 
stock,  raising  them  and  disposing  of  them  just  as  though 
^  they  were  cattle.  When  a  slave  became  old  or  worn-out  he 
sold  him,  and  recommended  such  a  course  to  others  on 
the  ground   of   its  economy. 

But  notwithstanding  all  of  Cato's  faults  and  shortcom- 
ings—for  he  was  narrow,  parsimonious,  litigious,  irritable, 

resentful,  and  in  some  relations  unfeeling  —  still  his  char- 
acter was,  according  to  Roman  ideals,  noble  and  admirable, 
and  his  life  and  services,  especially  those  which  he  rendered 
the  state  as  censor,  were  approved  and  appreciated  by  his 
feUow-citizens,    who   set   up    in   his   honor   a    statue   in     the 


COATQUEST   OE    THE    EAST  BY  ROME. 


199 


temple  of  Health  {Hygeia)  with  this  inscription:  "This 

statue  was   erected    to    Cato   because    when    Censor,  finding 

the  state  of  Rome  corrupt  and  degenerate,  he,  by  introdu- 
cing wise  regulations  and  virtuous  discipline,  restored  it."^ 

Rkferences.  —  White's  Aitian,  vol.  i.,  Foreign  Wars,  bk.  xi.  chaps, 
i.-vii.,  for  the  war  with  Antiochus  the  Great.  Plutarch,  Lives  of 
Titus  Flamininus^  Aimilius^  and  Marcus  Cato.  Ihne  (W.),  History  of 
Rome,  vol.  iii.  bk.  v.  chaps,  i.-iv.  pp.  3-319.  Polybius,  xxxviii.  3-1 1  ; 
xxxix.  7-17.  MoMMSEN  (T.),  **  History  of  Rome ^  vol.  ii.  chap.  viii.  pp. 
254-265 ;  on  the  condition  of  the  Hellenistic  East  at  the  beginning  of 

the  Second  Macedonian  War.      Mahaffy  (J.  P.),    **   The    Greek    World 

under  Roman  Sway,  chap,  ii.,  "  The  Immediate  Effects  of  the  Roman 

Conquest  upon  Hellenism."  Ibid.,  Greek  Life  and  lyiought  from  the 
Age  of  Alexander  to  the  Roman   Conquest.      Read  chap,  xxii.,  "  Polybius 

and  his  Age."  Gardner  (P.),  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History,  chap,  xv., 
"  The  Successors  of  Alexander  and  Greek  Civilization  in  the  East,"  for 
a  study  of  the  life  and  culture  of  the  Hellenistic  world  that  is  soon  to 
becomt;  a  part  of  the  Roman  empire.  Frp:eman  (E.  A.),  History  of 
Federal  Go7'ernment  (new  edition,  1893),  chaps,  v.-ix.  ;  for  the  history 
of  the  Achaean  and  ^^tolian  Leagues.     Also  the  same  author's  Three 

Chief  Periods  of  European  History,  Lee.  I.  pp.  1-38,  ^'  Europe  before  the 

Roman  Power."  Myers  (P.  V.  N.),  History  of  Greece,  chap,  xxvii.  pp. 
456—469,  ♦'  The  Graeco-Oriental  Wodd  from  the  Death  of  Alexander  to 
the  Conquest  of  Greece  ])y  the  Romans." 

6  Plutarch,  Life  of  Cato,  c.  29. 


CHAPTER    XL 


THE   THIRD    PUNIC    AND   NUMANTINE    WARS. 

Section  L— The  Third  Punic  War  (149-146  I'-^O' 

138.  *' Carthage  should  be  destroyed.** — The  same  year 
that  Rome  destroyed  Corinth  (par.  133),  she  also  blotted 
her  crreat  rival  Carthage  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  It 
will  be  recalled  that  one  of  the  conditions  imposed  upon 
the  last-named  city  at  the  close  of  the  Second  Punic  War 
was  that  she  should,  under  no  circumstances,  engage  in 

war  with  an  ally  of  Rome  (par.  120).  Taking  advantage 
of  the  helpless  condition  of  Carthage,  Masinissa,  king  of 
Numidia  and  an  ally  of  Rome,  began  to  make  depredations 
upon  her  territories.  Carthage  appealed  to  Rome  for  pro- 
tection. The  envoys  sent  to  Africa  by  the  senate  to  settle 
the  dispute,  unfairly  adjudged  every  point  in  favor  of  the 
robber  Masinissa.      In  this  way  Carthage  was  deprived  of 

her  lands  and  towns. 

Chief  of  one  of  the  embassies  sent  out  was  Marcus  Cato, 
the  C:ensor.  When  he  saw  the  prosperity  of  Carthage,  — 
her  immense  trade,  which  crowded  her  harbor  with  ships, 
and  the  country  for  miles  back  of  the  city  a  beautiful  land- 
scape of  gardens  and  villas,  —  he  was  amazed  at  the  grow- 
ing power  and  wealth  of  the  city,  and  returned  home 
convinced  that  the  safety  of  Rome  demanded  the  destruc- 
tion of  her  rival.     At  the  conclusion  of  his  report  to  the 

senate,  he   is   said,    as   an   object   lesson   to   the   senators,    to 

200 


rilIRD  PUNIC  AND  NUMANTINE   WARS.        201 


have  emptied  out  on  the  floor  of  the  chamber  a  quantity 
of  large  and  beautiful  figs,  with  these  words  :  "  The  country 
where  this  fruit  grows  is  only  three  days'  sail  from  Rome." 
All  of  his  addresses  after  this  —  no  matter  on  what  subject 
—  he  is  said  invariably  to  have  closed  with  the  declaration  : 
"  Moreover,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  Carthage  should  be 

destroyed."  "^ 

139.  Roman  Perfidy.  —  A  pretext  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  hateful  work  was  not  long  wanting.  In  150  B.C.  the 
Carthaginians,  when  Masinissa  made  another  attack  upon 
their  territory,  instead  of  calling  upon  Rome,  from  which 
source  their  experience  in  the  past  had  convinced  them 
they  could  hope  for  neither  aid  nor  justice,  gathered  an 
army,  with  the  resolution  of  defending  themselves.     Their 

forces,  however,  were  defeated  by  the  Numidians,  and  sent 
beneath  the  yoke. 

In  entering  upon  this  war  Carthage  had  broken  the  con- 
ditions of  the  last  treaty.  The  Carthaginian  senate,  in 
great  anxiety,  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Italy  to  offer  any 
reparation  the  Romans  might  demand.  They  were  told 
that  if  they  would  give  three  hundred  hostages,  members 
of  the  noblest  Carthaginian  families,  the  independence  of 

their  city  should  be  respected.  They  eagerly  complied 
with  this  demand.  But  no  sooner  were  these  persons  in 
the  hands  of  the  Romans  than  the  consular  armies,  num- 
bering eighty  thousand  men  and  secured  against  attack  by 

the  hostages  so  perfidiously  drawn  from  the  Carthaginians, 
crossed  from  Sicily  into  Africa,  and  disembarked  at  Utica, 
only  ten  miles  from  Carthage. 

The  Carthaginians  were  now  commanded  to  give  up  all 

■^  F'rcctet'ea  censeo  Cartha^ineni  esse  delendatn. 


202 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


their  arms.     Still  hoping  to  win  their  enemy  to  clemency, 

they  complied  with  this  demand  also.  Then  the  consuls 
made  known  the  final  decree  of  the  Roman  senate,  —  *'That 
Carthage  must  be  destroyed,  but  that  the  inhabitants 
might  build  a  new  city,  provided  it  were  located  ten  miles 
from  the  coast." 

When  this  resolution  of  the  senate  was  announced  to  the 
Carthaginians,  and  they  realized  the  baseness  and  perfidy 
of  their  enemy,  a  cry  of  indignation  and  despair  burst  from 

the  betrayed  city. 

140.  The  Carthaginians  prepare  to  defend  their  City.  —  It 
was  resolved  to  resist  to  the  bitter  end  the  execution  of  the 
cruel  decree.  The  gates  of  the  city  were  closed.  Men, 
women,  and  children  set  to  work  and  labored  day  and 
night  manufacturing  arms.  The  entire  city  vvas  converted 
into  one  great  workshop.  The  utensils  of  the  home  and 
the  sacred  vessels  of  the  temples,  statues,  and  vases  were 

melted  down  for  weapons.  Material  was  torn  from  the 
buildings  of  the  city  for  the  construction  of  military 
engines.  The  women  cut  off  their  hair  and  braided  it 
into  strings  for  the  catapults.  By  such  labor,  and  through 
such  sacrifices,  the  city  was  soon  put  in  a  state  to  withstand 
a  siege. 

When  the  Romans  advanced  to  take  possession  of  the 
place,  they  were  astonished  to  find  the  people  they  had 

just  treacherously  disarmed,  with  weapons  in  their  hands, 
manning  the  walls  of  their  capital,  and  ready  to  bid  them 
defiance. 

141.  The  Destruction  of  Carthage  (146  b.c.).  —  It  is  im- 
possible for  us  here  to  give  the  circumstances  of  the  siege 
of  Carthage.     For  four  years  the  city  held  out  against  the 


THIRD   PUNIC  AND   NUMANTINE    WARS. 


203 


Roman  army.     At  length  the  consul   Scipio  ^milianus** 

succeeded  in  taking  it  by  storm.  When  resistance  ceased, 
only  fifty  thousand  men,  women,  and  children,  out  of  a 
population  of  seven  hundred  thousand,  remained  to  be  made 
prisoners.  The  city  was  fired,  and  for  seventeen  days  the 
space  within  the  walls  was  a  sea  of  flames.  Every  trace  of 
building  which  fire  could  not  destroy  was  levelled,  a  plough 
was  driven  over  the  site,  and  a  dreadful  curse  invoked  upon 
any  one  who  should  dare  attempt  to  rebuild  the  city. 

Such  was  the  hard  fate  of  Carthage.  Polyblus,  who  was 
an  eyewitness  of  the  destruction  of  the  city,  records  the 
emotions  of  Scipio  in  these  words:  *'At  the  sight  of  the 
city  utterly  perishing  amidst  the  flames,  Scipio  burst  into 
tears,  and  stood  long  reflecting  on  the  inevitable  change 
which  awaits  cities,  nations,  and  dynasties,  one  and  all,  as 
it  does  every  one  of  us  men.  This,  he  thought,  had  befallen 
Ilium,  once  a  powerful  city,  and  the  once  mighty  empires 

of  the  Assyrians,  Medes,  Persians,  and  that  of  Macedonia, 
lately  so  splendid.  And  unintentionally  or  purposely  he 
quoted, — the  words  perhaps  escaping  him  unconsciously, — 

'The  day  shall  be  when  holy  Troy  shall  fall 
And  Priam,  lord  of  spears,  and  Priam's  folk.'"' 

And  on  my  asking  him  boldly  (for  I  had  been  his  tutor) 
what  he  meant  by  these  words,  he  did  not  name  Rome  dis- 
tinctly, but  was  evidently  fearing  for  her,  from  this  sight 

of  the  mutability  of  human  affairs."  ^** 

The   Carthaginian    territory  in  Africa   was   made    into  a 

8  Publius    Cornelius    Scipio    ^Kntilianus,    grandson    by    adoption    of 

Scipio  Africanus,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal.     After  his  conquest  of 

Carthage,  he  was  known  as  Africanus  Minor. 

^  Homer,  //.  vi.  44S.         ^^  Polybius,  x.xxix.  5  [Shuckburgh's  Trans.]. 


204 


ROME    AS    A    REPUBLIC. 


Roman  province,  with  Utica  as  the  leading  city ;  and 
by  means  of  traders  and  settlers  Roman  civilization  was 
spread  rapidly  throughout  the  regions  that  lie  between 
the  ranges  of  the  Atlas  and  the  sea. 

142.  The  Significance  of  Rome's  Triumph  over  Carthage.  — 
The  triumph  of  Rome  over  Carthage  may  perhaps  be 
rightly  given  as  prominent  a  place  in  history  as  the 
triumph,  more  than  three  centuries  before,  of  Greece  over 
Persia.  In  each  case  Europe  was  saved  from  the  threatened 
danger  of  becoming  a  mere  dependency  or  extension  of 
Asia. 

The  Semitic  Carthaginians  had  not  the  political  aptitude 
and  moral  energy  that  characterized  the  Italians  and  the 
other  Aryan  races  of  Europe.  Their  civilization  was  as 
lacking  as  the  Persian  in  potential  forces  of  growth  and 
expansion.  Had  this  civilization  been  spread  by  conquest 
throughout  Europe,  the  germs  of  political,  literary,  artistic, 
and  religious  life  among  the  Aryan  races  of  the  continent 
might  have  been  smothered,  and  the  history  of  these  peoples 
have  been  rendered  as  barren  in  political  and  intellectual 

interests  as  the  history  of  the  races  of  Eastern  lands. 

It  is  these  considerations  which  justify  the  giving  of  the 
battle  of  the  Metaurus  (par.  118),  which  marks  the  real 
turning  point  in  the  long  struggle  between  Rome  and 
Carthage,  a  place  along  with  the  battle  of  Marathon  in  the 
short  list  of  the  really  decisive  battles  of  the  world  —  bat- 
tles which  have  seemingly  decided  the  fate  of  races,  of 
continents,  and  of  civilizations.^ 

1  S^ee  Creasy's  Decisive  Battles. 


THIRD   PUNIC  AND   NUMANTINE    WARS. 


205 


Section  II.  —  The  Numantine  War   (143-133  b.c). 
143.   The  Numantine  War  (143-133  b.c).  —  It  is  fitting 

that   the   same   chapter  which   narrates  the   blotting   out  of 
Carthage  in  Africa  should  tell  also  the  story  of  the  destruc- 
tion, at    the   hands  of   the   Romans,  of   Numantia  in  Spain, 
This  was  the  sequel  of  the  so-called  Numantine  War. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Carthaginians  from  the  Spanish 
peninsula  (par.  119)  really  gave  Rome  the  control  of  only 
a  small  part  of  that  country.  The  warlike  native  tribes  — 
the  Celtiberians  and  Lusitanians  —  of  the  North  and  the 

West  were  ready  stubbornly  to  dispute  with  the  newcomers 
the  possession  of  the  soil.  The  treachery  of  the  Roman 
generals  inflamed  the  natives  to  a  desperate  revolt  under 
Viriathus,  a  Lusitanian  chief,  who  has  been  compared  in 
his  character  and  deeds  to  Wallace  of  Scotland.  Finally 
Scipio  yEmilianus,  the  destroyer  of  Carthage,  was  given 
the  chief  command.  He  began  by  reforming  the  army, 
which   had  become  shamefully  dissolute.     The  crowds  of 

merchants  were  driv^en  out  of  the  camps  ;  the  wagons  in 
which  the  effeminate  soldiers  were  accustomed  to  ride  were 
sold,  and  once  more  the  Roman  legions  marched,  instead 
of  riding,  to  battle. 

144.  The  Capture  and  Destruction  of  Numantia  (133  B.C.). 
—  With  the  army  in  proper  discipline  for  service,  Scipio 
reinvested  Numantia,  which  had  already  withstood  nine 
years  of   siege.     The   brave   defenders   numbered   barely 

eight  thousand  men,  while  the  lines  of  circumvallation  that 
hedged  them  in  were  kept  by  sixty  thousand  soldiers. 
Famine  at  last  gave  the  place  into  the  hands  of  Scipio, 


206 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


after  almost  all  the  inhabitants  had  met  death  either  in 
defence  of  the  walls  or  by  deliberate  suicide.  The  miser- 
able remnant  which  the  ravages  of  battle,  famine,  pestilence, 
and  despair  had  left  alive  were  sold  into  slavery,  and  the 
city  was  levelled  to  the  ground  (133  b.c). 

The  capture  of  Numantia  was  considered  quite  as  great 
an  achievement  as  the  taking  of  Carthage.  Scipio  cele- 
brated another  triumph  at  Rome,  and  to  his  surname  ^-//>'/- 
canus  added  that  of  JVumantinus. 

145.  Spain  becomes  Romanized. — Though  ever  since  the 
Second  Punic  War  Spain  had  been  regarded  as  forming  a 
part  of  the  Roman  empire,  still  now  for  the  first  time  it 
really   became   a    Roman   possession. 

Roman  merchants  and  traders  crowded  into  the  country, 
and  many  colonies  were  established  in  different  parts  of  the 

peninsula.  As  a  result  of  this  great  influx  of  Italians,  the 
laws,  manners,  customs,  language,  and  religion  of  the  con- 
querors were  introduced  everywhere,  and  the  peninsula 
became  in  time  thoroughly  Romanized.    Thus  was  laid 

the  basis  of  two  of  the  Romance  nations  of  modern  times 
—  the  Spanish  and  the  Portuguese. 

References.  —  **  Polykius,  xxxviii.  i,  2  ;  xxxix.  3-5.  It  should 
be  remembered  that  Polybius  here  writes  as  an  eyewitness  of  the  scenes 

that  he  describes.       Mommskn  (T.),  I/istory  oj" Rome,  vol.  iii.  pp.   39—57. 

Smith  (R.  B.),  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians  and  Rome  and  Carthage. 

**Ihne  (W.),  History  of  Rome.,  vol.  iii.  bk.  v.  chap.  v.  pp.  320-366,  for 
the  third  war  with  Carthage  ;  and  chap.  vi.  pp.  367-407,  for  the  Numan- 

tine  War. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE   TERIOD   OF  THE   REVOLUTION. 

{133-98  B.C.) 

146.  Introductory. — We  have  now  traced  in  broad  out- 
lines the  development  of  the  government  and  institutions  of 
republican    Rome,  and  have  told  briefly  the  story  of  that 

wonderful  career  of  conquest  which  made  the  little  Palatine 
city  first  the  mistress  of  Latium,  then  of  Italy,  and  finally 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  Mediterranean  world. 

It  is  now  our  less  pleasant  task  to  follow  the  declining 

fortunes  of  the  republic  through  the  last  century  of  its 

existence.  This  was  a  period  of  transition  and  revolution. 
During  this  time  many  agencies  were  at  work  undermining 
the  institutions  of  the  republic  and  paving  the  way  for  the 

empire.  What  these  agencies  were  will  best  be  made 
apparent  by  a  simple  narration  of  the  events  and  transac- 
tions that  crowd  this  memorable  period  of  Roman  history. 
This    narrative   of   the   failure    of   popular   government   at 

Rome  we  shall  now  proceed  to  give  in  the  three  following 

chapters.  It  is  one  of  the  most  melancholy  and  yet 
instructive  passages  in  the  records  of  the  ancient  peoples. 

147.  The  First  Servile  War  in  Sicily  (134-132  B.C.). — 
With  the  opening  of  this  period  we  find  a  terrible  struggle 
going  on  in  Sicily  between  masters  and  slaves  —  what  is 
known  as  "The  First  Servile  War."  The  condition  of 
affairs  in  that  island  was  the  legitimate  result  of  the  Roman 

207 


208 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


209 


system  of  slavery,  which  was  itself  a  chief  cause  of  the 
economic  and  social  decline  of  republican  Rome. 

The  captives  that  the  Romans  took  in  war  they  usually 
sold  into  servitude.   The  great  number  of  prisoners  furnished 

by  their  numerous  conquests,  and  particularly  by  their  sub- 
jugation of  the  East,  had  caused  slaves  to  become  a  drug  in 
the  slave  markets  of  tlie  Mediterranean  world.  They  were  so 
cheap  that  masters  found  it  more  profitable  to  wear  their 

slaves  out  by  a  few  years  of  unmercifully  hard  labor,  and  then 
to  buy  others,  than  to  preserve  their  lives  for  a  longer  period 
by  more  humane  treatment.  In  case  of  sickness,  they  w^ere 
left  to  die  without  attention,  as  the  expense  of  nursing  ex- 
ceeded the  cost  of  new  purchases.   Some  Sicilian  estates  were 

worked  by  as  many  as  twenty  thousand  slaves.  That  each 
owner  might  know  his  own,  the  poor  creatures  were  branded 
like  cattle.   What  makes  all  this  the  more  revolting  is  the  fact 

that  many  of  these  slaves  were  in  every  way  the  peers  of  their 
owners,  and  often  were  their  superiors.     The  fortunes  of  war 
alone  had  made  the  one  servant  and  the  other  master. 
A    considerable    portion    of    the    estates    in   Sicily  were 

simply  grazing  farms,  their  proprietors  finding  the  raising 

of  wool  for  the  clothing  of  the  Roman  legions  more  profit- 
able than  the  cultivation  of  grain.  The  slaves  that  tended 
the  flocks  on  these  farms  received  from  their  masters 
neither  pay,  food,  nor  clothing.  They  were  expected  to 
supply  their  needs  from  the  herds  they  tended,  and  by  rob- 
bing travellers  on  the  highways  and  plundering  the  dwell- 
ings of  the  peasants.  They  were  well  armed,  and  were 
always    accompanied    by   fierce    dogs.      The   magistrates 

dared  not  punish  them  for  their  misdeeds,  through  fear 
of   their    masters,  who   were    all-powerful    at    Rome. 


The  wretched  condition  of  these  slaves  and  the  cruelty 
of  their  masters  at  last  drove  them  to  revolt.  Their  leader 
was  a  Syrian  slave,  Eunous  by  name,  who  employed  gross 
imposture  to  persuade  his  followers  of  the  genuineness  of 

his  call  to  be  their  deliverer.    He  held  himself  out  as  a 

prophet,  and,  after  the  way  of  a  magician,  blew  lire  from 
his  mouth,  and  performed  a  variety  of  similar  wonderful 
tricks.  He  styled  himself  King  Antiochus,  and  surrounded 
himself  with  a  sort  of  court,  formed  upon  an  oriental  model. 
The  insurrection  spread  throughout  the  island,  until  two 
hundred  thousmd  slaves  were  in  arms,  —  if  axes,  reaping- 
hooks,  staves,  and   roasting  spits  may  be   called   arms,  — 

and  in  possession  of  many  of  the  strongholds  of  the  coun- 
try. They  defeated  four  Roman  armies  sent  against  them, 
and  for  three  years  defied  the  power  of  Rome. 

The  revolt  was  finally  crushed  by  the  consul  P.  Rupilius, 
in  the  year  132  B.C.  The  slaves,  well  knowing  that  they 
could  expect  no  mercy  at  the  hands  of  their  masters,  held 
out  in  their  mountain  strongholds  to  the  bitter  end.  Mad- 
dened by  hunger,  they  killed  their  women  and  children  for 

food.     At   the  last  extremity  many  committed  suicide. 

Those  that  survived  to  be  made  prisoners  were  tortured, 
flung  over  precipices,  or  crucified  —  crucifixion  being  a 
favorite  form  of  punishment  meted  out  by  the  Romans  to 
rebellious  slaves.  Twenty  thousand  of  the  unhappy  slaves 
are  said  to  have  been  lifted  up  on  crosses.  Eunous  himself 
perished  miserably  in  prison.  Sicily  was  thus  pacified, 
and  remained  quiet  for  nearly  a  generation. 

148.    The  Public  Lands.  —  In  Italy  itself  affairs  were  in  a 

scarcely  less  wretched  condition  than  in  Sicily.  At  the 
bottom  of  a  large  part  of  the  social  and  economic  troubles 


I 


2IO 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


here,  was  the  public  land  system,  to  which  we  have  had 

occasion  already  to  refer  as  the  cause  of  unrest  and  bitter 
complaint  on  the  part  of  the  poorer  classes  at  the  beginning 
of  the  first  century  of  the  republic  (par.  52). 

Since  that  time  matters,  instead  of  mending,  had  con- 
stantly grown  worse.  The  wide  conquests  of  the  Romans 
and  the  accompanying  confiscation  of  large  tracts  of  the 
lands  of  the  subjugated  peoples  had  increased  enormously 
the  public  domains  of  the  Roman  state.     But  these  fresh 

acquisitions  of  land  benefited,  for  the  most  part,  only  the 
rich  class  at  Rome.  They  alone  had  the  capital  necessary 
to  stock  with  cattle  and  slaves  the  new  lands,  and  hence 
they  were  the  sole  "  occupiers  "  of  them.  The  small  farm- 
ers everywhere,  too,  were  being  ruined  by  the  unfair  com- 
petition of  slave  labor,  as  in  our  Southern  States  before  the 
Civil  War,  and  their  little  holdings  were  passing  by  pur- 
chase, and  often  by  fraud  or  bare-faced  robbery,  into  the 

hands  of  the  great  proprietors. 

The  Licinian  laws  (par.  71)  indeed  made  it  illegal  for 
any  person  to  occupy  more  than  a  prescribed  amount  of 
the  public  lands;  but  this  law  had  long  since  become  a 
dead  letter.  The  greater  part  of  the  lands  of  Italy,  about 
the  beginning  of  the  first  century  H.c,  are  said  to  have  been 
held  by  not  more  than  two  thousand  persons.  These  great 
landowners  found  stock-raising  more  profitable  than  work- 
ing the  soil.  Hence  Italy  had  been  made  Into  a  great 
sheep  pasture.  The  dispossessed  peasants,  left  without 
home  or  employment,  crowded  into  the  cities,  congregating 
especially  at  Rome,  where  they  lived  in  vicious  indolence. 

Thus,  largely  through  the  workings  of  the  public  land 
system,  the  Roman  people  had  become  divided  into  two 


THE   PERIOD   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


21  I 


great  classes,  which  are  variously  designated  as  the  Rich 

and  the  Poor,  the  Possessors  and  the  Non-Fossessors,  the 
Optimates,  the  "Best,"  and  the  Fopulares,  the  "People." 
We  hear   nothing  more   of  patricians   and   plebeians.     The 

clan-aristocracy  of  the  earlier  state  (par.  16)  had  given 
place  to  a  w^ealth-aristocracy,  or  rather  had  been  absorbed 
by  it.  This  later  aristocracy  was,  in  some  respects,  partic- 
ularly in   the  elements  that  composed  it,   like  the  English 

aristocracy  of  the  present  day. 

149.  Tiberius  Gracchus.  —  As  the  wretched  condition  of 
the  poor  in  earlier  times  had  called  out  noble  champions 
of  their  cause  in  a  Spurius  Cassius  and  a  Marcus  Manlius,*-^ 
SO  now  did  the  same  condition  of  affairs  call  out  two  men 

of  like  spirit  and  temper  as  champions  of  the  cause  of  the 
common  people.  These  were  the  celebrated  brothers 
Tiberius  and  Gaius  Gracchus,  sons  of  Cornelia,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Scipio  Africanus,  the  destroyer  of  Carthage.     They 

were  thus  of  noble  birth,  as  w^ere  most  of  the  social  reform- 
ers that  appeared  at  Rome.  They  were  carefully  nurtured 
by  a  mother  noted  not  alone  for  her  acquaintance  with  the 
new  Greek  learning,  but  also  for  the  nobility  of  the  native 
qualities  of  her  mind  and  heart. 

It  was  Tiberius,  the  elder  of  the  brothers,  w^ho  first 
undertook  the  cause  of  reform.  He  was  an  orator  of  great 
force  and  persuasiveness,  his    manner  of   speaking  being 

deliberate  and  impressive.  He  w^as  a  brave  soldier,  having 
been  one  of  the  first,  it  was  said,  to  mount  the  walls  of 
Carthage  when  that  city  was  taken  and  destroyed.  By  the 
time  he  had  reached  his  thirtieth  year  he  had  held  many 
offices,  civil   and   military,  and   in   them   all   had   acquitted 

2  See  pars.  53  and  70. 


i 


212 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


himself  in  such  a  way  as  to  have  acquired  great  distinction 
and  won  general  admiration. 

The  resolution  to  consecrate  his  life  to  the  alleviation  of 
the  distress  among  the  poor  and  disinherited  citizens  of 
Rome,  is  said  to  have  been  taken  by  him  while  travelling 
through  Etruria,  where  he  saw  the  mischief  and  distress 

caused  by  the  usurpation  of  the  soil  by  the  great  land- 
owners, and  the  displacement  of  the  peasant  farmers  by 
swarms  of  barbarian  slaves. 

150.  Tiberius*  Agrarian  Law.  —  In  the  year  133  h.c. 
the  people  elected  Tiberius  to  the  tribuneship.  As  tribune 
he  brought  forward  a  proposal  in  regard  to  the  public 
lands  which  was  in  its  essence  a  reenactment  of  the 
Licinian  law,  for  that  law,  as  we  have  seen,  had  long  been 

a  dead  letter  (par.  14S).  This  proposal  took  away  from 
the  great  proprietors  all  the  public  lands  they  were  occupy- 
ing over  and  above  the  amount  named  in  that  old  enact- 
ment.    The  lands  thus  resumed  by  the  state  were  to  be 

allotted  in  small  holdings  to  poor  citizens.  To  prevent 
these  holdings  from  passing  by  any  process  into  the  hands 
of  the  rich,  they  were  made  inalienable,  that  is,  the  right 
to  sell  the  land  was  taken  away  from  the  one  who  received  it. 

The  aim  of  Tiberius  was  to  put  the  people  into  posses- 
sion of  their  own.  As  the  barbarian  slaves  had  displaced 
the  free  cultivators  of  the  soil,  so  now  he  would  displace 
these  slaves  by  free  peasant  proprietors,  and  thus  restore 

the  earlier  order  of  things. 

Tiberius  brought  to  the  support  of  his  proposal  all  the 
resources  of  his  eloquence.  Plutarch  gives  us  the  following 
as  an  illustration  of  the  manner  in  which  he  addressed  the 

people:  ^*The  wild  beasts  of  Italy,"  he  would  say,  <'had 


THE    jPERIOD     OE    the     RE  l^OLUTIOJV. 


2  I 


their  dens  and  holes  and  hiding-places,  while  the  men  who 
fought  and  died  in  defence  of  Italy  enjoyed,  indeed,  the 
air  and  the  light,  but  nothing  else:  houseless  and  without 
a  spot  of  ground  to  rest  upon,  they  wander  about  with  their 
wives  and  children,  while  their  commanders,  with  a  lie  in 
their  mouth,  exhort  the  soldiers  in  battle  to  defend  their 

tombs  and  temples  against  the  enemy,  for  out  of  so  many 
Romans  not  one  has  a  family  altar  or  ancestral  tomb,  but 
they  tight  to  maintain  the  luxury  and  wealth  of  others,  and 
they  die  with  the  title  of  lords  of  the  earth,  without  pos- 
sessing a  single  clod  to  call  their  own."  ^ 

As  was  natural,  the  senatorial  party,  who  represented 
the  wealthy  landowners,  bitterly  opposed  the  measures  that 
Tiberius  had  brought  forward.     To  them  these  measures 

appeared  very  much  as  Henry  George's  proposal  that  the 

state  shall  confiscate  all  property  in  land,  appears  to 
landholders  to-day.  They  denounced  them  as  downright 
robbery. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  possessors  of  these  government 

lands  had  been  left  so.  long  in  undisturbed  enjoyment  of 
them  that  they  had  come  to  look  upon  them  as  absolutely 
their  own.      In  many  cases,   feeling   secure  through  great 

lapse  of  time,  —  the  lands  having  been  handed  down 

through  many  generations,  —  the  owners  had  expended 
large  sums  in  their  improvement,  and  now  resisted  as  very 
unjust  every  effort  to  dispossess  them  of  their  hereditary 

estates.     Money-lenders,  too,  had,  in  many  instances,  made 

loans  upon  these  lands,  and  they  naturally  sided  with  the 
owners  in  their  opposition  to  all  efforts  to  disturb  the 
titles. 

^  Plutarch,  Life  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  c.  9. 


214 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


151.  Tiberius  carries  his  Law  by  Unconstitutional  Means; 
the  Beginning  of  the  End.  —  The  senatorial  party  in  their 
opposition  resorted  to  an  old  device  for  thwarting  a  tribune 
whose  proposals  were  obnoxious  to  them.     They  persuaded 

one  of  the  colleagues  of  Tiberius,  the  tribune  Octavius,  to 
interpose  his  veto.  Octavius  did  this,  and  thus  prevented 
the  proposals  from  being  brought  to  a  vote  in  the  popular 
assembly.* 

Tiberius  met  these  tactics  of  his  enemy  by  putting  a 
stop,  through  the  exercise  of  his  veto  power, '^  to  all  public 
business  whatsoever.  He  forbade  the  magistrates  to  exer- 
cise any  of  the  functions  of  their  several  offices,  and  even 

sealed  up  the  doors  of  the  treasury.  Thus  all  business  was 
brought  to  a  standstill. 

The  deadlock  was  broken  by  Tiberius,  and  in  this  way. 
Through  the  votes  of  his  partisans  in  an  assembly  of  the 
people  he  deposed  his  colleague  Octavius.  Eut  Octavius 
refused  to  acknowledge  the  validity  of  such  a  vote  ;  then 
Tiberius  caused  him  to  be  dragged  by  freedmen  from  the 
rostra. 

Tiberius  had  acted  unconstitutionally.  Never  before 
since  the  first  year  of  the  republic  had  the  Romans 
deposed  one  of  their  magistrates  in  this  way  from  the 
office  to  which  they  had  elected  him.  The  sanctity  of  the 
constitution,  the  inviolability  of  which  had  been  the  safe- 
guard of  the  state  for  a  period  of  almost  four  centuries, 
was  destroyed.     It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.     **This 

^  Each  member  of  tlie  hoard  of  tribunes  had  the  right  thus  to  veto 
the  act  of  any  or  of  all  of  his  colleagues,  just  as  one  of  the  consuls 
could   obstruct   the   act   of   his   colleague    (par.   45). 

^  Compare  par.  50,  n.  8. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


215 


was  the  first  direct  step  towards  the  overthrow  of  the  Roman 
state.'"' 

Tiberius   in  a  speech  to  the  people  defended  his  action 

in  deposing  his  colleague.    As  to  the  charge  that  he  had 

violated  the  sacred  character  of  a  tribune,  he  maintained 
that  the  person  of  a  tribune  was  inviolable  only  so  long 
as  he  faithfully  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  ;  that 
wiien  he  used  the  power  given  him  by  the  people  to  wrong 
them,  he  by  such  wrongful  act  deposed  himself  and  ceased 
to  be  a  tribune. 

Discussing  the  power  and  right  of  the  people  to  depose 
a  magistrate,  he  exclaimed,   *'  Shall  the    people  have  the 

power  to  inake  a  magistrate,  and  not  the  power  to  unmake 
him  when  he  misuses  the  authority  with  which  they  have 
invested  him  "i  "  'Farquin,  he  said,  was  deposed,  and  justly, 
by  the  people.  And  the  vestal  virgin,  than  whom  there 
was  no  one  more  sacred  in  the  Roinan  state,  if  unfaithful 
to  her  vow,  lost  her  sanctity  and  was  rightly  punished.' 

But  Tiberius,  with  all  his  arguments,  could  not  persuade 
even  all  of  his  own  party  that  an  unconstitutional  act  had 

not  been  committed,  and  luany  of  his  friends  and  the 
friends  of  the  republic  were  filled  with  forebodings  for  the 
future. 

After  the  deposition  of  Octavius,  a  client  of  Tiberius 
was  chosen  to  fill  his  place.  Tiberius'  proposal  was  now 
made  a  law,  and  a  board  of  commissioners  was  appointed  to 
carry  out  its  provisions  and  to  prevent  the  law  from  becom- 
ing a  dead  letter,  as  had  happened  in  the  case  of  the  earlier 

law  of   Licinius.       The  commissioners  chosen  were  Tiberius 

®  I^ong,  Decline  of  the  Rotnan   Republic.,  vol.  i.  p.  1S6. 
"  Plutarch,  Life  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  c.  15. 


2l6 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


THE   PERIOD    OE   THE   REVOLUTION. 


217 


Gracchus    himself,  Appius   Claudius,   his  father-in-law,    and 
Gaius  Gracchus,  his  brother. 

152.  The  Violent  Death  of  Tiberius  (133  b.c).  — Upon  the 
expiration  of  his  year  as  tribune  Tiberius  became  a  candi- 
date for  a  second  term.  This  was  unconstitutional,  for  at 
this  time  a  tribune  could  not  hold  his  office  for  two  consec- 
utive years.      In   order  to  retain  his  hold  upon  the  people, 

Tiberius  promised,  if  again  made  tribune,  to  carry  various 

reforms,  both  of  a  civil  and  a  military  character. 

Naturally  the  enemies  of  Tiberius  opposed  his  reelection. 
Rome  was  in  a  seething  tumult.  A  crowd  numbering  from 
three  to  four  thousand  is  said  to  have  accompanied  Tibe- 
rius as  he  moved  about  the  city  from  place  to  place.  When 
the  election  day  came,  the  voting  had  hardly  begun  before 
it  was  violently  interrupted  by  the  senatorial  party,  who 
declared  that  the  whole  proceeding  was  unconstitutional. 

The  election  was  postponed  until  the  following  day. 

That  night  the  partisans  of  Tiberius  watched  before  his 
house,  for  they  feared  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to 
assassinate  their  champion.  In  the  meantime  there  were 
many  unpropitious  omens.  The  sacred  fowls  would  not 
eat ;  Tiberius  in  going  out  of  his  house  stumbled  over  the 
threshold  ;  and  on  his  way  to  the  Capitoline,  where  the 
voting  was  to  take  place,  some  crows  fighting  on  a  roof 

caused  a  loosened  tile  to  fall  just  at  his  feet.  Disregrardino;, 
however,  all  these  sinister  omens,  Tiberius  insisted  on 
going  to  the  voting-place. 

It  would  seem  that  Tiberius  had  resolved  to  meet  the 
violence  of  his  enemies  with  violence.  It  is  impossible, 
however,  to  follow  the  exact  course  of  events,  and  to  divide 
the  blame  for  what  followed,  by  any  just  measure,  between 


I 


the  opposing  parties.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  rioting  began. 
The  partisans  of  Tiberius  drove  his  eneinies  from  the  vot- 
ing-place. Word  was  carried  to  the  senate,  which  was 
sitting  in  a  near-by  temple,  that  Tiberius  was  asking  the 
people  to  crown  him  king.  He  had  been  seen  to  move  his 
hand  towards  his  head,  which  was  interpreted  to  mean  that 
he  wished  a  crown  placed  there. 

The  senators,  led  by  the  pontifex  maximus,  P.  Cornelius 

Scipio  Nasica,  rushed  out,  and  arming  themselves  with 
sticks  and  the  legs  of  the  benches  that  had  been  over- 
turned and  broken  by  the  surging  crowd,  fell  upon  the  fol- 
lowers of  Tiberius  and  drove  them  from  the  open  space. 
Tiberius  in  attempting  to  escape  stumbled  over  some 
bodies,  and  was  then  set  upon  by  his  pursuers  and  killed, 
one  of  his  own  colleagues  striking  the  first  blow.  Three 
hundred  of  his  followers  perished  with  him.     1'he  bodies 

of  all,  including  that  of  Tiberius,  were  thrown  into  the  Tiber. 
Thus  perished  one  of  the  best  beloved  and  most  greatly 
trusted  of  all  the  popular  leaders  at  Rome. 

This  was  the  first  time  since  the  creation  of  the  plebeian 
tribunate  (par.  50)  that  the  contention  of  parties  in 
Rome  had  led  to  an  appeal  to  open  force,  the  first  time  that 
the  city  had  witnessed  such  a  scene  of  violence  and  blood. 
But  such  scenes  were  very  soon  to  become  common  enough. 

153.  Good  Effects  of  Tiberius'  Land  Law. — The  land  law 
of  Tiberius,  carried  into  effect  by  the  commission  to  which 
the  matter  had  been  intrusted  (par.  151),  effected  a  great 
amelioration  of  the  distress  among  the  poor,  great  numbers 
of  whom  were  allotted  small  farms  carved  out  of  the  public 
lands  now  reclaimed  by  the  state.  Districts  that  had  been 
almost  depopulated,  again  became  covered  with  the  cot- 


2l8 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


tages  of  sturdy  peasants.  Italy  seemed  in  a  fair  way  of 
being  redeemed  from  the  blight  that  slavery,  and  the 
monopolization  of  the  soil  by  the  rich,  had  brought  upon  it. 

But  such  a  reform  as  this  could  not  be  carried  out  with- 
out many  vested  interests  being  interfered  with,  and  many 
hardships  inflicted  upon  a  large  class.  There  was  conse- 
quently great  opposition  to  the  whole  movement,  and  finally 
it  was  checked,  and  the  law  of  Tiberius  made  practically  a 
dead  letter  by  the  transference  of  the  duties  of  the  com- 
mission to  the  consuls.  This  was  the  work  of  the  senatorial 
party,  and  it  meant  of  course  the  end  of  the  reform. 

154-  Gaius  Gracchus :  his  Motives  and  Aims.  —  Gaius 
Gracchus  now  came  forward  to  assume  the  position  made 
vacant  by  the  death  of  his  brother  Tiberius.  He  was  actu- 
ated by  two  motives:  a  burning  desire  to  avenge  upon  the 
senatorial  party  the  murder  of  his  brother,  and  to  carry 
out  the  reforms  that  the  latter  had  begun.  How  he  brooded 
over  his  brother's  fate  is  shown  by  the  story  that  tells  how 
he  had  a  dream  in  which  the  spirit  of  Tiberius  seemed  to 

address  him  thus :  ^^  Gaius,  why  do  you  delay  ?  There  is 
no  escape  ;  the  same  life  for  both  of  us,  and  the  same  death 
in  defence  of  the  people,  is  our  destiny." 

In  the  year  124  b.c.  Gaius  was  elected  tribune.  As 
quaestor  in  Sardinia  he  had  proved  that  he  was  of  a  differ- 
ent mold  from  the  ordinary  Roman  magistrate.  He  had 
"left  Rome,"  as  Plutarch  puts  it,  ''with  his  purse  full  of 
money  and  had  brought  it  back  empty ;  others  had  taken 

out  jars  full  of  wine  and  had  brought  them  back  full  of 

money." 

Once  in  the  tribuneship,  Gaius  entered  straightway  with 
marvellous  energy   and   resourcefulness   upon   the   work   of 


THE   PERIOD   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


219 


reform.  His  aim  was  to  destroy  the  government  of  the 
senate,  now  hopelessly  incapable  and  corrupt,  and  to  set 
up  in  its  place  a  new  government  with  himself  at  its  head. 

In  aims  as  well  as  in  capacity,  Gaius  was  a  Coesar  before 
CjEsar.  But  in  the  lofty  disinterestedness  of  his  motives 
he  was  infinitely  the  superior  of  his  more  fortunate  suc- 
cessor in  the  role  of  reformer  and  revolutionist. 

155.  The  Reform  Measures  of  Gaius  Gracchus  (i 23-1 21 
B.C.). — If  we  bear  in  mind  the  aims  of  Gaius,  all  of  his 
measures  become  self-explanatory.  He  first  secured  the 
passage  of  a  law  by  the  people  which  made  it  constitutional 

for  a  tribune  to  hold  his  office  two  years  in  succession,  if 
such  a  continuance  in  office  was  necessary  to  enable  him 
to  carry  into  full  execution  his  plans.^  This  meant  of 
course  the  virtual  transformation  of  the  tribuneship  into  a 

possible  life-tenure  office,  or,  in  other  words,  the  revival  of 
the  monarchy. 

Gaius  next  won  the  affection  of  the  poor  of  the  city  by 
carrying  a  law  '^  which  provided  that  every  Roman  citizen, 

on  personal  application,  should  be  given  corn  from  the 

public  granaries  at  half  or  less  than  half  the  market  price. 
Gaius  could  not  have  foreseen  all  the  evils  to  which  this 
law,  which  was  in  eflfect  what  we  know  as  a  poor  law,  was 

destined  to  lead.  It  led  eventually  to  the  free  distribu- 
tion of  corn  to  all  citizens  who  made  application  for  it. 
Very  soon  a  large  proportion  of  the  population  of  Rome 
was  living  in  vicious  indolence  and   feeding  at  the  public 

crib  (par.  214). 


1  According  to  a  law  passed  in  i8o  B.t\,  no  citizen  could  be  reelected 

to  any  magistracy  until  after  an  interval  of  ten  years. 

2  The  lex  fritnientaria. 


220 


ROME    AS   A    KEPUBLIC. 


By  his  next  law,^  Gaius  won  the  favor  of  the  equestrian 
order.      At  this  time  the  rich  class  of  Roman  citizens  was 

divided  into  two  orders :  '^  (i )  The  senators,  whose  property 
was  largely  in  land,  and  who  held  almost  exactly  the  posi- 
tion in  the  Roman  state  that  the  peers  of  the  House  of 
Lords  hold  in  the  society  and  government  of  England  ;  and 

(2)  the  knights  {cgiiitcs),  the  rich  merchants,  bankers,  and 

speculators  who  were  liable  to  service  in  the' cavalry.  This 
equestrian  order  is  represented  in  English  society  by  the 
wealthy  mercantile  and  trading  class.  Between  the  sen- 
atorial and  the  equestrian  order  there  was  much  jealousy 
and  ill-will. 

Now  Gaius,  by  the  law  just  mentioned,  provided  that  in 
the  future   the  judges  constituting  the  court  before  which 

provincial  magistrates  accused  of  extortion  or  other  wrong- 
doing were  tried,  should  be  chosen  only  from  the  equestrian 
order.  This  meant  the  transference  of  this  branch  of  the 
administration  of  justice  from  the  hands  of  the  senators 
into  the  hands  of  the  knights.  This  was  a  matter  of  very 
grave  concern  for  the  senatorial  order,  for  it  meant  that 
henceforth  the  accused  of  this  class  were  to  be  tried  before 
judges  selected  not  from  their  own  but  from  a  rival  order. 

Presumably  these  judges  would  not  be  likely  to  let  any 

guilty    man    escape. 

These  two  measures  of  Gaius  raised  up  for  him  friends 
and  supporters  among  both  the  poor  and  the  rich.  His 
next  measure  was  an  agrarian  law,  which  was  simply  a 
revival  of  the  law  of  Tiberius,  which  had  been  made  of  no 
effect  by  the  senatorial  party  (par.  153). 

^  Lex  jiisticiaria. 

*  Mommsen,  History  of  Romc^  vol.  iii.  p.  141. 


Ti/K  r£:R/on  of-  ti/i^  kevoluivoat. 


2,2.1 


As  a  further  measure  of  relief  for  the  poor,  Gaius  estab- 
lished new  colonies  in  Italy,  and  sent  six  thousand  settlers, 
comprising  Italians  as  well  as  Roman  citizens,  to  the  site 
of  Carthage,  and  founded  there  a  colony  called  Junonia. 
This  w^as  the  first  citizen-colony  ^established  by  the  Romans 
outside  of  Italy. 

Another  measure  now  proposed  by  Gaius  alienated  a 
large  section  of  his  followers,  and  paved  the  way  for  his 
downfall.  This  proposal  was  that  all  the  Latins  should  be 
made  full  Roman  citizens,  and  that  the  Italian  allies  should 
be  given  the  rights  and  privileges  then  enjoyed  by  the 
Latins  (par.  163).  Gaius  was  in  this  matter  out  of  touch 
with  his  times.  The  Romans  were  unwilling  to  confer  the 
rights  of  the  city  upon  those  still  without  them,  for  the 

reason    that    citizenship   now,    since   the   whole   world   was 

paying  tribute  in  one  form  or  another  to  the  ruling  class  in 
the  Roman  state,  w^as  something  valuable.'"'  The  proposal 
was  defeated,  and  the  popularity  of  Gaius  visibly  declined. 

The  activity  of  Gaius  covered  other  fields  than  those  we 
have  named.  He  caused  roads  to  be  built  and  public 
store-houses  for  grain  to  be  erected.  He  further  projected 
reforms  in  the  army,  but  these  were  never  carried  out. 

1 56.  The  Downfall  and  Death  of  Gaius  Gracchus  (121  rc). — 
The  senatorial  party  now  resorted  to  a  very  old  political 
device  in  order  to  undermine  wholly  the  already  waning 
popularity  of  Gaius.  They  sought  to  detach  the  people 
from  him  by  promising  to  do  more  for  them  than  Gaius 

^  For  the  different  types  of  colonies,  consult  par.  84. 

®  The  religious  scruples  of  the  early  times  against  admitting  strangers 
to  the  freedom  of  the  city  (par.  "]"])  had  scarcely  any  place  among  the 
motives  of  those  that  now  opposed  the  enfranchisement  of  aliens  (con- 
sult par.  163). 


222 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


himself  had  done.     Their  tool  in  carrying  out  this  scheme 

was  the  tribune  Marcus  Livlus  Drusus.  This  man,  backed 
by  the  senators,  outbid  Gaius  in  every  matter.  The 
ungrateful  and  hckle  multitude  turned  from  their  old  and 
tried  friend  to  the  new  and  untried  one.     They  might  well 

have  feared  their  old  enemies  the  nobles  bringing  gifts. 

The  end  was  now  drawing  near.  When  Gaius  (in  121 
B.C.)  stood  the  third  time  for  reelection  as  tribune  he  was 
defeated.     Without  the  protection  of  his  office  (par.  45), 

his  life  was  in  danger.  His  friends  rallied  around  him. 
righting  took  place  in  the  streets  between  the  contending 
factions,  and  the  partisans  of  Gaius  entrenched  themselves 
on  the  Aventine.    Yielding  to  the  importunity  of  his  friends, 

Gaius  made  an  effort  to  escape  from  the  city.  He  fled 
across  the  Tiber,  and  there  in  a  sacred  grove  a  faithful 
slave  killed  him  with  a  friendly  thrust,  and  then  slew 
himself. 

The  consul  Lucius  Opimius  had  offered  for  the  head  of 

Gaius  and  that  of  o.ne  of  his  partisans  their  weight  in  gold. 
The  persons  who  brought  in  the  heads  appear  to  have 
received  the  promised  reward.      "This  is  the  first  instance 

in  Roman  history  of  head  money  being  offered  and  paid, 
but  it  was  not  the  last.'"" 

The  followers  of  Gaius  were  hunted  everywhere  to  the 
death.     Three  thousand  are  said  to  have  been  strang-led  in 

prison.    When  the  wretched  business  was  over,  the  consul 

Opimius,  who  was  largely  responsible  for  the  infamy  of  it 


"^  Long,  Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic,  vol.  i.  p.  286.  Some  author- 
ities say  that  in  the  case  of  Gaius,  the  money  was  never  paid,  because 
the  man  who  brought  in  the  head  happened  to  be  a  person  of  no  dis- 


tinction. 


THE  PERIOD   OF   THE  REVOLUTION. 


223 


all,  erected  in  the  forum,  in  commemoration  of  the  triumph 

of  his  party,  a  temple  dedicated  to  Concord. 

The  common  people  ever  regarded  the  Gracchi  as  mar- 
tyrs to  their  cause,  and  their  memory  was  preserved,  in  later 
times,  by  statues  in  the  public  square.  To  Cornelia,  their 
mother,  a  monument  was  erected,  bearing  the  simple 
inscription,    "The   Mother   of  the   Gracchi." 

157.  Restoration  of  the  Senatorial  Party:  Land-Grabbing 
Act.  — The  removal  of  Gaius  made  the  power  of  the  nobles, 
that  is  of  the  senate,  supreme.    They  at  once  set  themselves 

at  work  to  undo  all  that  Gaius  and  his  brother  Tiberivis 
had  done  which  tended  to  undermine  their  authority  or  to 
interfere  with  their  wealth-getting.  The  Gracchan  agrarian 
law,  which  forbade  those  receiving  allotments  of  land  to  sell 
the  same  (par.  150),  was  repealed.  Straightway  the  absorp- 
tion of  the  land  by  the  rich  began  anew.  The  small  farms 
disappeared  in  the  great  latifundia^  *Mike  drops  of  water  in 
the  ocean."     Slave-gangs  increased,  and  the  free  peasantry 

that  had  begun  to  fill  the  land  under  the  workings  of  the  Grac- 
chan law  disappeared.  Amidst  the  rapidly  growing  wealth 
of  the  few,  the  poverty  and  misery  of  the  masses  increased. 
Extravagance  and  luxury  grew  apace.  Thus  was  the  gulf 
between  the  rich  and  the  poor,  which  the  Gracchi  had  died  to 
close,  made  wider  and  deeper,  and  Italy  pushed  on  towards 
ruin.  But  the  crowning  piece  of  legislation  of  the  selfish 
and  greedy  aristocrats  was  a  law,  the  celebrated  Lex  Thoria, 

which  converted  all  the  public  lands  in  the  possession  of 
the  rich  into  the  private  property  of  those  occupying  it, 
free  of  rent  to  the  state.  THis  was  a  measure  somewhat 
like  that  of  the  great  landowners  of  England  when,  after 

'^  Large  farms  or  landed  estates. 


224 


ROMJS    AS    A     RErLTBLIC. 


the  Restoration  of  the  Stuart  king  Charles  the  Second  (in 
f66o),  they,  by  act  of  Parliament,  relieved  their  lands  of 
the  feudal  burdens  which  up  to  that  time  had  rested 
upon  them,  and  thereby  converted  what  were  actually  semi- 
public  lands  into  private  property,  free  from  all  rents, 
feudal  dues,  or  services  to  the  English  crown. 

As  this  measure  of  the  English  landlords  gave  a  great 
part  of  the  soil  of  England  permanently  into  the  hands  of 
a  comparatively  few  families,  so  did  the  Lex  T/ioria  give 
vast  tracts  of  Italy  for  many  centuries  —  until  the  down- 
fall of  the  empire  — into  the  hands  of  a  few  hundred  over- 
grown proprietors.  Italy,  like  our  Southern  States  before 
the  Civil  War,  was  blocked  out  into  immense  slave-estates. 
It  required  a  revolution  that  overturned  society  from  the 

very  bottom  to  regain  the  soil  for  the  people. 

The  corn  law  of  Gaius  was  allowed  to  remain  in  force, 
because  the  nobles  could  not  afford  to  offend  the  Roman 
rabble  in  an  attempt  to  repeal  it.  Besides,  the  annulling 
of  this  law  would  not  have  advanced  in  any  way  the  inter- 
est of  the  aristocrats,  and  that  was  reason  enough  why  they 
should  let  it  alone. 

158.    The  War  with  Jugurtha  (111-106  b.c).  — After  the 

death  of  the  Gracchi  there  seemed  no  one  left  to  resist 

the  heartless  oppressions  and  to  denounce  the  scandalous 
extravagances  of  the  aristocratic  party.  The  votes  of  sena- 
tors and  the  decisions  of  judges,  the  offices  at  Rome  and  the 
places  in  the  provinces  — everything  pertaining  to  the  gov- 
ernment had  its  price,  and  was  bought  and  sold  like  mer- 
chandise. Affairs  in  Africa  at  this  time  illustrate  how 
Roman  virtue  and  integrity  had  declined  since   Fabricius 

indignantly  refused  the  gold  of  Pyrrhus  (par.  82). 


TFfE    PERIOD    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 


2.2.^ 


Jugurtha,  king  of  Numidia,  had  seized  all  that  country, 
having  put  to  death  the  rightful  rulers  of  different  provinces 
of  the  same,  who  had  been  confirmed  in  their  possessions 
by  the  Romans  at  the  close  of  the  Punic  wars.  Commis- 
sioners sent  from  Rome  to  look  into  the  matter  were  bribed 
by  Jugurtha.      Finally,  the  Numidian  robber,  in  carrying 

out  some  of  his  high-handed  measures,  put  to  death  some 
Italian  merchants.  War  was  immediately  declared  by  the 
Roman  senate,  and  the  consul  L.  Calpurnius  Bestia  was 
sent  into  Africa  with  an  army  to  punish  the  insolent 
usurper.  Bestia  sold  himself  to  Jugurtha,  and  instead  of 
chastising  him  confirmed  him  in  his  stolen  possessions. 
We  should  naturally  suppose  that  the  senate  would  have 
meted  out  proper  punishment  to  the  mercenary  consul  upon 

his  return.  But  the  prudent  general  had  taken  along  with 
him  the  president  of  that  body,  and  had  divided  with  him 
the  spoils. 

The  indignation  of  the  people,  wiio  had  good  reason  to 
suspect  the  real  state  of  affairs,  was  great.  They  demanded 
that  Jugurtha,  with  the  promise  of  immunity  to  himself, 
should  be  invited  to  Rome,  and  encouraged  to  disclose  the 
whole  transaction,  in  order  that  those  who  had  betrayed 

the   state  for  money  might  be  punished.      Jugurtha  came  ; 

but  the  gold  of  the  consul  and  president  bribed  one  of  the 
tribunes  to  prohibit  the  king  from  giving  his  testimony. 

Now  it  so  happened  that  there  was  in  Rome  at  this  time 
a  rival  claimant  of  the  Numidian  throne,  who  at  this  very 
moment  was  urging  his  claims  before  the  senate.  Jugurtha 
caused  this  rival  to  be  assassinated.  As  he  himself  was 
under  a  safe-conduct,  the  senate  could  do  nothing  to  pun- 
ish the  audacious  deed  and  to  resent  the  insult  to  the  state, 


226 


ROjtiE    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


save  by  ordering  the  king  to  leave  Rome  at  once.  As  he 
passed  the  gates,  it  is  said  that  he  looked  scornfully  back 

upon  the  capital,  and  exclaimed,  ^'0  venal  city!  thou 
wouldst  sell  thyself  if  thou  couldst  find  a  purchaser !  " 

Upon  the  renewal  of  the  war  another  Roman  army  was 
sent  into  Africa,  but  was  defeated  and  sent  beneath  the 

yoke.  Finally,  in  the  year  io6  h.c.,  the  war  was  brought  to 
a  close  by  Gaius  Marius,  a  man  who  had  risen  to  the  con- 
sulship from  the  lowest  ranks  of  the  people.  Under  him 
fought  a  young  nobleman  named  Sulla,  of  whom  we  shall 

hear  much  hereafter.    Marius  celebrated  a  grand  triumph 

at  Rome.  Jugurtha,  after  having  graced  the  triumphal 
procession,  in  which  he  walked  with  his  hands  bound  with 
chains,  was  thrown  into  the  Mamertine  dungeon  beneath 

the  Capitoline  hill,  where  he  died  of  starvation. 

The  war  had  wholly  discredited  the  government  of  the 
senate,  by  revealing  its  hopeless  incapacity,  and  by  showing 
into  what  depths  of  infamy  and  corruption  the  entire  oli- 
garchical   party  —  senators,  judges,  and  generals  — had 

sunk. 

159.    Invasion  of  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones  (113-101  p..c. ). 

—  The    war   was   not    yet   encjed   in    Africa   before   terrible 


tidings    came    to    Rome   from    the    north.      Two    mighty 

nations  of  "horrible  barbarians,"  three  hundred  thousand 
strong  in  fighting-men,  coining  whence  no  one  could  tell, 
had  invaded  and  were  now  desolating  the  Roman  province 

of  Gaul,  and  might  any  moment  cross  the  Alps  and  sweep 

down  into  Italy. 

The  mysterious  invaders  proved  to  be  two  Germanic 
tribes,  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri,  the  vanguard  of  that  great 
German  migration  which  was  destined  to  change  the  face 


THE    PERIOD    OE    THE    REVOLUTION. 


227 


and  history  of  Europe.  These  intruders  were  seeking  new 
homes,  and  were  driven  on,  it  would  almost  seem,  by  a 

blind  and  instinctive  impulse.     They  carried  with  them 

in  rude  wagons  all  their  property,  their  wives,  and  their 
children.  The  Celtic  tribes  of  Gaul  were  no  match  for 
the    newcomers,   and  fled  before  them  as  they   advanced. 

Several  Roman  armies  beyond  the  Alps  were  cut  to  pieces. 

In  one  battle  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  Romans  are 
said  to  have  been  slaughtered.  The  terror  at  Rome  was 
only  equalled  by  that  occasioned   by  the   invasion  of  the 

Gauls  three  centuries  before  (par.  08).    The  Gauls  were 

terrible  enough  ;  but  now  the  conquerors  of  the  Gauls  were 
coming. 

Marius,  the  conqueror  of  Jugurtha,  was  looked  to  by  all 

as  the  only  man  who  could  save  the  state  in  this  crisis. 

He  was  reelected  to  the  consulship,  and  intrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  armies.  Accompanied  by  Sulla  as  one  of 
his  most  skilful  lieutenants,  Marius  hastened  into  Northern 

Italy.    The  barbarians  had  divided  into  two  bands.    The 

Cimbri  were  to  cross  the  Eastern  Alps,  and  join  in  the 
valley  of  the  Po  the  Teutones,  who  were  to  force  the  defiles 
of  the  Western,  or  Maritime,  Alps.  Marius  determined  to 
prevent  the  union  of  the  barbarians,  and  to  crush  each 
band  separately. 

Anticipating  the  march  of  the  Teutones,  Marius  hurried 
into  Southern  Gaul,  and,  at  the  junction  of  the  Rhone  and 

the  Isar,  sat  down  in  a  fortified  camp  to  watch  the  move- 
ments of  the  barbarians.  Unable  to  storm  the  Roman 
position,  the  Teutones  resolved'to  leave  their  enemy  in  their 
rear  and  push  on  into  Italy.  For  six  days  and  nights  the 
endless  train  of  men  and  wagons  rolled  past  the  camp  of 


228 


ROMB    AS    A     RBrUBLlC. 


Marius.  The  barbarians  jeered  at  the  Roman  soldiers, 
and  asked  them  if  they  had  any  messages  they  wished  to 

send  to  their  wives;  if  so,  they  would  bear  them,  as  they 
would  be  in  Rome  shortly.  Marius  allowed  them  to  pass 
by,  and  then,  breaking  camp,  followed  closely  after.  Fall- 
ing upon  them  at  a  favorable  moment,  he  almost  annihi- 
lated the  entire  host.^  Two  hundred  thousand  barbarians 
are  said  to  have  been  slain.  Marius  heaped  together  and 
burned  the  spoils  of  the  battlefield.  While  engaged  in  this 
work,   the   news  was  brought   to   him   of  his  reelection  as 

consul  for  the  fifth  time.  This  was  illegal ;  -  but  the  people 
felt  that  Marius  must  be  kept  in  the  field. 

Marius  now  recrossed  the  Alps,  and,  after  visiting  Rome, 
hastened  to  meet  the  C'inibri,  who  were  entering  the  north- 
eastern corner  of   Italy.    He  was  not  a  day  too  soon. 

Already  the  barbarians  had  defeated  the  Roman  armv  under 
the  patrician  Catulus,  and  were  ravaging  the  rich  plains  of 
the    Po.      The    Cimbri,    uninformed    as    to    the   fate   of   the 

Teutones,  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Marius  to  demand  that 
they  and  their  kinsmen  be  given  lands  in  Italy.  Marius 
sent  back  in  reply,  "The  Teutones  have  got  all  the  land 
they  need  on  the  other  side  of  the   Alps."     The  devoted 

Cimbri  were  soon  to  have  all  they  needed  on  this  side. 

A  terrible  battle  almost  immediately  followed  at  Vercellae 
(loi  B.C.).  The  barbarians  were  drawn  up  in  an  enormous 
hollow  square,  the  men  forming  the  outer  ranks  being  fas- 
tened together  with  ropes,  to  prevent  their  lines  from  being 
broken.  This  proved  their  ruin.  More  than  one  hundred 
thousand  were  killed,  and  sixty  thousand  taken  prisoners  to 

^  In  the  battle  of  Aquae  Sextiae,  fought  102  B.C. 

2  Consult  par.  155,  n.  i. 


ti/f:   r£:R/on    or   7^1^ e   rei^olutioist. 


229 


be  sold  as  slaves  in  the  Roman  slave-markets.  Marius  was 
hailed  as  the  "Savior  of  his  Country." 

The  fate  of  these  two  nations  that  were  wandering  over 
the  face  of  the  earth  in  search  of  homes  forms  one  of  the 
most  pathetic  tales  in  all  history.  The  almost  innumerable 
host  of  wanderers,  men,  women,  and  children,  now  ''  rested 

beneath  the  sod,  or  toiled  under  the  yoke  of  slavery :  the 
forlorn  hope  of  the  German  migration  had  performed  its 
duty;  the  homeless  people  of  the  Cimbri  and  their  comrades 
were  no  more."^  Their  kinsmen  yet  behind  the  Danube 
and  the  Rhine  were  destined  to  exact  a  terrible  revenge  for 
their  slaughter. 

We  must  here  notice  a  certain  thing  that  Marius  did  after 
the  battle  at  Vercellai,  since   it  illustrates  admirably  that 

spirit  of  disregard  for  the  laws  which  was  beginning  to 
manifest  itself  among  the  Romans  of  all  classes.  When  the 
battle  was  over,  Marius  conferred  Roman  citizenship  upon 
two  cohorts  of   Italian   allies  as  a  reward  for  conspicuous 

bravery.    When  taken  to  task  later  for  this  unconstitutional 
proceeding,  Marius  replied,  by  way  of  excuse,  that  amidst 
the  din  of  arms  he  could  not  hear  the  voice  of  the  laws. 
160.    Changes  in  the  Army.  —  Unfortunately  at  just  this 

time  there  was  introduced,  by  Marius  himself,  a  new  prac- 
tice in  the  army  which  made  it,  in  the  hands  of  a  deaf 
commander,  a  wonderfully  effective  weapon  against  the 
republic.      Up  to  this  period,  a  property  qualification  had 

been  required  of  the  legionary.  Only  in  times  of  great 
public  peril  had  propertyless  citizens  been  cahed  upon  for 
military  service.  Foreign  mercenaries,  it  is  true,  had  found 
a  place  in  the  army,  but  not  in  the  legions.      Marius  now 

3  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iii.  p.  235. 


230 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


gave  permission  to  citizens  without  property  to  enlist. 
From  this  time  on,  the  ranks  of  the  Roman  armies  were 

filled  almost  entirely,  as  in  the  case  of  our  own  standing 
army,  by  voluntary  enlistments/  This  tended,  of  course,  to 
create  a  class  of  poor  professional  soldiers,  who  became  in 
effect  the  clients  of  their  general,  looked  to  him  to  secure 

them  w^ar-booty,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of 
enlistment,  grants  of  public  lands ;  and  who  were  ready  to 
follow  him  in  all  kinds  of  undertakings,  even  in  undertak- 
ings against  the  commonw^ealth. 

i6i.  Second  Servile  War  in  Sicily  (103-99  ^"^O-  —  I"  ^^e 

earlier  part  of  this  chapter  we  gave  an  account  of  an  insur- 
rection of  the  slaves  in  Sicily,  which  took  place  about  a 
generation  before  the  tiine  at  which  we  have  now  arrived 
(par.  147).  Since  the  suppression  of  that  outbreak,  the 
condition  of  things  in  the  island  instead  of  growing  better 
had  rather  grown  worse.  The  country  had  become  so  filled 
with  barbarian  slaves  that  it  had  reverted  almost  to  a  state 

of  savagery.      Throughout  large  sections  of  the  island 

society  had  fallen  back  from  the  agricultural  and  coiumer- 
cial  stage  of   culture  into  the  pastoral. 

Among  the  crowd  of  slaves  were  many  free-born  men  who 
had  been  kidnapped  in  the  various  regions  of  the  East  that 
had  come  under  Roman  supremacy.  When  an  attempt  was 
made  to  restore  these  men  to  freedom,  their  owners  made  a 
great  outcry,  and  the  magistrates  before  whom  their  cases 
had  been  brought  were  obliged  to  give  up  all  efforts  in  their 

*  There  were  introduced  about  this  time,  it  is  thought  by  Marius 
himself,  changes  in  the  formation   of   the   legion,  the   equipment   of  the 

soldier,  and  the  tactical  arrangement  of  the  cohorts.  But  these  mat- 
ters are  of  too  technical  a  character  to  be  given  a  place  in  the  text.     See 

Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iii.  pp.  241-247. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


231 


behalf.  The  government  was  too  weak,  too  completely 
under  the  influence  of  the  men  who  were  profiting  by  out- 
rage and  wrong,  to  give  protection  and  justice  to  any  class, 

free  or  bond,  that  these  inhuman  creatures  had  selected  as 
their  victims. 

The  disappointment  created  among  the  slaves  by  the 
miscarriasfe  of  this  movement  in  their  behalf  led  to  an  out- 
break,  which  spread  until  a  large  part  of  the  bondsmen  in 
the  island  were  in  arms  against  their  masters. 

The  story  of  the  struggle  that  followed  is  simply  a  repe- 
tition of  that  of  the  first  servile  war  in  the  island.     It  took 

the  RoiTian  armies  five  years  to  suppress  the  revolt,  which 
was  finally  brought  to  an  end  by  the  consul  Manius 
Aquillius.  The  favorite  punishment  meted  out  to  the  cap- 
tives in  the  first  war  had  been  crucifixion  (par.  147)  ;  the 
prisoners  taken  at  this  time  were  carried  to  Rome  that  they 
''might  make  a  holiday  "  for  the  Romans  by  fighting  with 
wild  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre.  But  the  slaves  disap- 
pointed  their   captors   by   committing   wholesale   suicide 

before    the    time    for    the    spectacles    arrived. 

162.  Gains  Marius  attempts  Revolution  (100  p,.c.). — 
Before  the  slave  trouble  in  Sicily  was  over  there  was  trouble 
of  a  different  sort  in   Rome  itself.     Marius,  so  recently 

hailed  by  all  as  the  savior  of  the  state  (par.  159),  and  now 
through  the  favor  of  the  people  enjoying  his  sixth  consul- 
ship,—  a  thing  unknown  before  in  the  history  of  Rome, — 
had  entered  into  an  alliance  and  conspiracy  with  two  dem- 
agogues, Glaucla  and  Saturninus  ^  by  name,  whose  aim  was 
the  overthrow  of  the  senatorial*  government  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  new  order  of  things. 

6  C.  Servilius  Glaucia  and  I..  Appuleius  Saturninus. 


232 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


Marius,  by  joining  the  conspiracy,  evidently  hoped  to 
get  in  his  hands  the  supreme  power.  His  head  had  been 
turned  by  his  military  successes  and  his  civic  triumphs. 
He  likened  his  victorious  marches  in  Africa  and  Europe  to 
the  triumphal  processions  of  Bacchus,  and  had  a  drinking- 
cup  made  for  his  use  like  the  cup  fable  represented  the 

jovial  god  as  wont  to  use.    He  was 

not  only  willing  that  the  people 
should  take  him  and  make  him 
king,  but  he  was  ready  to  aid  in 
his  own  crowning. 

Saturninus,  having  reached  the 
tribunate  through  violence  and 
assassination,  managed  affairs  in 
the    interest    of    the    clique.      In 

order  to  please  the  mob,  a  new 
corn  law  was  carried,  which  re- 
duced the  price  of  corn  to  Roman 
citizens  to  a  merelv  nominal  sum 
(From  a  bust  in  the  Uffizi         (par.  1 55).     There  was  also  carried 

Gallery.)  1    •    1  ■ 

a  measure  which  gave  the  veterans 
of  Marius  allotments  of  land  in  Sicily,  Macedonia,  and 
Greece.     These  gifts  of  land  were  henceforth  one  of  the 

usual  means  employed  by  successful  generals  to  attach 
their  soldiers  to  their  persons  and  their  interests. 

These  corn  and  land  allotment  laws  met,  of  course,  with 
opposition,  and  were  carried  in  the  assemblies  only  by 
violence.  Indeed,  rioting  and  murder  were  becoming  the 
usual  accompaniment  of  every  assembly  of  the  people, 
either  for  the  purpose  of  an  election  or  for  legislation. 

The  spirit  and   temper  in  which  Saturninus  presided  as 


Marius. 


THE  PERIOD  OE  THE  REVOLUTION. 


233 


tribune  is  shown  by  the  following  story.  On  one  occasion 
the  nobles,  aiming  to  break  up  an  assembly  of  the  people, 
caused  word  to  be  conveyed  to  the  tribunes  that  Jupiter 
was  thundering  (par.  24).  Saturninus  paid  no  heed  to  the 
messenger,  save  to  charge  him  with  a  message  to  the  sena- 
tors to  the  effect  that  if  Jupiter  was  really  thundering  they 
would  do  w^ell  to  look  out  for  themselves,  as  the  thunder 

might  be  followed  by  hail.  The  story,  even  though  it  be  a 
fiction,  is  truthful.  The  old  faith  in  the  gods  —  and  in 
their  priests  —  was  gone,  and  irreverence  marked  the  con- 
duct of  magistrate  and  private  citizen  alike. 

The  elections  of  the  year  99  b.c.  were  attended  by 
bribery,  violence,  and  murder.  The  better  class  of  citizens 
became  frightened,  and,  fearing  a  reign  of  anarchy,  rallied 
to  the  support  of  the  government.     Marius,  as  consul,  was 

called  upon  by  the  senate  to  suppress  the  disorder,  which 
he  himself  was  largely  responsible  for  having  created.  For 
a  moment  Marius  seemed  to  waver,  and  then,  betraying  his 
friends,  he  led  an  armed  force  against  the  followers  of 
Saturninus.  A  pitched  battle  took  place  in  the  forum. 
The  people's  party  was  defeated,  and  Saturninus  and 
Glaucia  were  murdered  by  the  nobles.  ''Without  trial  or 
sentence,"  in  the  words  of  Mommsen,  "there  died  on  this 

day  four  magistrates  of  the  Roman  people  —  a  praetor,  a 
qux'Stor,  and  two  tribunes." 

Marius  was  ruined  —  for  the  time  being.  He  had  played 
a  double  part,  and  shown  himself  an  untrustworthy  friend 
and  ally.  He  was  despised  by  both  parties.  There  was  no 
one  who  thought  it  worth  while  to  court  him  or  to  do  him 
reverence.  Under  pretence  of  fulfilling  a  vow,  he  went  to 
Asia,  and  thus  got  away  from   Rome  for  a  while.      It  was 


234 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


destined  that  another  turn  of  the  wheel  of  fortune  should 
again  bring  him  to  the  top. 

References.  —  White's   Appian,  vol.   ii.,  The  Civil   IVars,  bk.  i. 

chaps,  i.-iv.      Plutarch,  Lives  of  *Tibcritts  Gracchus,  *Caius  Gracchus, 

and  'X'Caius  Mariits.  Beesly  (A.  H.),  The  Gracchi,  Mariiis  and  Sulla 
(Epoch  Series),  chaps,  i.  ii.  and  iii.  pp.  1-65.  Merivale  (C),  *The 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic,  chap.  i.  pp.  1-31,  "The  Gracchi."  Frek- 
MAN  (E.  A.),  The  story  of  Sicily  (Story  of  the  Nations),  chap,  xvi., 
"Sicily  a  Roman  Province  ";  first  part  of  the  chapter,  on  the  Servile 
War.  Long  (G.),  The  Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic,  5  vols. ;  for 
consultation  and  reference.  Ihne  (W.),  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  The 
greater  part  of  the  volume  is  devoted  to  an  account  of  "  the  constitu- 
tion, laws,  religion  and  magistrates  of  the  Roman  people." 


CHAT^TKR     XIII. 

THE    PERIOD    OK    THE    REVOLUTION    {Continued). 

(98-78  B.C.) 

163.  Roman  Citizens,  Latins,  and  Italian  Allies.  —  The  next 
important  act  in  the  history  of  Rome  had  for  its  stage,  not 
the  Roman  forum,  but  all  Italy.      The  matter  to  which  we 

refer  was  a  struggle  on  the  part  of  the  Italian  allies  of  Rome 
for  admission  to  the  city  as  citizens. 

At  this  time  all  the  free  inhabitants  of  Italy  were  divided 
into  three  classes, — Ro?Jtafi  citizcjis^  Latins^  and  Itaiian 
allies.  The  Roman  citizens  included  the  inhabitants  of 
the  capital,  of  the  towns  called  municipia  (par.  73),  and  of 
the  Roman  colonies  planted  in  different  parts  of  the 
peninsula  (par.  84),  besides  the  dwellers  on  isolated  farms 

and   the  inhabitants   of   villages   scattered   everywhere 

throughout  Italy.''  The  census  for  the  year  115  B.C.  gives 
the  number  of  citizens  capable  of  bearing  arms  as  394,336. 
The  second  class,  the  Latins,  was  made  up  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Latin  colonies  (par.  84),  and  of  some  of  the 
ancient  and  now  quite  thoroughly  Romanized  towns  of 
Latium,^  The  name  had  by  this  time  lost  all  racial  mean- 
ing, and  denoted  merely  the  political  status  of  those  bear- 
ing it.    What  instalment  of  the  rights  of  the  city  this  class 

^  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  536.    In  this  enumeration, 

prefectures  are  included  in  the  municipia.      See  par.  -jt^,  n.  5. 
'^  Tibur,  Prxneste,  and  some  other  places  of  less  importance. 


236 


ROM£    AS    A     KKPUBL/C 


enjoyed  we  have  already  learned  (par.  84).  We  need  here 
simply  recall  to  mind  that  they  possessed  some  of  the 
most  valuable  of  the  private  rights  of  the  city,  and  had  a 
special  capacity,  through  meeting  certain  conditions,  of 
acquiring  full  Roman  citizenship.  It  should  be  carefully 
remembered  that    they    were   non-citizens,    although  their 

status  was  preferable  to  that  of  the  lowest  grade  of  those 
bearing  that  coveted  title.^  They  were  called  allies,  — 
"allies  of  the  Latin  name,"  —  and  were  not  included  in 
the  census  lists.  As  individuals  they  were  not  liable  to  ser- 
vice in  the  legions,  but  as  communities  they  were  obliged 
to  send  contingents  to  the  Roman  army  when  called  upon. 
The  third  class,  the  Italian  allies,^  was  made  up  of  those 
conquered  peoples  whom  Rome  had  excluded  wholly  from 

the  rights  of  the  city.  The  relations  to  Rome  of  the  differ- 
ent cities  and  tribes  of  this  class  were  not  exactly  the  same 
in  all  cases,  since  these  were  determined  by  the  provisions 
of  the  special  treaty  that  Rome  had  made  with  each  com- 
munity. 

If  we  should  say  that  these  so-called  "allies"  were  the 
subjects  of  the  Roman  burgess  body,  we  should  describe 
in    a    word    very   nearly   their   actual   status.     They   were 

obliged  to  furnish  contingents  to  the  Roman  army  when- 
ever called  upon  to  do  so  ;  but  although  thus  forced  to  bear 

^  These  were  the  inhabitants  of  the  so-called  prefectures,  which  were 
cities  or  communities  from  which  self-government  had  been  taken  away, 
and  whose  local  affairs  were  administered  by  magistrates,  commonly 
bearing  the  name  of  prefects,  sent  out  from  Rome.  Such  communities 
were,  in  a  word,  proi'iiices  within  the  limits  of  Italy.  Capua  was  the 
largest  of  the  cities  that  the  Romans  reduced  to  this  condition  (par.  1 1  5). 
Many  districts  in  Lucania,  Samnium,  and  Cisalpine  Gaul  were  also 
treated  by  them  in  a  similar  way. 

^  Sociiy  or  civitates  foederata. 


TI/E    PERIOD    OF    TUB    RRVOLUTIOAT. 


^37 


a  great  part  of  the  burden  of  the  wars  that  Rome  saw  fit  to 
wage,  when  there  came  an  allotment  of  conquered  lands  they 
were  given  no  share  whatsoever  in  the  distribution. 

But  the  most  hateful  and  irritating  distinctions  between 
the  Italian  allies  and  the  citizens  of  Rome  were  those  that 
concerned  what  we  may  call  the  rights  of  person.     Roman 

citizenship  lent,  as  it  were,  a  certain  inviolability  to  the 

person  of  the  citizen.  Thus  a  Roman,  in  all  cases  involv- 
ing the  penalty  of  death  or  of  flogging,  had  the  right  of 
appeal    from    the   sentence   of    a   magistrate   to   the   people 

(par.  48);  an  Italian  had  no  such  right.  Hence  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Italian  communities,  and  those  of  the  Latin 
colonies  as  well,  were  liable  to  be  mishandled  by  Roman 
officials,  or  even  by  private  Roman  citizens.     The  fohowing 

accounts  of  typical  outrages  of  this  sort  have  been  preserved. 

The  consul  Marcus  Marius,  on  a  tour  through  Cam- 
pania, came  to  an  allied  town.  His  wife,  expressing  a 
desire    to    enter    the    bath    intended    for    men,    the   consul 

ordered  the  highest   magistrate  of   the  place  to  have  it 

vacated  and  prepared  for  her  use.  The  wife  complained 
to  her  husband  that  she  had  been  compelled  to  wait  for  the 
bath,  and  that  things  had  not  been  put  in  a  proper  condi- 
tion.   Thereupon  the  consul  caused  the  magistrate  of  the 

town  to  be  seized,  bound  to  a  stake  in  the  forum,  and 
scourged. 

A  second  typical  case  is  this:  A  young  Roman  aristocrat, 
travelling  in  the  territory  of  the  Latin  town  of  Venusia,  was 
being  carried  along  the  highway  in  a  litter.  A  passer-by, 
an  Italian,  in  jest  asked  the  men  who  were  bearing  the 
litter  if  they  had  a  corpse  inside.  The  occupant  of  the 
Utter  chanced  to  overhear  the  remark.      He  had  the  fellow 


238 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


seized  and  beaten  to  death  upon  the  spot  with  straps  taken 
from  the  litter. 

164.  The  Italians  demand  the  Rights  of  the  City ;  Drusus 

becomes  their  Champion.  —  Naturally  the  Italians  complained 
bitterly  of  having  to  fight  for  the  maintenance  of  an  empire 
in  the  management  of  which  they  had  no  voice,  and  under 
the  laws  of  which  they  could  find  no  protection.  They 
now  demanded  the  Roman  franchise,  and  all  the  immunities 
and  privileges  of   Roman  citizens. 

Their    demand    was    stubbornly    resisted    by    both    the 

arlstocratical  and  the  popular  party  at  Rome.      Roman 

citizenship  had  now  become  a  valuable  thing,  and  it  was 
bestowed  upon  outsiders  very  grudgingly  by  those  already 
enjoying  it.  The  liberal  policy  of  earlier  times,  when  entire 
clans  or  communities  had  been  admitted  to  the  franchise, 
had  given  way  to  a  narrow,  selfish  policy  of  exclusion.  In 
the  year  126  B.C.,  and  again  four  years  later,  the  senate  had 
expelled  from  Rome  all  non-citizens.  In  the  year  95  h.c. 
the  consuls  carried  a  law  which  made  it  a  penal  offence  for 

any  non-burgess  to  lay  claim  to  the  Roman  suffrage.  It 
was  the  passage  of  this  law,  revealing  as  it  did  to  the  Ital- 
ians the  hopelessness  of  their  claims  even  being  generously 
considered  by  the  body  of  Roman  burgesses,  that  did  much 
to  push  the  state  on  towards  the  brink  of  civil  war. 

At  this  juncture  of  affairs  there  arose  at  Rome,  from  the 
ranks  of  the  aristocrats  themselves,  a  champion  of  the  Ital- 
ian cause.     This  was  Marcus  Livius  Drusus.     Though   a 

nobleman  by  birth  and  association,  still  he  was  open-minded 
and  generous,  and  was  able  to  recognize  the  element  of 
justice  in  the  claims  of  the  Italians. 

Animated  by  the  motives  of  the  patriot  rather  than  by 


THE   PERIOD    OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


239 


those  of  the  partisan,  Drusus  brought  forward,  in  the  year 
91  B.C.,  being  then  tribune,  proposals  looking  towards  the 
reform  of  the  equestrian  law  courts,^  and  providing   for 

further  distributions  of  corn,  fresh  assignments  of  land,  and 
the  founding  of  new  colonies.  The  aim  of  Drusus  in  these 
proposals  was  to  conciliate  the  different  classes  of  Roman 
citizens,  and  get  them  to  work  together  harmoniously  for 
the  common  interests  of  the  state.^ 

But  the  plans  of  Drusus  reached  beyond  the  burgess 
body  and  embraced  the  great  non-privileged  order  in 
Italy,  namely,  the  Italians.      In   order  to  avert  the  civil 

war  which  he  saw  to  be  impending,  he  proposed  that  the 
full    Roman    franchise    should    be    bestowed    upon    all   the 

Italian  allies. 

This  proposal  aroused  bitter  opposition  at  Rome  among 
all  classes  of  citizens,  the  popular  party  being  almost  or 
quite  as  unwilling  as  the  aristocratic  party  to  share  any  of 
their  privileges  with  outsiders.'^  Drusus  was  accused  of 
being  in  treasonable  communication  with  the  Italians.  One 
day,  while  in  his  own   house  surrounded  by  his  friends,  he 

1  These  courts  were  in  the  hands  of  the  knights  (par.  155),  that  is, 
of  the  mercantile  class,  and  were  being  corruptly  used  to  favor  this  class 
and  to  injure  and  undermine  the  senatorial  party.  It  was  impossible 
for  a  member  of  the  senatorial  party  to  secure  justice  in  these  tribunals. 

'-^  These  proposals  were  enacted  into  a  law,  but  this  was  declared 
invalid  by  the  senate,  because  in  conflict  with  an  earlier  law  which  for- 
bade the  mingling  of  different  matters  in  a  single  proposal. 

^  It  should  be  carefully  noted  that  the  opposition  to  the  admission 

of  strangers  to  the  rights  of  the  city  was  no  longer  based  on  religious 
grounds,  as  was  the  case  in  the  very  earliest  days  of  patrician  Rome 

(par.  TJ^.  The  opposition  now  arose  simply  from  the  selfish  determina- 
tion of  a  privileged  cla.ss  in  the  Roman  state  to  retain  its  monopoly 
rights  and  immunities. 


240 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


was  struck  down  by  an  assassin.      His   dying   words   were  : 
"When  will  the  republic  have  another  citizen  like  me  ?  " 
Drusus  was  a  very  different  man  from  either  Saturninus 

or  Glaucia  (par.  162).  He  was  the  successor  of  Spurius 
Cassius  and  the  Gracchi.^  He  was  a  statesman  and  a 
patriot,  a  true  social  reformer.  He  saw  what  was  fair  and 
just,  tried  to  persuade  the  Romans  to  do  it,  —  and  died 

a  martyr  for  the  cause  of  right  and  justice  that  he  had 
espoused. 

165.  The  Social  or  Marsic^  War  (91-89  B.C.).  —The  mur- 
der of  their  champion  Drusus  dashed  the  last  hope  of  the 
Italian  allies  of  securing,  through  an  appeal  to  the  Roman 
sense  of  justice,  a  recognition  of  their  claims.  Accordingly 
they  now  flew  to  arms.  The  Marsians  and  the  Samnites, 
the  latter  the  ancient  and  stubborn  enemies  of  Rome,  were 

foremost  in  the  revolt. 

The  confederates  determined  upon  the  establishment  of 

a  rival  state.  A  town  called  Corfinium,  among  the  Apen- 
nines, was  chosen  as  the  capital  of  the  new 
republic,  and  its  name  changed  to  Italica. 
The  government  of  the  new  state  was 
modelled  after  that  at  Rome.  Two  consuls 
were   placed   at   the   head  of  the  republic, 

and  a  senate  of  five  hundred  members  was 
formed.  Thus  in  a  single  day  a  large 
part  of  Italy  south  of  the  Rubicon  was  lost 
to  Rome.  The  Etrurians  and  the  Umbrians 
continued    loyal.      The    Latin   colonies  or 


Coin  of  the 
Italian   Con- 
federacy. 

(The  Sabellian  Bull 
goring  the  Roman 
Wolf.) 


*  See  pars.  53,  149,  and  154. 

5  So  called  on  account  of  the  prominent  part  taken  in  the  insurrec- 
tion by  the  warlike  Marsians. 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 


241 


towns,  some  forty  in  number/  together  with  the  most  of 
the  Greek  cities  of  Southern  Italy,  also  remained  faithful. 

The  greatness  of  the  danger  aroused  all  the  old  Roman 
courage  and  patriotism.  Aristocrats  and  democrats  hushed 
their  quarrels;  Sulla  and  Marius  forgot  rising  animosities, 
and  fought  bravely  side  by  side  for  the  endangered  life  of 
the  republic.     An- army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  was 

raised  to  face  a  force  equal  in  number  and  discipline  that 
had  been  gathered  by  the  new  confederacy.  The  war  lasted 
three  years,  and  was  waged  in  almost  every  part  of  Italy, 
since  the  towns  and  communities  that  had  rebelled  were 
scattered  throughout  the  peninsula. 

The  war  was  finally  brought  to  an  end  rather  by  prudent 
concessions  on  the  part  of  Rome  than  by  fighting.  In  the 
year  90  b.c,  alarmed  by  signs  of  disaffection  in  certain  of 

the  communities  that  up  to  this  time  had  remained  faithful, 
Rome  granted '  the  franchise  of  the  city  to  all  Italian  com- 
munities that  had  not  declared  war  against  her  or  had 
already  laid  down  their  arms.  The  following  year  a  new 
law'  granted  the  full  rights  of  the  city  to  all  Italians  who 
should  within  two  months  appear  before  a  Roman  magis- 
trate and  express  a  wish  for  the  franchise.  This  tardy 
concession  to  the  just  demands  of  the    Italians  virtually 

ended  the  war.  Those  states  that  still  persisted  in  carrying 
on  the  struggle,  resolved  on  absolute  independence,  were 
soon  obliged  to  yield  to  the  Roman  arms. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  and  as  an  immediate  conse- 


6  It  was  these  strong  places,  in  connection  with  the  thirty-two  Roman 
colonies  scattered  throughout  Italy  and  occupying  generally  strategic 
points,  that  saved  Rome. 

"  By  the  lex  Julia.  «  The  lex  Plautia  Papiria,  89  B.C. 


242 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


quence  of  it,  the  rights  that  had  up  to  this  time  been 
enjoyed  by  the  Latin  towns  were  conferred  upon  all  the 
cities  between  the  Po  and  the  Alps.^ 

166.  Comments  on  the  Results  of  the  Social  War.  —  The 

struggle  had  been  extremely  disastrous  to  the  republic.  It 
is  estimated  that  three  hundred  thousand  men  in  the  vigor 
of   life    had  been  slain.      Many  towns  had  been   destroyed 

and  wide  districts  made  desolate  by  those  ravages  that 

never  fail   to   characterize   civil   contentions. 

The  chief  political  outcome  of  the  war  has  already  been 
noticed.  Practically  all  the  freemen  throughout  Italy 
proper  were  made  equal  in  civil  and  political  rights.     This 

was  a  matter  of  great  significance,  *'  The  enrollment  of 
the  Italians  among  her  own  citizens  deserves  to  be 
regarded,"  declares  the  historian  Merivale,  "as  the  great- 
est stroke  of  policy  in  the  whole  history  of  the  republic."'*' 

This  wholesale  enfranchisement  of  Latin  and  Italian  allies 
more  than  doubled  the  number  of  Roman  burgesses.  The 
census  for  the  year  70  h.c.  gives  the  number  of  citizens  as 
900,000,  as  against  394,336  about  a  generation  before  the 

war.^^ 

This  equalization  of  the  different  classes  of  the  Italian 
peninsula  was  simply  a  later  phase  of  that  movement  in 
early  Rome  which  resulted  in  the  equalization  of  the  two 
orders  of  the  patricians  and  plebeians  (chap.  v.).  But  the 
purely  political  results  of  the  earlier  and  those  of  the  later 
revolution  were  very  different.  At  the  earlier  time  those 
who   demanded   and  received   the   franchise  were  persons 


^  By  the  lex  F'otnpcia^  89  R.c. 
^^  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  p.  98. 

^^  Consult  Table  on  page  333. 


THE   PERIOD   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


243 


living  either  in  Rome  or  in  its  immediate  vicinity,  and  con- 
sequently able  to  exercise  the  acquired  right  to  vote  and 
to  hold  office. 

But  now  it  was  very  different.     These  new-made  citizens 

were  living  in  towns  and  villages  or  on  farms  scattered  all 
over  Italy,  and  of  course  very  few  of  them  could  ever  go  to 
Rome,  either  to  participate  in  the  elections  there,  to  vote 

on  proposed  legislation,  or  to  become  candidates  for  the 
Roman  magistracies.  Hence  the  rights  they  had  acquired 
were,  after  all,  politically  barren.  But  no  one  was  to  blame 
for  this  state  of  things.      Rome  had  simply  outgrown  her 

city  constitution,  and  her  system  of  primary  assemblies 
(par.  15).  She  needed  for  her  widening  empire  a  repre- 
sentative system  like  ours ;  but  representation  was  a  politi- 
cal device  far  away  from  the  thoughts  of  the  men  of  those 

times. 

As  a  result  of  the  impossibility  of  the  Roman  citizens 
outside  of  Rome  taking  part,  as  a  general  thing,  in  the 
meetings  of  the  popular  assemblies  at  the  capital,  the  offices 

of  the  State  fell  into  the  hands  of  those  actually  living  in 

Rome  or  settled  in  its  immediate  neighborhood.  Since  the 
free,  or  practically  free,  distribution  of  corn,  and  the  public 
shows  were  drawing  to  the  capital  from  all  quarters  crowds 

of  the  poor,  the  idle,  and  the  vicious,  these  assemblies 
were  rapidly  becoming  simply  mobs,  controlled  by  noisy 
demagogues  and  unscrupulous  military  leaders  aiming  at 
the  supreme  power  in   the  state. 

This  situation  brought  about  a  serious  division  in  the 

body  of  Roman  citizens.  Those  of  the  capital  came  to 
regard  themselves  as  the  real  rulers  of  the  empire,  as  they 
actually  were,  and  looked  with  disdain  upon  those  living  in 


244 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


the  other  cities  and  the  remoter  districts  of  the  peninsula. 
They  alone  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  conquered  world.  At 
the  same  time  the  mass  of  outside  passive  citizens,  as  we 
may  call  them,  came  to  look  with  jealousy  upon  this  body 
of  pampered  aristocrats,  rich  speculators,  and  ragged,  dis- 
solute clients  and  hangers-on  at  Rome.  Fhey  became  quite 
reconciled    to    the    thought    of    power   passing  out  of   the 

hands  of  such  a  crowd  and  into  the  hands  of  a  single  man. 

The  feelings  of  men  everywhere  were  being  prepared  for 
the  revolution  that  was  to  overthrow  the  republic  and  bring 
in  the  empire.^^ 

167.    Effects  of  the  Revolution  upon  the  Municipal  System.  — 

In  earlier  paragraphs  we  explained  the  origin  of  the  so-called 
miinicipia  and  of  the  municipal  system.^  The  incorporation 
with  the  Roman  state  of  all  the  Latin  and  the  Italian  allied 
cities  increased  vastly  the  number  of  miinicipia,,  for  while 

the  free  members  of  these  communities  were  given  full 
Roman  citizenship,  they  were  allowed  to  retain  as  heretofore 

12  The  value  of  the  gift  of  the    Roman  franchise  to  the  Italians  was 
Still  further  diminished  by  all  the  new  citizens  being  enrolled  in  only 

eight  or  ten  of  the  thirty-five  tribes,  whose  votes  were  to  be  taken  after 
the  Others  had  voted.  Through  this  arrangement  the  old  citizens  were 
able  practically,  even  though  a  great  occasion  brought  crowds  of  the  new 
citizens  to  Rome,  to  control  the  assemblies. 

A  word  respecting  the  number  of  tribes.     The  number  had  reached 

thirty-three  in  299  B.C.  (par.  80).      At  the  close  of   the    First  Punic  War 

(241  B.C.),  the  number  had  been  raised  to  thirty-five  by  the  creation  of 

two  new  tribes  out  of  a  part  of  the  Sabine  lands.  This  number  was 
probably  never  afterwards  increased,  although   some  of  our  authorities 

maintain  that  the  Italians  were  formed  into  eight  or  ten  new  tribes, 

instead  of  being  distributed  among  tribes  already  existing.     So  far  as 
their  voting  privileges  were  concerned  it   made   practically  very  little 
difference  how  they  were   enrolled. 
^  See  pars.  73  and  74. 


THE    PERIOD    OE    THE    REVOLUTION. 


245 


the  management  of  their  own  local  concerns.  This  con- 
verted them  into  municipalities  of  the  most  favored  class. 
The  distinctions  between  Latin  colonies,  Italian  allied 
towns,  prefectures,  and  cities  with  the  Caeritan  franchise, 

now  all  disappear  in  the  eye  of  the  law^^  All  are  placed  on 
the  same  footing,  and  from  this  on  the  term  municipium^ 
may  be  properly  applied  to  each  city  of  any  or  all  of  those 
various  classes  and  grades  of  civic  communities  that  the 

prudence  or  the  policy  of  Roman  statesmen  had  gradually 
called  into  existence.  Of  the  extension  of  this  municipal 
system  into  the  provinces,  of  its  regulation  by  Julius 
Caesar,  and  of  the  hard  fortune  of  the  municipal  towns 
under  the  later  empire,  we  shall  come  to  speak  in  other 
connections.^ 

168.  The  Political  and  Economic  Condition  of  Asia ;  Mith- 
radates  the  Great.  —  While  the  Social  War  was  still  in  progress 
In  Italy  a  formidable  enemy  of  Rome  appeared  in  the  East. 

Mithradates  VI.,  king  of  Pontus,  taking  advantage  of  the 
distracted  state  of  the  republic,  had  practically  destroyed 
the  Roman  power  throughout  the  Orient  and  made  himself 

master  of  Asia  Minor,  Macedonia,  and  Greece.  In  order 
to  render  intelligible  this  amazing  and  swift  revolution  in 
the  affairs  of  the  East,  we  must  here  give  a  short  account 

2  For  the  status  of  Latin  colonies,  see  par.  84  ;  for  that  of  Italian 

allies,  par.  163  ;  for  that  of  prefectures,  par.  163,  n.  S;  for  that  of  com- 
munities with  the  Caeritan  franchise,  par.  73. 

^  It   should   be   further    noticed    that,  while  up  to  this  time  there  had 

been  different  grades  of  municipia,  namely,  those  whose  inhabitants 
possessed  only  an  imperfect  Roman  citizenship,  and  those  whose  inhab- 
itants enjoyed  the  full  Roman  franchise,  henceforth  there  was  only  one 

grade  made  up  of  towns  whose  inhabitants  possessed  in  their  fulness 
all  the  rights  of  the  capital  city. 

*  See  pars.  192,  n.  3,  200,  239,  and  240. 


246 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


247 


of  the  condition  of  things  in  that  part  of  the  Mediterranean 

world  before  the  appearance  upon  the  stage  of  Mithradates. 

We  have  already  seen  how  Rome  extended  her  authority 

over  Macedonia  and  Greece  (chap.  x.).  In  the  year  133 
B.C.  King  Attalus  III.  of  Pergamus,  a  state  in  Western 
Asia  Minor  (par.  130),  died,  having  willed  his  kingdom  to 
the  Roman  people.  The  Romans  accepted  the  bequest, 
and  made  the  territory  into  a  province  under  the  name  of 
Asia. 

This  province  of  Asia  embraced  probably  the  richest 
region,  as  it  was  certainly  one  of  the  oldest  in  its  civiliza- 
tion, that  Rome  had  thus  far  acquired.  The  Greek  cities 
of  the  country  had  histories  reaching  back  into  prehistoric 
times.  Their  tribute  had  swollen  the  fabulous  wealth  of 
the  Lydian  Croesus.  This  exceptional  prosperity  of  the 
earlier  time  had  now  indeed  passed  away,  but  the  wealth 
and  trade  of  the  region  w^ere  still  great  and  important,  so 
that  the  province  presented  an  attractive  field  for  the  oper- 
ations of  Italian  traders,  speculators,  and  money-lenders. 

The  country  became  crowded  with  these  immigrant  classes, 
who  plundered  the  natives,"*  and  carried  their  ill-gotten 
booty  to  Rome  to  spend  it  there  in  gross  and  ostentatious 
living. 

The  Roman  magistrates  of  the  province  were,  as  a  rule, 
men  who  were  willing  to  accept  a  share  of  the  plunder  and 

^  This  plundering  went  on  largely  in  connection  with  the  collection 
of  the  taxes  and  public  rents.     The  natives  paid  a  tenth  in  kind  of  the 

produce  of  the  tilled  land,  and  a  rent  for  the  use  of  the  public  pastures. 

There  were  also  custom  duties  on  imports.  Under  a  law  of  Gains 
Gracchus  (lex  Sicmpronia,  123  U.c),  the  collection  of  these  rents  or  taxes 
was  farmed  out,  the  censors  every  five  years  selling  the  privileges  at 

public  auction. 


in  return  to  connive  at  the  wickedness  going  on  all  around 
them.  Of  course  there  were  among  the  Italian  residents 
many  honorable  merchants ;  but  the  dishonesty,  extortion, 

and  cruelty  of  the  majority  were  so  odious  and  so  galling 
that  they  all  alike  became  the  objects  of  the  utmost  hatred 
and  detestation  of  the  natives. 

Bearing  in  mind  this  feeling  of  the  natives  towards  the 

Italians,  we  shall  understand  how  it  was  possible  for  Mith- 
radates to  effect  such  an  overturning  of  things  so  quickly 
as  he  did. 

Mithradates  VI.  Eupator,  surnamed  the  Great,  came  to 

the  throne  of  the  little  kingdom  of  I'ontus  in  the  year  120 
B.C.  His  extraordinary  career  impressed  deeply  the  imagi- 
nation of  his  times,  and  his  deeds 
and  fame  have  come  down  to  us 
disguised  and  distorted  by  legend. 
His  bodily  frame  and  strength  were 
immense,  and  his  activity  untiring. 
He  could  carry  on  conversation,  it 

is  said,  in  twenty-two  of  the  differ- 
ent languages  of  his  subjects.  But 
Mithradates,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  his  mother  wms  a  Syrian  Greek  and  he  himself 
was  familiar  with  Greek  culture,  was,  in  his  instincts  and 
impulses,  a  typical  oriental  barbarian. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  Mithradates  by  virtue  of 
his   resourcefulness  and   marvellous   activity  had  pushed 

out,  by  conquest  and  negotiations,  the  boundaries  of  his 
little  hereditary  kingdom  until  it  almost  encircled  the 
Euxine,  which  became  practically  a  Pontic  sea.  He  now 
audaciously  encroached  upon   the   Roman   possessions  in 


Mithradates  the 
Great. 


248 


ROME    AS    A    REPUBLIC. 


Asia  Minor,  took  prisoner  a  Roman  magistrate,  and  sub- 
jected him  to  the  most  ignominious  treatment.  The  natives 
of  the  Roman  province  of  Asia,  including  the  Greek  cities, 
hailed  him  as  their  deliverer. 

169.  Mithradates  orders  a  General  Massacre  of  Italians  in 
Asia  (88  B.C.).  —  Avyrare  that  a  Roman  army  would  soon  be 

in  Asia,  Mithradates  now  took  the  resolve  to  destroy  at  a 
single  blow  all  the  Italians  in  the  country,  so  that  the 
Romans  should  not  have  their  aid  in  the  struggle  that  he 
foresaw  to  be  near  at  hand.  He  accordingly  sent  orders  to 
the  magistrates  throughout  the  country  that  on  a  certain 
day  every  Italian,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  should 
be  put  to  death  and  their  bodies  thrown  out  without  burial. 
Slaves  were  enjoined  and    encouraged    through    promised 

rewards  to  kill  their  masters,  and  those  In  debt  to  slay 
their  debtors. 

This  savage  order  was  almost  everywhere  carried  out  to  the 
letter.  Men,  women,  and  children,  all  of  the  Italian  name, 
were  massacred.  The  number  of  victims  of  the  wholesale 
slaughter  is  variously  estimated  at  from  eighty  thousand  to 
a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  The  hatred  which  the 
oppressions  of  the  Roman  magistrates,  and  the  robberies 

of  the  Italian  publicans  and  usurers,  had  Inspired  in  the 
native  population  explains,  though  without  extenuating,  the 
awful  crime. 

170.  Mithradates  in  Europe.  —  Mithradates  now  turned  his 

attention  to  Europe  and  sent  his  army  into  Greece.  Athens, 
hoping  for  the  revival  of  her  old  empire,  and  the  most  of 
the  other  Greek  cities,  renounced  the  authority  of  Rome 
and  hailed  Mithradates  as  the  protector  of  Hellenism  against 

the  barbarian  Romans. 


THE    rEK/On     OE     THE    REVOLUT/OJV. 


249 


Thus  in  the  space  of  a  few  months  was  the  power  of  the 
Romans  destroyed  throughout  all  the  East,  and  the  bound- 
aries of  their  empire  pushed  back  virtually  to  the  Adriatic. 

The  European  Greek  cities,  in  turning  as  they  did  to  an 
Asiatic  despot  as  their  ally  and  protector  against  Rome, 
showed  themselves  wholly  blind  to  the  real  historical  sig- 
nificance of  the  wars,  as  interpreted  by  a  great  modern 
historian,  which  were  now  opening  between  the  Pontic  king 
and  the  Romans.  **  They  [these  wars]  formed  —  after  a 
long  truce  —  a  new  passage  in  the  huge  duel  between  the 
West  and  the  East,  which  has  been  transmitted  from  the 
struggle  of  Marathon  to  the  present  generation,  and  will, 
perhaps,  reckon  its  future  by  thousands  of  years,  as  it  has 
reckoned  its  past."*' 

The  Greeks  of  Europe  should  have  realized,  however 
hard  and  humiliating  might  be  the  position  that  had  been 
assigned  them  among  the  different  races  and  classes  of  the 
Roman  empire,  that  they  could  not  hope  permanently  to 
ameliorate  their  situation  by  opening  the  gates  of  the  con- 
tinent to  Asiatic  barbarians.  They  should  have  recalled 
certain  passages  in  their  own  noble  history,  and  reflected 
on  the  meaning  of  Marathon  and  Thermopylae. 

171.  Marius  and  Sulla  contend  for  the  Command  in  the  War 
against  Mithradates.  —  The  Roman  senate  at  last  bestirred 
itself.  Its  preoccupation  with  affairs  in  Italy  had  kept  it 
from  giving  that  attention  to  the  proceedings  of  Mithra- 
dates that  the  gravity  of  the  situation  he  was  creating 
demanded. 

Every  exertion  was  now  made  to  raise  and  equip  an 
army  for  the  recovery  of  the  East.     But  the  Marsic  struggle 

^  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  111.  p.  336. 


' 


250 


ROME    AS   A    KKPUBLIC. 


had  drained  the  treasury  and  impoverished  all  Italy  (par. 
165).      The   money   needed    for    equipping    the    expedition 

could  be  raised  only  by  the  extraordinary  measure  of  selling 
at  public  auction  some  land  belonging  to  the  state  within 
the  city  limits. 

A  contest  straightway  arose  between  Marius  and  Sulla 
for  the  command  of  the  forces.  The  former  was  now  an 
old  man  of  seventy  years,  while  the  latter  was  but  forty- 
nine.     Marius  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  being  pushed 

aside  by  his  former  lieutenant.  The  veteran  general  joined 
with  the  young  men  in  the  games  and  exercises  of  the 
gymnasium,  to  show  that  his  frame  was  still  animated  by 
the  strength  and  agility  of  youth.  The  senate,  however, 
conferred  the  command  upon  Sulla,  who  at  that  time  was 
consul. 

Marius  was  furious  at  the  success  of  his  rival.  In  con- 
nection with  the  tribune  Publius  Sulpicius  Rufus,  he  suc- 
ceeded, by  means  of  violence,  in  carrying  a  measure  in  an 
assembly  of  the  people,  whereby  the  command  of  the  army 
intended  for  the  East  was  taken  away  from  Sulla  and  given 
to  himself. 

Two  tribunes  were  sent  to  demand  of  Sulla,  who  was 
still  in  Italy,  the  transfer  of  the  command  of  the  legions 
to  Marius  ;  but  the  messengers  were  killed  by  the  soldiers, 
who  were  devotedly  attached  to   their  commander.      Sulla 

now  saw  that  the  sword  must  settle  the  dispute.    He 

marched  at  the  head  of  his  legions  upon  Rome,  entered  the 
gates,  and  *'for  the  first  time  in  the  annals  of  the  city  a 
Roman  army  encamped  within  the  walls."  The  party  of 
Marius  was  defeated,  and  he  and  ten  of  his  companions 
were  proscribed.      Marius  escaped  and  fled  to  Africa. 


THE   PERIOD    OF    THE   REVOLUTION. 


251 


Sulla,  after  making  some  changes  in  the  constitution  in 

the  interest  of  the  oligarchy,  among  which  was  a  provision 
which  prevented  the  popular  assemblies  considering  any 
measure  unless  it  had  been  first  approved  by  the  senate, 
embarked  with  the  legions  to  meet  Mithradates  in  the 
East  (88  B.C.). 

172.  The  Wanderings  of  Marius.  —  Leaving  Sulla  to  carry 
on  the  Mithradatic  War,  we  must  first  follow  the  fortunes 
of  the  exiled  Marius.     The  ship  in  which  he  fled  from  Italy 

was  driven  ashore  at  Circeii.  Here  Marius  and  the  com- 
panions of  his  flight  wandered  about,  sustained  by  the 
hope  inspired  by  the  good  omen  of  the  seven  eaglets.  As 
the  story  runs,  Marius,  when  a  boy,  had  captured  an  eagle's 
nest  with  seven  young,  and  the  augurs  had  said  that  this 
signified  that  he  should  be  seven  times  consul.  He  had 
already  held  the  office  six  times,  and  he  firmly  believed 
that  the  prophecy  would  be  fulfilled  as  to  the  seventh  term. 

The  pursuers  of  Marius  at  last  found  him  hiding  in  a 

marsh,  buried  up  to  his  neck  in  mud  and  water.  He  was 
dragged  before  the  authorities  of  the  town  of  Minturna?. 
The  magistrates,  in  obedience  to  the  commands  that  had 
been  sent  everywhere,  determined  to  put  him  to  death.  A 
Cimbrian  slave  was  sent  to  despatch  him.  The  cell  where 
Marius  lay  was  dark,  and  the  eyes  of  the  old  soldier 
"seemed   to   flash    fire."      As    the    slave   advanced,    Marius 

shouted,  ''Man,  do  you  dare  kill  Gaius  Marius.^"    The 

frightened  slave  dropped  his  sword,  and  fled  from  the 
chamber,    half   dead   with   fear. 

A  better  feeling  now  took*  possession  of  the  men  of 
Minturnai,  and  they  resolved  that  the  blood  of  the  *' Savior 
of   Italy  "   should  not  be  upon  their  hands.       Phey  put  him 


252 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


aboard  a  vessel,  which  bore  him  and  his  friends  to  an  island 
just  off  the  coast  of  Africa.  When  he  attempted  to  set  foot 
upon  the  mainland  near  Carthage,  Sextus,  the  Roman  gov- 
ernor of  the  province,  sent  a  messenger  to  forbid  him  to 

land.  The  legend  says  that  the  old  general,  almost  choking 
with  indignation,  simply  replied:  *'Go,  tell  your  master 
that  you  have  seen  Marius,  a  fugitive,  sitting  amidst  the 
ruins  of  Carthage." 

173.  The  Return  of  Marius  to  Italy.  —  The  exile  at  length 
found  a  temporary  refuge  on  the  island  of  Cercina,  off  the 
coast  of  Tunis.  Here  news  was  brought  to  him  that  his 
party,  under  the  lead  of  the  consul  Lucius  Cornelius  Cinna, 

was  in  successful  revolt  against  the  optimates,  and  that  he 
was  needed.  He  immediately  set  sail  for  Italy,  and  land- 
ing in  Etruria,  joined  Cinna.  Together  they  hoped  to 
crush  and  exterminate  the  opposing  faction.  Rome  was 
cut  off  from  her  food  supplies  and  starved  into  submission. 
Marius  now  took  a  terrible  revenge  upon  his  enemies. 
The  consul  Gnaius  Octavius,  who  represented  the  aristocrats, 
was  assassinated,  and  his  head  set  up  in  front  of  the  rostra. 

Never  before  had  such  a  thing  been  seen  at  Rome  — a 

consul's  head  exposed  to  the  public  gaze.  The  senators, 
equestrians,  and  leaders  of  the  aristocratical  party  fled 
from    the    capital.       For    five    days   and    nights   a    merciless 

slaughter  was  kept  up.  The  life  of  every  man  in  the 
capital  w^as  in  the  hands  of  the  revengeful  Marius.  If  he 
refused  to  return  the  greeting  of  any  citizen,  that  sealed 
his  fate  ;  he  was  instantly  despatched  by  the  soldiers  who 

awaited  their  master's  nod.    The  bodies  of  the  victims  lay 

unburied  in  the  streets.  Sulla's  house  was  torn  down,  and 
he    himself   declared    a    public   enemy.       During   the  tumult 


THE    PERIOD    OE    THE    REVOLUTIOIV. 


253 


the  slaves  had  armed  themselves,  and,  imitating  the  exam- 
ple set  before  them,  were  rioting  in  murder  and  pillage. 
Marius,  finding  it  impossible  to  restrain  their  maddened 
fury,  turned  his  soldiers  loose  upon  them,  and  they  were 

massacred  to  a  man. 

As  a  fitting  sequel  to  all  this  violence,  Marius  and  Cinna 
were,  in  an  entirely  illegal  way,  declared  consuls.  The 
prophecy  of  the  eaglets  was  fulfilled  (par.  172):  Marius 
was  consul  for  the  seventh  time.  But  rumors  were  now 
spread  about  that  Sulla,  having  overthrown  Mithradates, 
was  about  to  set  out  on  his  return  with  his  victorious 
legions.  He  w^ould  surely  exact  speedy  and  terrible  venge- 
ance. Marius,  now  old  and  enfeebled  by  the  hardships 
of  many  campaigns,  seemed  to  shrink  from  facing  again 
his  hated  rival.  He  plunged  into  dissipation  to  drown  his 
remorse  and  gloomy  forebodings,  and  died  in  his  seventy- 
first  year  (86  b.c.  ),  after  having  held  his  seventh  consulship 
only  thirteen  days.     "He  had  lived  too  long  for  his  fame." 

174.  Sulla  and  the  First  Mithradatic  War  (88-84  R-^-)-  — 
When  Sulla  left  Italy  with  his  legions  for  the  East  he  knew 
ver}^  well   that   his  enemies   would   have   their   own   way  in 

Italy  during  his  absence;  but  he  also  knew  that,  if  success- 
ful in  his  campaign  against  Mithradates,  he  could  easily 
regain  Italy  and  wrest  the  government  from  the  hands  of 
the  Marian  party. 

Sulla  landed  with  his  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  in 
Epirus,  and  then  marched  south  into  Attica,  where  he  laid 
siege  to  Athens  and  the  Peira^us,  the  Athenians  having,  as 

we  have  seen  (par.  170),  with  great  enthusiasm  and 
immoderate  hopes,  joined  the  general  uprising  against 
Rome.     To  meet  the  expenses   of   the   protracted    sieges 


254 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


of  these  places,  Sulla  robbed  the  ancient  temples  at  Delphi 
and  Olympia. 

After  a  long  siege,  Athens  at  length  was  taken  (86  r..c.)- 
Massacre  and  pillage  followed.  To  certain  Athenians 
entreating  that  the  city  be  spared,  Sulla,  who  with  the 
Acropolis  before  him  could  not  be  insensible  to  the  spell 
of  Athens'  great  past,  replied  that  he  would  spare  the  living 
for  the  sake  of  the  dead. 

After  the  reduction  of  Athens,  Sulla  drove  the  forces  of 
Mithradates  first  out  of  Greece,  and  then  out  of  Macedonia 
back  into  Asia,  not,  however,  without  some  hard  fighting.' 
In  the  year  85  b.c.  he  crossed  the  Hellespont,  and  by  the 
following  year  had  forced  Mithradates  to  sue  for  peace. 
The  king  gave  up  all  his  conquests  and  paid  a  heavy  war 
indemnity  (84  p,.c.). 

Sulla  now  meted  out  punishment  to  those  cities  that  had 

taken  part  In  the  war  or  had  been   concerned  in  the  great 

massacre  (par.  169).  Some  of  these  cities  were  destroyed 
and  their  inhabitants  sold  into  slavery,  and  on  those 
remaining  Sulla  laid  an  enormous  fine  of  twenty  thou- 
sand talents  (about  $25,000,000).  Leaving  to  his  lieu- 
tenant, Lucius  Licinius  Lucullus,  the  task  of  collecting 
this  fine,   Sulla  set  out  on   his  return   to   Italy. 

The  war  had  been  a  most  destructive  one  in  lives  and  in 

property.  Many  large  cities  had  been  utterly  wiped  OUt 
of  existence,  and  half  a,  million  of  lives  sacrificed. 

175.  Civil  War  between  Sulla  and  the  Marian  Party  (84- 
82  B.C.). — With  the  Mithradatic  War  ended,  Sulla  wrote 
to  the  senate,   saying  that  he  was   now   coming  to  take 

7  The  battles  of  Chxronea  (86  u.c.)  and  Orchomenus  (85  k.c.)  resulted 
in  decisive  victories  for  the  Romans. 


THE  PERIOD   OE   THE  REVOLUTION.  255 

vengeance  upon  the  Marian  party  — his  own   and  the 

republic's   foes. 

The  terror  and  consternation  produced  at  Rome  by  this 
letter  were  increased  by  the  accidental  burning  of  the 
Capitol.  The  Sibylline  books  (par.  24),  which  held  the 
secrets  of  the  fate  of  Rome,  were  consumed.  This  accident 
awakened  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions.  Such  an  event, 
it  was  believed,   could   only  foreshadow    the  most    direful 

calamities  to  the  state. 

Sulla  landed  at  Brundisium  in  Italy  (83  B.C.).  He  was 
straightway  joined  by  many  young  volunteers  of  distinction, 
among  whom  was  a  youth  of  whom  we  shall  later  hear  a 
great  deal  —  Gnx'us  Pompey.  Many  engagements  between 
the  army  of  Sulla  and  the  forces  of  the  consul  Gna^us 
Papirius  Carbo  and  the  younger  Marius  now  followed. 
Sulla  passed  the  winter  of  82  b.c.  in  Capua.      Later  in  this 

year  the  war  was  virtually  ended  by  a  desperate  battle  in 

front  of  the  Colline  Gate  of  the  capital,  between  Sulla's 
troops  and  the  Samnites,  who  had  thrown  themselves  into 
the  struggle  on  the  Marian  side,  but  only,  of  course,  to  get 
an  opportunity  to  avenge  themselves  on  Rome.  Sulla 
caused  between  three  and  four  thousand  Samnite  prisoners 
taken  here  to  be  slaughtered  to  a  man  on  the  Campus 
Martins. 

176.   The  Proscriptions  of  Sulla. —  When  Sulla  entered 

Rome,  he  entered  the  city  in  a  ferocious  mood,  which 
boded  ill  for  his  enemies.  The  leaders  of  the  Marian  party 
were  proscribed,  rewards  were  offered  for  their  heads,  and 
their   property  was   confiscated.     Sulla   was   implored   to 

make  out  a  list  of  those  he  designed  to  put  to  death,  that 
those  he  intended  to  spare  might  be  relieved  of  the  terrible 


256 


ROME    AS    A    KEPUBLIC. 


suspense  in  which  all  were  now  held.  He  made  out  a  list 
of  eighty,  which  was  attached  to  the  rostra.  The  people 
murmured  at  the  length  of  the  roll.  In  a  few  days  it  was  ex- 
tended to  over  three  hundred,  and  then  grew  rapidly  until  it 
included  the  names  of  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  of  Italy. 

Hundreds  were  mvirdered  simply  because  some  favorites  of 
Sulla  coveted  their  estates.  A  wealthy  noble,  coming  into 
the  forum  and  reading  his  own  name  in  the  list  of  the  pro- 
scribed, exclaimed:  "Alas!  my  villa  has  proved  my  ruin." 
The  infamous  Catiline  (par.  188),  by  having  the  name  of 
a  brother  placed  upon  the  fatal  roll,  secured  his  property. 
Julius  Caisar,  at  this  time  a  mere  boy  of  eighteen,  was  pro- 
scribed on  account  of  his  relationship  to  Marius  ;  but,  upon 

the  intercession  of  friends,  Sulla  spared  him  ;  as  he  did 
so,  however,  he  said  warningly,  and,  as  the  event  proved, 
prophetically,  ''There  is  in  that  boy  many  a  Marius." 

The  number  of  victims  of  these  proscriptions  has  been 
handed  down  as  forty-seven  hundred.  Almost  all  of  these 
must  have  been  men  of  wealth  or  of  special  distinction  on 
account  of  their  activity  in  public  affairs.  Even  the  dead 
did  not  escape.     The  tomb  of  Marius  was  broken  open  and 

the  ashes  thrown  into  the  Anio. 

Senators,  knights,  and  wealthy  landowners  were  formally 
proscribed  by  their  names  being  placed  on  the  fatal  lists ; 
but  the  poor  Italians  who  had  sided  with  the  Marian  party 
were  without  any  such  formality  simply  slaughtered  by 
tens  of  thousands.  Samnium  was  practically  emptied  of 
inhabitants.  Nor  did  the  provinces  escape.  In  Sicily, 
Spain,  and  Africa,  the  enemies  of  Sulla  were  hunted  down 
and  exterminated  like  noxious  animals. 

The  property  of  the  proscribed  was  confiscated  and  sold 


THE    rElR/OO     OE    THE    EEVOEUTIOJV. 


257 


at  public  auction,  or  virtually  given  away  by  Sulla  to  his 
friends  and  favorites.  Estates  were  purchased  in  some 
instances  for  a  hundredth  and  even  a  thousandth  part  of 
their  real  value.  Yet  even  under  these  circumstances  the 
proceeds  of  the  sales  amounted  to  nearly  $20,000,000,  which 
is  evidence  of  the  sweeping  nature  of  the  confiscations. 
The  basis  of  some  of  the  most  colossal  fortunes  that  we 
hear  of  a  little  after  this  was  laid  during  these  times  of 
proscription  and  robbery  (par.  189,  n.  7). 

Much  of  the  confiscated  land  of  the  proscribed,  together 
with  the  territories  taken  from  numerous  cities  arid  com- 
munities on  account  of  their  having  sided  with  the  Marian 
party,  w^as  allotted  to  the  veterans  of  Sulla.     A  hundred 

and  twenty  thousand  such  assignments  are  said  to  have 
been  made.  These  settlements  were  particularly  numerous 
in  Samnium,  which  region,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  swept 
almost  clear  of  its  native  inhabitants. 

Ten  thousand  slaves  of  the  proscribed  were  made  full 
Roman  citizens,  and  became  known  as  the  Cornelians.^ 
They  could  be  depended  upon  to  support  the  new  order  of 
things,  and  to  obey  the  commands  of  him  *to  w^hom  they 

owed  their  civic  life. 

This  reign  of  terror  bequeathed  to  later  times  a  terrible 
"legacy  of  hatred  and  fear."  Its  awful  scenes  haunted  the 
Romans  for  generations,  and  at  every  crisis  in  the  affairs 
of  the  commonwealth  the  public  mind  was  thrown  into  a 
state  of  painful  apprehension  lest  there  should  be  a  repe- 
tition of  these  frightful  days  of  Sulla. 

Nor  did  Italy  ever  recover  from  the  economic  blight  that 

this  civil  war  and  the  mutual  proscriptions  of  the  contend- 

8  So  called  after  Sulla,  whose  full  name  was  Lucius  Cornelius  Sulla. 


v^ 


258 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


ing  parties  brought  upon  vast  regions  of  the  peninsula.    In 

the  wasted  districts  the  great  slave  farms  grew  in  size,  and 
everywhere  brigandage  increased.  As  we  proceed  in  our 
narrative,  we  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  call  attention 
to  the  traces,  both  on  the  face  of  the  land  and  in  the  minds 
of  the  people,  of  the  terribly  desolating  and  demoralizing 
effects  of  the  wild  carnival  of  crime  of  which  we  have  been 
the  witnesses. 

177.  Sulla  made  Dictator,  with  Power  to  remodel  the  Consti- 
tution (82  B.C.).  — The  senate  now  passed  a  decree  which 
approved  and  confirmed  all  that  Sulla  had  done,  and  made 
him  dictator  during  his  own  good  pleasure.  This  was  the 
first  time  a  dictator  had  been  appointed  since  the  war  with 
Hannibal,  and  the  first  time  the  dictatorial  authority  had 
ever  been  conferred  for  a  longer  period  than  six  months. 
The  decree  further  gave  Sulla  the  power  of  life  and  death 
without  the  right  of  appeal  over  every  person  in  the  state, 

and  further  invested  him  with  authority  to  make  laws  and 

to  remodel  the  constitution  in  any  way  that  might  seem  to 
him  necessary  and  best.  The  power  here  given  Sulla  was 
like  that  with  which  the  Decemvirs  had  been  clothed  nearly 

four  centuries  before  this  time  (par.  59). 

178.  The  Sullan  Constitution.^  —  The  chief  political  aim 
of  the  Gracchan  reforms  (par.  154)  had  been  the  dimin- 
ishing of  the  power  of  the  senate  and  the  placing  of  all 

authority,  legislative  and  administrative,  in  the  assemblies 

of  the  people,  led  and  controlled  by  the  college  of  tribunes. 
The  reforms  which  Sulla,  invested  with  the  full  power  of 
the  state,  now  effected   had  for  their  chief  aim   the  restora- 
tion of  the  authority  of  the  senate,  w^hich  recent  revolutions 

1  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iii.  pp.  431-449. 


f 


THE  PERIOD   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


259 


and  circumstances  had  reduced  almost  to  a  nullity  ;  and 

the  lessening  of  the  power  of  the  tribunate,  which  office 

during  the  centuries  since  its  establishment  had  gradually 

absorbed  one  function  after  another,  until  it  was  now  the 
most  important  of  all  the  magistracies  of  the  state.     Among 

the  changes  wrought  in  the  constitution  by  Sulla  were  the 

following  : 

1.  The  senate,  whose  ranks  had  been  greatly  thinned  by 
the  proscriptions  of  the  civil  war,  was  strengthened  by  the 

addition  of  three  hundred  new  members,'  taken  from  the 

order  of  knights. 

2.  In  the  future,  election  to  the  quntstorship  was  to  confer 
the  right  upon  the  person  so  chosen,  at  the  end  of  his  term 

of  office,  to  a  seat  in  the  senate.  As  the  number  of  qua.^s- 
tors  was  raised  to  twenty, "^  and  citizens  were  eligible  to  this 
office  at  the  age  of  thirty,  this  arrangement  qualified  a 
large  number  of  persons  for  the  senatorial  dignity.      As  a 

matter  of  fact,  the  number  of  senators  was  about  doubled, 

and  the  senate  from  this  time  on  appears  to  have  embraced 
between  five  and  six  hundred  members. 

3.  The   number   of    criminal   courts   was   increased,    and 

that  criminal  jurisdiction  which  up  to  this  time  had  been 

exercised  by  the  popular  assemblies  was  transferred  to  these 
new  tribunals.  The  judges  or  jurymen  of  these  courts 
were  in  the  future  to  be  chosen  from   the  senators   instead 

of  from  the  knights.  This  placed  again  the  administra- 
tion of  criminar^JTr^lice  in  the  hands  of  the  senatorial  party 
(par.   155). 

2  Chosen  by  the  comitia  tributa. 

^  At  the  same  time  the  number  of  praetors  was  raised  from  six  to 

eight. 


26o 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


4.  The  censorship,   which  had  been  such  an   important 

office  hitherto,  and  one  of  the  most  unique  of  all  the  Roman 
magistracies,  was  practically  abolished.  This  came  about 
largely  through  the  provision  made  for  the  automatic  tilling 
of  the  seats  in  the  senate  by  ex-quntstors.      The  roll  of  the 

senate  had  hitherto  been  made  up  at  the  end  of  every 

lustrum  by  the  censors  (par.  65),  and  this  was  one  of  their 
most  important  duties.  The  taking  away  from  them  of 
this  function  made  it   possible   to   dispense  with   the  office 

altogether. 

5.  No  measure  was  to  be  presented  by  a  tribune  to  any 
popular  assembly  w^ithout  the  approval  of  the  senate  hav- 
ing been   secured  beforehand.^     This  gave  the  senate  the 

initiative  in  all  legislation,  together  with  complete  control 

of  all  administrative  affairs,  and  at  the  same  time  stripped 
the  tribunician  office  of  an  acquired  privilege  which  had 
enabled   demagogues   like   Saturninus   and   Sulpicius    (pars. 

162,  171)  to  bring  before  the  popular  assemblies  all  kinds 

of  proposals  and  policies  having  to  do  with  purely  execu- 
tive and  administrative  matters,  with  which  the  people 
ought  not  to  have   intermeddled. 

6.   The  power  of  the  college  of  tribunes  was  still  further 

diminished  by  the  imposition  of  a  heavy  fine  for  the  abuse 
by  a  tribune  of  the  right  of  intercession.  Great  abuses 
had  grown   up,   as  we   have   seen,   in   connection  with   this 

intercessory   power  of  the  tribune.    The    veto  had  been 

originally  given,  it  will  be  remembered,  simply  for  the  pur- 
pose of  enabling  the  tribunes  to  protect  the  plebeians 
against  the  arbitrary  and  unjust  acts  of  the  patrician  mag- 

^  This  was  simply  a  reenactment  of  the  law  which  Sulla  had  secured 

in  88  B.C.  (par.  171). 


THE    PERIOD    OE    THE    REVOLUTIOJV. 


261 


istrates  (par.  50);  but  it  had  gradually  been  given  a  wider 
and  wider  application,  until  the  tribunes  claimed  and  exer- 
cised the  right  to  bring  the  whole  government  to  a  stand- 
still (par.  151).  Worse  than  all,  it  had  been  often  perverted 
into  a  work-tool  of  personal  ambition  and  party  intrigue.     It 

was  high  time  that   restrictions   should  be  placed  upon  this 

mischief-making  function  of  the  tribune.  By  another  enact- 
ment the  office  of  tribune  was  shorn  of  all  attractiveness 
to  ambitious  and  able  citizens.  It  was  decreed  that  the 
acceptance  of  the  tribunate  should  disqualify  a  person  for 
ever  holding  any  curule^  magistracy. 

7.  The  election  of  members  of  the  sacred  colleges  was 
taken  away  from  the   people,   and  vacancies  were  in  the 

future   to   be   filled   by   the   colleges   themselves.*" 

8.  It  was  decreed  that  no  person  should  hold  the  consul- 
ship for  two  successive  years,  which  was  designed  to  prevent 
such  a  protracted  consulship  as  Marius';  and  further  that 
no  one  should  have  the  right  to  stand  for  the  consulship  who 
had  not  previously  held  the  affices  of  qua.*stor  and  pra^tor.^ 
This  last  provision  was  designed  to  close  the  consular  office 
against  incapable  and  inexperienced  men.     The  philosophy 

of  the  restriction  was  embodied  in  Sulla's  remark  to  the  effect 
that  "one  should  be  rower  before  taking  the  helm." 

These  changes  and  reforms  were,  almost  all  of  them, 
wise  and  reasonable,  and  this  whole  work  of  reconstructing 
the  old  clumsy,  worn-out,  broken-down  constitution  marks 

s  See  page  no. 
6  That  is,  by  cooptation. 

"  These  offices  could  henceforth  be  entered  only  in  this  order  — 
quaestorship,  pra^torship,  consulship.  — Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol. 

iii.  p.  437.       The  ages  of   eligibility   to  these    several  offices   was,   for  the 

quaestorship,  30  ;  for  the  prxtorship,  40;  and  for  the  consulship,  43. 


262 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


Sulla  as  a  man  of  great  ability  and  of  statesmanlike  views 
and  aims.  It  is  difficult  for  us  to  believe  the  Sulla  of  the 
days  of  proscription  and  the  Sulla  of  these  days  of  consti- 
tution-making to  be  one  and  the  same  man. 

Yet  Sulla's  constitution,  wisely  as  it  had  been  conceived, 
broke  down  utterly  in  almost  every  part  within  ten  years. 
But  the  fault  was  not  with  the  constitution,  but  with  the 
men  intrusted  with  the  working  of  it.     Mr.  James  Bryce,  in 

his  commentary  on  our  institutions,  has  said  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  they  would  make  any  sort  of  a  constitution 

work  well.  Just  the  opposite  was  true  of  the  senatorial 
oligarchical  party  at  Rome  who  were  intrusted  with  the 
working  of  the  Sullan  constitution.  They  were  intellectually 
unable  and  morally  unfit  to  work  any  kind  of  a  constitution. 
We  need  not  then  be  surprised  at  the  quick  breakdown  of 
the  constitution  which  Sulla  placed  in  their  hands. 

179.  The  Abdication  and  Death  of  Sulla. — ^  After  having 
exercised  the  unlimited  power  of  his  office  for  three  years, 
Sulla,  to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  suddenly  resigned  the 
dictatorship,  and  retired  to  his  villa  at  Puteoli.  Here, 
after  a  few  months  passed  in  the  society  of  congenial  com- 
panions and  filled  with  the  grossest  dissipations,  he  was 
visited  by  a  loathsome  malady,  and  died  the  year  following 
his  abdication  (78  k.c). 

The  soldiers  w^ho  had  fought  under  the  old  general 
crowded  to  his  funeral  from  all  parts  of  Italy.  The  body 
was  burned  upon  a  huge  funeral  pyre  raised  in  the  Campus 
Martins.     The  monument  erected  to  his  memory  bore  this 

inscription,  which  he  himself  had  composed  :  '*  None  of  my 
friends  ever  did  me  a  kindness,  and  none  of  my  enemies 
ever  did  me  a  wrong,  without  being  fully  requited." 


THE   PERIOD    OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


263 


One  important  result  of  the  reign  of  Sulla  as  an  absolute 
dictator  was  the  accustoming  of  the  people  to  the  idea  of 

the  rule  of  a  single  man.  His  short  dictatorship  was  the 
prelude  to  the  reign  of  the  permanent  Imperator. 

The  parts  of  the  old  actors  in  the  drama  were  now  all 
played  to  the  end.  But  the  plot  deepens,  and  new  men 
appear  upon  the  stage  to  carry  on  the  new,  which  are 
really  the  old,   parts. 

Rkferknces.  —  White's     Appian,    vol.    ii.,     7^/ie    Ci-z'il     IVa^s,    bk.    i. 

chaps,  v.-xii.,  for  the  Social  War  and  the  Civil  Wars  of  Marius  and 
Sulla;  bk.  xii.  chaps,  i.-ix.,  for  the  First  Mithradatic  War.     Plutarch, 

Lives  of   Sulla  3.nd  Afar i us.       Beesi.y    (A.    II.),    *  T/ie    Gracchi,    Alarius 

and  Sulla  (Epoch  Series),  chaps,  iv.  pp.  65-81,  *' The  Jugurthine  War"; 
chap.  V.  pp.  81-95,  "The  Cimbri  and  Teutones  " ;  chap.  viii.  pp.  112- 
128,  "The  Social  War."  Merivale  {C),  *T/ie  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Republic,  chaps,  ii.-v.  pp.  32-165.  Ihne  (W.),  History  0/ RoT?ie,  vol.  v.; 
later  chapters.  Long  (G.),  The  Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic,  5  vols.; 
general  reference  work.     Freeman  (E.  A.),  Historical  Essays  (Second 

Series),  essay  entitled  "  Lucius  Cornelius  Sulla." 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


265 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

THE    PERIOD   OF    THE    REVOLUTION    {Concluded). 

(78-31  B.C.) 

180.  The  Insurrection  of  Lepidus  (78-77  b.c).  —  It  is  a 
difficult  thing  to  establish  peace  by  violence.  The  wise 
Samnite  counsellor  understood  this  when  he  advised  his 

son,  victor  over  the  Romans  at  the  Caudine  Forks,  either 
to  allow  all  his  prisoners  to  return  home  unharmed,  or  to 
kill  them  to  the  last  man  (par.  78).  Sulla's  proscriptions 
and  murders  had  created  many  more  enemies  of  the  oli- 
garchy than  they  had  destroyed.  The  provinces  were 
swarming  with  exiled  Marians,  and  Italy  itself  w^as  filled 
with  their  friends  and  sympathizers.  Hardly  were  the 
embers  of  the   funeral    pyre   of  Sulla   quenched,   before  an 

insurrection  broke  out  against  the  government  of  the  rees- 
tablished oligarchy. 

The  leader  of  the  movement  was  a  deserter  from  the 
oligarchical  party  —  Marcus  .'Emilius  Lepidus,  a  man  with 
neither  ability  nor  character.  The  aim  of  the  insurrection 
was  "the  overthrow  of  the  Sullan  constitution,  the  revival 
of  the  distributions  of  corn,  the  reinstating  of  the  tribunes 
of  the  people  in  their  former  position,  the  recall  of  those 

w^ho  were  banished  contrary  to  law,  [and]  the  restoration 
of  the  confiscated  lands."'* 

^  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  p.  36. 

264 


The  circumstances  under  which  Lepidus  betrayed  his 
party  are  a  valuable  commentary  upon  the  situation  of 
affairs  at  the  capital.      Lepidus  was  chosen  consul  for  the 

year  78  b.c.    His  colleague  was  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus.    Just 

at  this  time  the  dispossessed  proprietors  of  Etruria  rose  in 
revolt  against  the  new  order  of  things  there,  and  strove  by 
force  of  arms  to  regain  possession  of  their  lands.  The 
senate  sent  the  consuls  into  the  region  to  suppress  the 
uprising,  inducing  them,  however,  before  they  set  out,  to 
take  an  oath  that  they  would  not  quarrel  and  turn  their 
arms  against  each  other. 

While  Lepidus  was  yet  in  Etruria,  the  consular  year 

expired,  and  he,  in  utter  disregard  of  the  Sullan  constitu- 
tion,'' demanded  his  reelection  as  consul.  The  demand 
being  refused,  Lepidus   marched  from    Etruria  upon  Rome 

and  seemed  about  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  Sulla.  On 
the  Campus  Martius,  however,  his  army  was  met  and 
routed  by  the  forces  of  the  other  consul,  Catulus.  Lepidus 
escaped  to  Sardinia,  but  died  soon   after  landing  (77  b.c). 

With  his  death  the  insurrection  fell  to  pieces.    Many  who 

had  taken  part  in  it  fled  to  Spain.  We  shall  meet  them 
there  directly. 

181.  Sertorius  in  Spain  ;  the  War  against  him  (80-72  b.c), 
—  Spain  had  become  a  sort  of  refuge  for  the  exiled  Marians. 
The  situation  there  now  was  this.  The  Lusitanians,  the 
martial  people  of  the  province  of  Farther  Spain,  had 
asserted  their    independence    and    were    in    arms    against 

Rome.  They  had  invited  the  Marian  exile,  Quintus  Ser- 
torius, a  soldier  whose  martial  deeds  in  Africa  had  excited 

®  The  new  constitution  made  it  illegal  for  one  to  hold  the  office  of 
consul  for  two  consecutive  years. 


266 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


TH£:  riLRion  of-  the  revoi^utioat. 


267 


HI 


their  admiration,  to  come  to  their  help.^  The  invitation 
had  been  accepted,  and  Sertorius  was  at  this  moment  their 
leader. 

Sertorius  was  a  man  of  positive  genius,  one  of  the  few 
men  of  great  parts  that  the  savage  proscriptions  of  the 
contending  parties  at  Rome  had  left  alive.  The  attractive 
force  of  a  strong  personality  drew  to  him  the  chivalric 

warriors  of  Lusitania,  and  gave  him  a  bodyguard  of 
thousands  of  devoted  and  oath-bound  companions.  He 
did  not  hesitate  to  strengthen  his  hold  upon  his  wild 
adherents  by  taking  advantage  of  their  superstitions.     He 

pretended  that  a  tame  white  fawn,  which  he  kept  always 
by  his  side,  made  known  to  him  secret  things  which  were 
a  revelation  from  Uiana. 

Sertorius  was  surrounded  by  hundreds  of  Roman  refu- 
gees, for  his  camp  was  a  sort  of  Adullam's  cave,^  where  was 
collected  a  great  crowd  of  the  outlawed  adherents  of  the 
Marian  party  and  men  dissatisfied  with  the  new  order  of 
things  at  Rome.  Out  of  these  Sertorius  formed  a  senate ; 
for,  while  fighting  the  armies  of  the  government  of  the 
oligarchy,  he  held  himself  out  as  the  Roman  general  and 
governor  of  Spain,  and  the  true  representative  of  the  Roman 
state.     He  further  established  a  school  for  the  children  of 

the  native   chieftains,  and  caused  them   to  be  taught  Latin 
and  Greek  and  all  the  studies  that  formed  a  part  of  the 
instruction  to  the  children  of  the  best  families  in  Rome. 
The  plans  of  Sertorius  reached  beyond  Spain.     Acting 

1  Sertorius  had  been  sent  into  the  peninsula  by  the  Marian  govern- 
ment as  propraetor  of  Farther  Spain  (S3  B.C.).  He  had  been  driven  out 
of  the  country  to  Africa  by  the  lieutenants  of  Sulla. 

2  See  Old  Testament,  I.  Sam.  xxii.  i,  2. 


as  though  he  were  the  real  head  of  the  Roman  government, 
he  formed  an  alliance  with  Mithradates  (par.  168)  and 
negotiated  with  him  respecting  the  Roman  client  states  in 
the  East.  He  further  formed  a  league  with  the  pirates 
of  the  Mediterranean  (par.  185)  and  gave  them  stations 
on  the  Spanish  coasts,  and  stirred  up  the  tribes  of  Gaul 

against  the  authority  in  the  North  of  the  Roman  senate. 
His  activity,  his  talent  for  military  affairs,  and  the  reach  of 
his  plans,  together  with  the  fact  that  he  had  lost  an  eye  in 
battle,  caused  him  to  be  called  the  "new  Hannibal."^ 
Indeed,  there  were  those  at  Rome  who  feared  that  he  would 
play  the  part  of  the  Carthaginian,  and  leaving  Spain, 
descend  from  the  Alps  upon  Rome.  There  probably  was 
at  no  time  any  great  danger  of  his  attempting  this,   but 

the  existence  of  the  apprehension  shows  the  panic- 
stricken  state  of  the  public  mind  since  the  Sullan  rei^n 

of  terror. 

In  any  event  fortune  never  opened  the  way  for  Sertorius 
to  lead  his  followers  to  the  gates  of  the  capital.  The 
general  of  the  senate,  Quintus  Metellus  Pius,  who  had  been 
sent  into  Spain  before  Sulla's  death,  having  fought  without 
success  against  Sertorius,  in  the  year  76   b.c.  Gnaeus   Pom- 

pey,  the  rising  young  general  of  the  oligarchy  (i^ar.  175), 

upon  whom  the  title  of  "  Great  "  had  already  been  con- 
ferred as  a  reward  for  crushing  the  Marian  party  in  Sicily 
and  Africa,  was  sent  out  to  Spain  to  perform  a  similar 
service  there. 

For  several  years  the  war  was  carried  on  with  varying 

8  Hannibal  lost  an  eye  from  ophthalmia  while  in  Italy.    Plutarch  calls 
Philip  of  Macedon,  Antigonus   (Alexander's  general),    Hannibal,   and 

Sertorius  "  the  one-eyed  commanders." 


268 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


fortunes.  At  times  the  power  of  Rome  in  the  peninsula 
seemed  on  the  verge  of  utter  extinction.  Finally  the  brave 
Sertorius,  a   price   having   been  placed   on   his   head  by 

Metellus,  was  treacherously  set  upon  at  a  banquet  by  a 
number  of  his  Roman  officers  and  stabbed  to  death.  "  So 
ended  one  of  the  greatest  men,  if  not  the  very  greatest 
man,  that  Rome  had  hitherto  produced,  —  a  man  who  under 

more  favorable  circumstances  would  perhaps  have  become 
the  regenerator  of  his  country,  —  by  the  treason  of  the 
wretched  band  of  emigrants  whom  he  was  condemned  to 
lead  against  his  native  land.     History  loves  not  the  Corio- 

lani  ;  ^  nor  has  she  made  any  exception  even  in  the  case  of 
this  the  most  magnanimous,  most  gifted,  most  deserving 
to  be  regretted  of  them  all."  ^ 

After  the  removal  of  Sertorius  the  insurrection  that  he 

had  organized  and  headed  was  speedily  crushed,  and  both 
the  Spanish  provinces  were  regained  for  the  government 
of  the  oligarchy.  Pompey  settled  the  affairs  of  the  country. 
Throughout  the  conquered  regions  he  established  military 

colonies  and  reorganized  the  local  governments,  putting  in 
power  those  who  would  be  not  only  friends  and  allies  of 
the  Roman  state,  but  also  his  own  personal  adherents. 
How  he  used  these  men  as  instruments  of  his  ambition,  we 
shall  learn  a  little  later. 

At  the  very  summit  of  the  Pyrenees,  where  crossed  by 
the  trail  leading  into  Gaul,  Pompey  erected  a  commemora- 
tive column  upon  which  a  boastful  inscription  told  how  he 

had  forced  the  gates  of  more  than  eight  hundred  towns   in 

Spain  and  Southern  Gaul. 

*  See  par.  55. 

^  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  p.  50. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


269 


182.  Spartacus;  War  of  the  Gladiators  (73-71  B.C.). — 
While  Pompey  was  subduing  the  Marian  faction  in  Spain, 
a  new  danger  broke  out  in  the  midst  of  Italy.      Gladiatorial 

combats  had  become  at  this  time  the  favorite  sport  of  the 
amphitheatre.  At  Capua  was  a  sort  of  training-school, 
from  which  skilled  fighters  were  hired  out  for  public  or 
private  entertainments.  In  this  seminary  was  a  Thracian 
slave,  known  by  the  name  of  Spartacus,  who  incited  his 
companions  to  revolt.  The  insurgents  fled  to  the  crater  of 
Vesuvius  and  made  that  their  stronghold.  There  they  were 
joined  by  gladiators  from  other  schools,  and  by  slaves  and 

discontented  men  from  every  quarter.  Some  slight  suc- 
cesses enabled  them  to  arm  themselves  with  the  weapons 

of  their  enemies.  Their  number  at  length  increased  to 
a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  For  three  years  they 
defied  the  power  of  Rome,  and  even  gained  control  of  the 
larger  part  of  Southern  Italy.  Four  Roman  armies  sent 
against  them  were  cut  to  pieces. 

But  Spartacus,  who  was  a  man  of  real  ability  and  dis- 
cernment, foresaw  that  a  protracted  contest  with  Rome 

must  inevitably  issue  in  the  triumph  of  the  government. 
He  therefore  counselled  his  followers  to  fight  their  way 
over  the  Alps,  and  then  to  disperse  to  their  various 
homes  in  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Thrace.  But,  elated  with  the 
successes  already  achieved,  they  imagined  that  they  could 
capture  Rome  and  have  all  Italy  for  a  spoil.  Their  camp 
was  already  filled  with  plunder,  which   the   insurgents  sold 

to  speculators.    They  took  in  exchange  for  these  spoils 

only  brass  and  iron,  which  their  forges  quickly  converted 
into  weapons. 

At  length  the  praetor  Marcus  Licinius  Crassus  succeeded 


2/0 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


in  crowding  the  insurgents  down  into  Rhegium,  where 
Hannibal  had  stood  so  long  at  bay.  Spartacus  now  re- 
solved to  pass  over  into  Sicily  and  stir  up  the  embers  of 
the  old  servile  wars  upon  that  island  (pars.  147,  161).     He 

bargained  with  the  pirates  that  infested  the  neighboring 
seas  to  convey  his  forces  across  the  straits  ;  but  as  soon  as 
they  had  received  the  stipulated  price  they  treacherously 

sailed  away  and  left  Spartacus  and  his  followers  to  their 

fate.  Crassus  threw  up  a  wall  across  the  isthmus,  to  pre- 
vent the  escape  of  the  insurgents  ;  but  Spartacus  broke 
through  the  Roman  line  by  night  and  hastened  northward 
with  his  army.  P'ollowing  in  hot  pursuit,  Crassus  overtook 
the  fugitives  at  the  Silarus,  and  there  subjected  them  to  a 
decisive  defeat.  Spartacus  himself  was  slain  ;  but  five 
thousand  of  the  insurgents  escaped  and  fled  towards  the 
Alps.     This  flying  band  was  met  and  annihilated  by  Pom- 

pey,  who  was  returning  from  Spain. 

The  slaves  that  had  taken  part  in  the  revolt  were  hunted 
through  the  mountains  and  forests  and  exterminated  like 
dangerous  beasts.  The  Appian  Way  was  lined  with  six 
thousand  crosses  bearing  aloft  as  many  bodies,  —  a  terrible 
warning  of  the  fate  awaiting  slaves  who  should  dare  to 
strike  for  freedom. 

183.    The  Consulship  of  Pompey  and  the  Overthrow  of  the 

SuUan  Constitution  (70  B.C.).  - —  In  recognition  of  his  services 
in  the  Spanish  and  the  Gladiatorial  war,  Pompey  was  made 
consul  for  the  year  70  B.C.  Crassus,  the  conqueror  of 
Spartacus,  was  chosen  as  his  colleague. 

Pompey  did  not  owe  the  consulate  to  the  senatorial 
party,  to  which  he  nominally  belonged,  for  they  were  jeal- 
ous of  his   growing   popularity  and   threw   every  obstacle 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 


271 


they  could  in  the  way  of  his  advance.  He  owed  his  elec- 
tion to  the  popular  party,  with  the  leaders  of  which  he  had 
entered  into  a  political  bargain,  the  terms  of  which  were 
that  in  return  for  the  consulate,  a  triumph,  and  lands  for 


Pompey  the  Great. 
(From  bust  in  the  Spada  Palace.) 

his  veterans,  he  should  aid  the  people  in  repealing  the 
Sullan  laws  and  restoring  the  essential  features  of  the 
Gracchan   constitution.*^ 

The  Sullan  constitution  had  been  in  force  now  for  nine 
years,  but  during  all  this  time  its  enemies  had  labored  to 

^  For  the  main  proposals  embraced  by  the  people's  program,  ^ee 
par.  180. 


2/2 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLrC. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    THE   REVOLUTION, 


273 


overthrow  it  by  force  of  arms  in  the  field  and  by  the  tactics 
of  the  demagogue  in  the  forum.  Already  the  oligarchical 
party  had  been  forced  to  yield  some  ground.  At  the  time 
of  the  agitation  started  by  Lepidus  (par.  180),  the  largesses 

of  corn,  which  Sulla  had  forbidden,  were  again  authorized 
(78    B.C.). 

No  sooner  was  Pompey  installed  in  office  than  he  pro- 
ceeded to  make  good  his  promises  to  the  democrats.  He 
carried  first  a  law  which  restored  to  the  tribunes  the  time- 
honored  prerogatives  of  which  Sulla  had  stripped  them. 

The  Sullan  arrangements  in  regard  to  the  law  courts 
were  next  swept  away.     Sulla,  it  will  be  recalled,  had  taken 

away  from  the  knights  the  control  of  the  jury  courts  and 
placed  them  in  the  hands  of  the  senate  by  decreeing  that 
all  jurymen  should  be  chosen  from  the  senators.  These 
courts  were  now  reconstituted '  in  such  a  way  as  to  give 
the  knights  the  virtual  control  of  them.  This  change  in 
the  judicial  system  was  made  easy  of  accomplishment 
through  the  exposure  at  just  this  time  —  in  connection 
with  the  prosecution  of  the  infamous  Verres,  of  whom  we 

shall  say  something  presently  (par.  184)  — of  the  scandal- 
ous corruption  of  the  senatorial  courts. 

Sulla  had  practically  abolished  the  office  of  censor. 
This  was  now  restored,  and  censors  were  again  elected  with 
the  old  prerogative,  of  course,  of  revising  the  roll  of  the 
senate.     The  first  act  of  the  newly  elected  censors  was  to 

^  By  the  lex  Aiird'nh  proposed  by  the  praetor  L.  Aurelius  Cotta, 
which  provided  that  in  the  future  only  one-third  of  the  jurymen  should 

be  taken  from  the  senators,  and  the  remaining  two-thirds  from  the 

equestrian  order  and  the  class  of   citizens  rating  in  property  next  below 
them. 


purge  the  senate  by  casting  out  of  that  body  sixty-four  of 
the  most  incapable  and  corrupt  of  its  members. 

The  Sullan   constitution  was   thus  in  all  its  main   parts 

abolished,  and  the  Gracchan  virtually  reestablished. 

It  would  be  idle  to  follow  further  any  changes  in  the 
Roman  constitution  under  the  republic.  From  this  on  to 
the  establishment  of  the  empire,  there  was  in  reality  no 
constitutional  law  at  Rome,  but  only  the  will  or  caprice  of 
the  successful  leader  of  the  legions.  Consuls  and  tribunes 
alike  were  henceforth  hardly  more  than  work-tools  in  the 
hands    of   ambitious    and    unscrupulous    commanders    who 

were  aiming  at  the  supreme  power  in  the  state.     In  the 

midst  of  the  bargainings  and  intrigues  of  the  deinagogues 
and  the  military  chieftains,  no  one  paid  any  attention  to 
the  rules  of  the  constitution,  save  to  use  them  to  further 
personal  ambition  or  to  gain  some  party  end. 

Chief  among  those  who  thus  disregarded  the  forms  of  the 
constitution  and  constantly  and  arrogantly  broke  through 
its  restraints,  and  thereby  contributed  largely  to  bring  all 
laws   and   customs    into   contempt,  was   Pompey  himself. 

Thus,  for  instance,  his  becoming  a  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship was  a  most  flagrant  violation  of  every  rule  and 
custom,  for  he  had  not  yet  held  a  single  one  of  the  inferior 
offices  through  which  alone  the  consulate  could  at  this 
time  legally  be   entered    (par.    178,    n.  7). 

184.  The  Abuses  and  the  Prosecution  of  Verres  (70  B.C.). — 
In  the  preceding  paragraph  we  said  that  the  taking  away 
from  the  senate  of  the  control  of  the  jury  courts  was  a 

reform  made  necessary  and  urgent  by  the  shameless  cor- 
ruption  of   the   senatorial   juries. 

It   was   in   connection   with    the    administration   of    the 


274 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


affairs  of  the  provinces  that  the  most  flagrant  abuses  arose. 
At  first  the  rule  of  the  Roman  governors  in  the  provinces, 
though   severe,   was   honest   and   prudent.      But   during  the 

period  of  profligacy  and  corruption  upon  which  we  have 

now  entered,  the  administration  of  these  foreign  possessions 
had  become  shamefully  dishonest  and  incredibly  cruel  and 
rapacious.  The  prosecution  of  Verres,  the  propraetor  of 
Sicily,  exposed  the  scandalous  rule  of  the  oligarchy,  into 

whose  hands  the  government  had  fallen.  For  three  years 
Verres  plundered  and  ravaged  that  island  with  impunity. 
He  sold  all  the  offices  and  all  his  decisions  as  judge.      He 

demanded  of  the  farmers  the  greater  part  of  their  crops, 

which  he  sold  to  swell  his  already  enormous  fortune. 
Agriculture  was  thus  ruined,  and  the  farms  were  abandoned. 
Verres  had  a  taste  for  art,  and  when  on  his  tours  through 
the  island  confiscated  gems,  vases,  statues,  paintings,  and 

other  things  that  struck  his  fancy,  whether  in  temples  or 
in   private   dwellings. 

Verres  could  not  be  called  to  account  while  in  office;  and 
it  was  doubtful  whether,  after  the  end  of  his  term,  he  could 
be  convicted,  so  corrupt  and  venal  had  become  the  mem- 
bers of  the  senate,  before  whom  all  such  offenders  must 
be  tried.  Indeed,  Verres  himself  openly  boasted  that  he 
intended  two-thirds  of  his  gains  for  his'  judges  and  law- 
yers ;    the  reiTiaining  one-third  would  satisfy  himself. 

At  length,  after  Sicily  had  come  to  look  as  though  it  had 
been  ravaged  by  barbarian  conquerors,  the  infamous  robber 
was  impeached.  The  prosecutor  was  Marcus  TuUius  Cicero, 
the  brilliant  orator,  who  was  at  this  time  just  rising  into 
prominence  at  Rome.  The  storm  of  indignation  raised  by 
the  developments  of  the  trial  caused  Verres  to  flee  into 


THE    PERIOD    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 


275 


exile  to  Massilia,  whither  he  took  with  him  much  of  his  ill- 
gotten  wealth. 

185.  War  with  the  Mediterranean  Pirates  (78-66  b.c).  — 
Another  most  shameful  commentary  on  the  utter  incapacity 

of  the  government  of  the  aristocrats  was  the  growth  of 
piracy  in  the  Mediterranean  waters  during  their  rule.  It 
is  true  that  this  was  an  evil  which  had  been  growing  for  a 
long  time.      The  Romans  through  their  conquest  of  the 

countries  fringing  the  Mediterranean  had  destroyed  not 
only  the  governments  that  had  maintained  order  on  the 
land,  but  at  the  same  time  had  destroyed  the  fleets,  as  in 
the  case  of  Carthage,  which,  since  the  days  when  the  rising 
Greek  cities  suppressed  piracy  in  the  .^-'gean  Sea,  had 
policed  the  Mediterranean  and  kept  its  ship  routes  clear  of 
corsairs.  In  the  more  vigorous  days  of  the  republic  the 
sea  had  been  well  watched  bv  Roman  fleets,  but  after  the 

close  of  the  wars  with  Carthage  the  Romans  had  allowed 
their  war  navy  to  fall  into  decay. 

The  Mediterranean,  thus  left  practically  without  patrol, 
was  swarming  with  pirates;  for  the  Roman  conquests  in 
Africa,  Spain,  and  especially  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor, 
had  caused  thousands  of  adventurous  spirits  in  those 
maritime  countries  to  take  to  their  ships,  and  seek  a  liveli- 
hood by   preying  upon  the   commerce  of  the  seas.      The 

cruelty  and  extortion  of  the  Roman  governors  In  the  vari- 
ous provinces,  the  civil  war  of  Sulla  and  Marius,  the  pro- 
scriptions and  confiscations  of  the  days  of  terror  at  Rome, 
the  impoverishment  and  dispossession  of  the  peasant  farmers 

everywhere  through  the  growth  of  great  slave-estates, — all 
these  things,  filling  as  they  did  the  Mediterranean  lands 
with  homeless  and   desperate  men,  had  also  driven  large 


2^6 


ROME   AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


277 


|: 


numbers  of  hitherto  honest  and  industrious  persons  to  the 
same  course  of  life. 

These  "ruined  men  of  all  nations,"  now  turned  pirates, 
had  banded  themselves  together  in  a  sort  of  government. 

They  had  as  places  of  refuge  numerous  strong  fortresses  — 
four  hundred  it  is  said  —  among  the  inaccessible  mountains 
of  the  coast  lands  they  frequented.  They  had  a  fleet  of  a 
thousand  sails,  with  dockyards  and  naval  arsenals.     "They 

were,"  in  the  words  of  Mommsen,  "  no  longer  a  gang  of 
robbers  who  had  flocked  together,  but  a  compact  soldier- 
state  in  which  the  free-masonry  of  exile  and  crime  took  the 

place    of    national- 

ity.""    This  state 

made  treaties  with 
the  Greek  maritime 
cities,     and    formed 

leagues  of  friend- 
ship with  the  kings 
and  princes  of  the 
East. 

The  history  of 

this  pirate-state  is 
as  interesting  as  a 
pirate's     tale.         Its 

swift  ships,  sailing 

in  lleets  and  squad- 
rons, scoured  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean,  so  that  no 
merchantman  could  spread  her  sails  in  safety.      Nor  were 

these  buccaneers  content  with  what  spoils  the  sea  might 

yield  them  5    like  the  vikings  of   the  Northern   seas   in  later 
8  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vcl.  iv.  p.  57. 


Roman  Trading  Vessel. 


times,  they  made  descents  upon  every  coast,  plundered 
villas  and  towns,  and  sweeping  ofT  the  inhabitants  sold  them 
openly  as  slaves  in  the  slave  markets  of  the  East.  They 
robbed  the  venerated  temple  of  Delos,  and  carried  off  all 

the  inhabitants  of  the  sacred  island  into  slavery.    They 

exacted  from  many  cities  an  annual  tribute  as  the  price  of 
immunity  from  their  visits.  In  some  regions  the  inhabit- 
ants, as  in  early  times,  were  compelled  to  remove  for  safety 

from  the  coast  and  rebufld  their  homes  farther  inland. 

The  pirates  even  ravaged  the  shores  of  Italy  itself.  They 
destroyed  a  Roman  fleet  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Ostia.  They 
carried  off  merchants  and  travellers  from  the  Appian  Way, 

among  them  two  praetors  with  their  magisterial  fasces,  and 

held  them  for  ransom.  At  last  they  began  to  intercept  the 
grain  ships  of  Sicily  and  Africa,  and  thereby  threatened 
Rome  with  starvation.      Corn  rose  to  famine  prices. 

The  Romans  now  bestirred  themselves.  In  the  year 
67  H.c,  the  war  against  the  pirates  having  now  been  carried 
on  in  an  inefficient  and  intermittent  w^ay  for  ten  years  or 
more,  the  tribune  A.  Gabinius  brought  before  the  people  a 

proposal  -^  that  some  consular  person,  to  be  named  by  the 

senate,^^  should  be  invested  with  dictatorial  power  for  three 
years  over  the  Mediterranean  and  all  its  coasts  for  fifty 
miles   inland. 

The  senators  knew  that  if  the  law  passed,  Pompey  would 

be  the  person  they  inust  name,  and  accordingly  they  threw 
every  obstacle  that  they  dared  in  the  way  of  the  passage  of 

^  The  lex  Gabinia. 

i'^  It  was  not  proposed  to  give  the  senate  any  real  choice  in  the  mat- 
ter.     It   was   perfectly  weU    understood   that    Pompey  was   the   man  the 

people  wanted  appointed,  and  the  only  one  whom  the  senate  would  dare 

designate. 


278 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE   PERIOD    OF    THE   REVOLUTION. 


279 


the  measure.      But  the  people  were  never  more  in  earnest 

than  they  were  in  regard  to  this  Gabinian  law.    It  was 

finally  carried  in  the  patrician-plebeian  assembly  of  the 
tribes  "  amidst  unexampled  enthusiasm.  While  the  voting 
of  the  tribes  was  proceeding,  "the  multitude  stood  densely 

packed  in  the  forum ;  all  the  buildings,  whence  the  rostra 

could  be  seen,  were  covered  even  on  the  roofs  with  men."^^ 

The  senators  did  not  venture,  after  such  a  demonstration, 

to  attempt  to   thwart  the  popular  will.      The  law   having 

been  passed,  the  senators  invested  Pompey  with  the  extraor- 
dinary command.  He  was  given  an  army  of  a  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  an  armament  of  over  two 
hundred  ships.  All  the  treasures  of  the  state  were  put  at 
his  disposal,  and  all  magistrates  and  all  the  rulers  of  client 
states  were  ordered  to  give  him  such  aid  in  men  and  money 
as  he  might  demand. 

Pompey   acted    with    unwonted    energy.       Within    forty 

days  he  had  swept  the  pirates  from  the  Western  Mediter- 
ranean, and  in  forty-nine  more  hunted  them  from  all  the 
waters  east  of  Italy,  captured  their  strongholds  in  Cilicia, 
and  settled  the  twenty  thousand  prisoners  that  fell  into  his 
hands  in  various  colonies  in  Asia  Minor  and  Greece. 
Pompey's  vigorous  and  successful  conduct  of  this  cam- 
paign against  the  pirates  gained  him  great  honor  and 
reputation. 

186.    Pompey  brings  to  an  End  the  Third  ^  Mithradatic  War 

(74—64  B.C.).  Pompey  had  not  yet  ended  the  war  with  the 

^^  The  comitia  tribzita. 

12  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  p.  136. 
1  The  so-called  Second  Mithradatic  War  (83-82  B.C.)  was  a  short 

conflict  between  the  Romans  and  Mithradates  that  arose  just  after  the 
close  of  the  First  (par.  174). 


pirates  before  he  was  given,  by  a  vote  of  the  people,^ 
charge  of  the  war  against  Mithradates,  who  now  for  several 

years  had  been  in  arms  against  Rome.  This  war  was 
simply  a  continuation  of  the  last  contest  between  Mithra- 
dates and  the  Romans,  which,  as  Plutarch  puts  it,  was  not 
ended  but  merely  "  stopped  for  a  time." 

The  circumstances  leading  to  the  present  contest  were 
these:  Nicomedes  III.,  king  of  Bithynia,  had  died  74  b.c, 
and,  in  imitation  of  Attalus  III.  of  Pergamus  fpar.  168), 
had  willed  his  kingdom  to  the  Roman  people,  who  had  at 

once  made  it  into  a  province.  Mithradates,  whose  power 
in  the  Euxine  region  was  threatened  by  the  appearance  of 
the  Romans  there,  had  straightway  invaded  the  new  Roman 
territory  with  a  large  army.  Thus  the  intermitted  war 
was  renewed. 

The  chief  conduct  of  the  war  on  the  Roman  side  was  in 
the  hands  of  Lucius  Licinius  Lucullus,  who  had  served  ably 
under  Sulla  in  the  First  Mithradatic  War.     For  eight  years 

Lucullus  carried  on  the  war  prosperously,  even  driving 
Mithradates  out  of  his  own  kingdom  of  Pontus.  7^hen  the 
tide  of  fortune  turned  against  him,  and  he  lost  to  the 
enemy  almost  everything  he  had  gained. 

The  causes  of  the  reverses  of  Lucullus  are  worthy  a 
moment's  notice,  since  they,  like  the  circumstances  of  the 
trial  of  Verres  (par.  184),  cast  a  strong  light  on  the  scandal- 
ous management  of  the  affairs  of  the  provinces.     It  will  be 

recalled  that  at  the  end  of  the  first  war  against  Mithrada- 
tes, Sulla  imposed  upon  the  cities  and  communities  that 
had  taken  part  in  that  contest 'against  Rome  a  heavy  fine 
(par.  174).  The  payment  of  this  indemnity  had  impover- 
ished the  people  and  forced   them   to  borrow  money  at 

2  By  the  Manilian  law,  66  B.C. 


!j 


% 


i 


28o 


ROMB    AS    A    KBrUBI^IC. 


frightfully  high  rates  of  interest  from  the  Roman  money- 
lenders. Many  poor  debtors  had  been  forced  to  sell  their 
children  into  slavery,  and  the  cities  to  strip  the  temples  of 
their  treasures.  Plutarch  says  that  after  the  people  had 
paid  twice  the  amount  of  the  original  tine  of  20,000  talents, 

they  found  themselves  still  owing,  on  account  of  the  usuri- 
ous interest  they  were  paying,  120,000  talents.^ 

LucuUus  tried  to  put  a  stop  to  this  robbery.  He  limited 
the  rate  of  interest,  and  instituted  other  measures  of  relief. 

Of  course  the  usurers,  speculators,  and  farmers  of  the  taxes 
were  highly  indignant  at  this  interference  with  their  busi- 
ness, and  through  their  friends  at  Rome  began  a  campaign 
of  misrepresentation  and  slander  against  Lucullus  with  the 

purpose  of  bringing  about  his  recall. 

The  clamor  raised  at  Rome  against  Lucullus  reached  the 
ears  of  his  soldiers  and  aroused  in  them  a  rebellious  spirit, 
which,  when  news  finally  came  that  he  had  been  superseded 

in  his  command  by  Pompey,  broke  out  in  open  mutiny. 
It  was  this  state  of  things  that  had  helped  to  paralyze  the 
arm  of  Lucullus,  and  had  robbed  him  of  the  fruit  of  eight 
years'  tedious  yet  successful  campaigning. 

Such   was   the   situation   of  affairs  when   Pompey,  fresh 

from  his  triumphs  over  the  pirates,  appeared  upon  the 
scene.  In  a  great  battle  in  Lesser  Armenia,  Pompey  almost 
annihilated  the  army  of  Mithradates.  The  king  fled  from 
the  field  and,  after  seeking  in  vain  for  a  refuge  in  Asia 
Minor,  found  an  asylum  beyond  the  Caucasiis  Mountains, 
whose  bleak  barriers  interposed  their  friendly  shield  be- 
tween him  and  his  pursuers.      Desisting  from  the  pursuit, 

Pompey  turned  south  and  conquered  Syria,  Phoenicia,  and 

8  Plutarch,  Lucullus^  c.  120. 


THE    PBRIOn     OJr    tHJ£    A' £  1^01,(7  TIOJV. 


281 


Cale-Syria,  which  countries  he  erected  into  a  Roman 
province  under  the  name  of  Syria  (64  rc). 

Still  pushing  southward,  the  conqueror  entered  Palestine, 
and  after  a  short  siege  of  Jerusalem,  by  taking  advantage 
of  the  scruples  of  the  Jews  in  regard  to  fighting  on   the 

Sabbath  day,  captured  the  city  (63  rc).    it  was  at  this 

time  that  Tompey  insisted,  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of 
the  high  priest,  upon  entering  the  Holy  of  Holies  of  the 
Hebrew  temple.  Pushing  aside  the  curtain  in  front  of  the 
jealously  guarded  apartment,  he  was  astonished  to  find 
nothing  but  a  dark  and  vacant  chamber,  without  even  a 
statue  of  the  god  to  whom  the  shrine  was  dedicated,— 
nothing  but  a  little  chest  (the  Ark  of  the  Covenant)  con- 
taining some  sacred  relics. 

The  Romans  here  for  the  first  time  came  in  direct  con- 
tact with  a  people  whose  ideas  of  God  and  of  life  they  were 
wholly  incapable  of  understanding,  but  who  nevertheless 
were  destined  to  exert  a  vast  influence  upon  the  empire 

they  were  constructing. 

While  Pompey  was  thus  engaged,  Mithradates  was  strain- 
ing  every  energy   to    raise   an   army  among  the  Scythian 

tribes  with  which  to  carry  out  a  most  daring  project.    He 

proposed  to  cross  Europe  and  fall  upon  Italy  from  the 
north.  A  revolt  on  the  part  of  his  son  Fharnaces  ruined 
all  his  plans  and  hopes;   and  the  disappointed  monarch,  to 

avoid  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  took  his  own 
life^  (63  B.C.).  His  death  removed  one  of  the  most  formi- 
dable enemies  that  Rome  had  ever  encountered.  Hamilcar, 
Hannibal,  and  Mithradates  were  the  three  great  names  that 

the  Romans  always  pronounced  with  rcspcct  and  dfcad. 

*  Some  authorities,  however,  say  that  he  was  murdered  by  his  son. 


282 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


187.    Pompey's  Triumph. 


-After  regulating  the   affairs 
of  the  different  states  and  provinces  in  the  East,^  Pompey 

set  out  on  his  return  to  Rome,  where  he  enjoved  such 
a  triumph  as  never  before  had  been  seen  since  Rome 
became  a  city.  The  spoils  of  all  the  East  were  borne  in 
the  procession  ;  three  hundred  and  twenty-two  princes 
walked  as  captives  before  the  triumphal  chariot  of  the 
conqueror;  legends  upon  the  banners  proclaimed  that  he 
had  conquered  twenty-one  kings,  captured  one  thousand 
strongholds,  nine  hundred  towns,  and  eight  hundred  ships, 

and  subjugated  more  than  twelve  millions  of  people  ;  and 
that  he  had  put  into  the  treasury  more  than  <;25,ooo,ooo, 
besides  doubling  the  regular  revenues  of  the  state.  He 
boasted  that  three  times  he  had  triumphed,  and  each  time 
for  the  conquest  of  a  continent, — first  for  Africa,  then  for 
Europe,  and  now  for  Asia,  which  completed  the  conquest 
of  the  world. 

188.    The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline  (64-62  r.c.).  —  While  the 

legions  were  absent  from  Italy  with  Pompey  in  the  East,  a 
most  daring  conspiracy  against  the  government  was  formed 
at  Rome.  Lucius  Sergius  Catilina,  a  ruined  spendthrift, 
had  gathered  a  large  company  of  profligate  young  nobles, 
weighed  down  with  debts  and  desperate  like  himself,  and 
had  deliberately  planned  to  murder  the  consuls  and  the 
chief  men  of  the  state,  and  to  plunder  and  burn  the  capital. 
The   offices    of    the    new   government   were   to   be    divided 

among   the   conspirators.      They  depended   upon   receiving 


^  Bithynia,  which  had  been  in  Roman  hands  since  74  B.C.,  was 
enlarged  by  the  addition  of  a  part  of  Pontus,  and  given  a  permanent 
provincial  constitution  (65  B.C.).  Cilicia  also  was  extended  and  its 
government  regularly  organized  (64  B.C.). 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


283 


aid  from  Africa  and  Spain,  and  proposed  to  invite  to  their 
standard  the  gladiators  in   the  various  schools  of  Italy,  as 

well  as  slaves  and  criininals.  The  proscriptions  of  Sulla 
(par.  176)  were  to  be  renewed,  and  all  debts  were  to  be 
cancelled. 

Fortunately,  all  the  plans  of  the  conspirators  were  re- 
vealed to  the  consul  Cicero,  the  great  orator.  The  senate 
immediately  clothed  the  consuls  with  dictatorial  power 
with  the  usual  formula,  that  they  ''  should  take  care  that 
the    republic    received    no  harm." "     The   gladiators  were 

secured  ;  the  city  walls  were  manned  ;  and  at  every  point 
the  capital  and  state  were  armed  against  the  *'  invisible 
foe."  Then  in  the  senate  chamber,  with  Catiline  himself 
present,  Cicero  exposed  the  whole  conspiracy  in  a  famous 
philippic,  known  as  *' The  First  Oration  against  Catiline." 
The  senators  shrank  from  the  conspirator,  and  left  the 
seats  about  him  empty.  After  a  feeble  effort  to  reply  to 
Cicero,  overwhelmed  by  a  sense  of  his  guilt,  and  the  cries 

of  '^  traitor  "  and  '' parricide"  from  the  senators,  Catiline 
fled  from  the  chamber  and  hurried  out  of  the  city  to  the 
camp  of  his  followers  in  Etruria.  In  a  desperate  battle 
fought  near  Pistoria,  he  was  slain  with  many  of  his  follow- 
ers (62  B.C.).  His  head  was  borne  as  a  trophy  to  Rome. 
Cicero  was  hailed  as  the  "  Savior  of  his  Country." 

189.  Caesar,  Crassus,  and  Pompey.  —  Although  the  con- 
spiracy of  Catiline  had  failed,  still  it  was  very  easy  to  foresee 

that  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  republic  was  near  at  hand. 


®  Videant  consules  ne  quid  respubjica  detruneiiti  capiat.  There  had 
been  no  dictator  appointed  except  Sulla  (par.  177)  since  the  Second  Punic 
War,  although  the  power  conferred  upon  Pompey  at  the  time  of  the  war 
with  the  pirates  (par.  185)  amounted  practically  to  making  him  dictator. 


284 


ROMB    AS    A    REPUBLIC. 


Indeed,  from  this  time  on,  only  the  name  remained.  The 
basis  of  the  institutions  of  the  republic  —  the  old  Roman 

integrity,  patriotism,  and  faith  in  the  gods  —  was  gone, 
having  been  swept  away  by  the  tide  of  luxury,  selfishness, 
and  immorality  produced  by  the  long  series  of  foreign  con- 
quests and  robberies  in  which  the  Roman  people  had  been 

engaged.    The  days  of  liberty  at  Rome  were  over.    From 

this  time  forward  the  government  was  really  in  the  hands 
of  ambitious  and  popular  leaders,  or  of  corrupt  combina- 
tions  and    "rings."     Events   gather    about   a   few   great 

names,  and  the  annals  of  the  republic  become  biographical 
rather  than  historical. 

There  were  now  in  the  state  three  men  —  Caesar,  Crassus, 
and  Pompey  —  who  were  destined  to  shape  affairs.     Gains 

Julius  (^a^sar  was  born  in  the  year  100  ac.  Although  de- 
scended from  an  old  patrician  family,  still  his  sympathies, 
and  an  early  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  Cinna,  one  of  the 
adherents,  it  will  be  recalled,  of  Marius  (par.  173),  had  led 
him  to  identify  himself  with  the  Marian,  or  democratic 
party.  In  every  way  Caesar  courted  public  favor.  He  lav- 
ished enormous  sums  upon  public  games  and  tables.  His 
debts  are  said  to  have  amounted  to  25,000,000  sesterces 
(about  J^i, 250,000).     His  popularity  was  unbounded.     A 

successful  campaign  in  Spain  had  already  made  known  to 
himself,  as  well  as  to  others,  his  genius  as  a  commander. 

Marcus  Licinius  Crassus.  belonged  to  the  senatorial,  or 
aristocratic  party.  He  owed  his  influence  to  his  enormous 
wealth,  being  one  of  the  richest  men  in  the  Roman  world.  His 
property  was  estimated  at  7100  talents  (about  ^8,875,000).' 

■^  "The  greatest  part  of  this,  if  one  must  tell  the  truth,  though  it  be  a 
scandalous  story,  he  got  together  [from  war  and  from  fires],  making  the 


Tii£  ri£R/on   OjF  Tiiif:  rhv^olutio/st. 


285 


With  Gnoius  Pompey  and  his  achievements  w^e  are  al- 
ready familiar.  His  influence  throughout  the  Roman 
world  was  great;  for,  in  settling  and  reorganizing  the  many 
countries  he  subdued,  he  had  always  taken  care  to  recon- 
struct them  in  his  own  interest,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the 
republic.      The  offices,  as  we  have  seen,  were  filled  with  his 

friends  and  adherents  (par.  \%\).  This  patronage  had 
secured  for  him  incalculable  authority  in  the  provinces. 
His  veteran  legionaries,  too,  were  naturally  devoted  to  the 
general  who  had  led  them  so  often  to  victory. 

190.  The  First  Triumvirate  (60  p..c.).  —  What  Is  known 
as  the  First  Triumvirate  rested  on  the  genius  of  Cajsar,  the 
wealth  of  Crassus,  and  the  achievements  of  Pompey.  It 
was  a   coalition   or   private   arrangement   entered    into   by 

these  three  men  for  the  purpose  of  securing  to  themselves 
the  control  of  public  affairs.  Each  pledged  himself  to 
work  for  the  interests  of  the  others.  Coisar  was  the  man- 
ager of  the  "  ring."  He  skilfully  drew  away  Pompey  from 
the  aristocratical  party,  and  effected  a  reconciliation 
between  him  and  Crassus,  for  they  had  been  at  enmity. 

public  misfortunes  the  source  of  his  wealth  ;  for,  when  Sulla  took  the 
city,  and  sold  the  property  of  those  whom  he  put  to  death,  considering 
it  and  calling  it  spoil,  and  wishing  to  attach  the  infamy  of  the  deed  to 

as  many  of  the  most  powerful  men  as  he  could,  Crassus  \sas  never  tired  of 
receiving  or  buying  [par.  176].  Besides  this,  observing  the  accidents  that 
were  indigenous  and  familiar  at  Rome,  —  conflagrations,  and  tumbling 
down  of  houses  owing  to  their  weight  and  crowded  state,  —  he  bought 
slaves  who  were  architects  and  l:)uilders.  Having  got  these  slaves  to  the 
number  of  more  than  five  hundred,  it  was  his  practice  to  buy  up  houses  on 
fire;  for  the  owners,  owing  to  fear  and  uncertainty,  would  sell  them  at  a 
low  price.  [Then  the  slaves  would  se't  to  work  and  extinguish  the  fire, 
and  Crassus  at  a  small  cost  would  repair  the  damage.]  And  thus  the 
greatest  part  of  Rome  fell  into  the  hands  of  Crassus."  —  Plutarch,  Life 

of  Crassus,  c.  2  [Long's  Trans.]. 


286 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


It  was  agreed  that  Crassus  and  Pompey  should  aid  Caesar 
in  securing  the  consulship.     In  return  for  this  favor  Caesar 

was  to  secure  for  Pompey  a  confirmation  of  his  acts  in  the 

East,  and  allotments  of  land  for  his  veterans,  concessions 
which  thus  far  had  been  jealously  withheld  by  the  sen- 
atorial party. 

Everything  fell  out  as  the  triumvirs  had  planned :  Ca'sar 
got  the  consulship,  and  Pompey  received  the  lands  for  his 
soldiers.  The  two  ablest  senatorial  leaders,  Cato  ^  and 
Cicero,  whose  incorruptible  integrity  threatened  the  plans 

of  the  triumvirs,  were  got  out  of  the  way.    Cato  was  given 

an  appointment  which  sent  him  into  honorable  exile  to  the 
island  of  Cyprus ;  while  Cicero,  on  the  charge  of  having 
denied  Roman  citizens  the  right  of  trial  in  the  matter  of 
the  Catiline  conspirators  (par.  i88),  was  banished  from 

the  capital,  his  mansion  on  the  Palatine  was  razed  to  the 
ground,  and  the  remainder  of  his  property  confiscated. 
191.    Caesar's  Conquests  in  Gaul  and  Britain  (58-51  h.c). 

—  At  the  end  of  his  consulship,  (^a:sar  had  assigned  him, 

as  proconsul,  the  administration  of  the  provinces  of  C'isal- 
pine  and  Transalpine,  or  Narbonese,  Gaul,  together  with 
Illyricum.  Already  he  was  revolving  in  his  mind  plans 
for  seizing  supreme  power.  Beyond  the  Alps  the  Gallic 
and  Germanic  tribes  were  in  restless  movement.  He  saw 
there  a  grand  field  for  military  exploits,  which  should  gain 
for  him  such  glory  and  prestige  as  in  other  fields  had 
been  won  and  were  now  enjoyed  by  Pompey.     With  this 

achieved,  and  with  a  veteran  army  devoted  to  his  interests, 

8  This  was  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  the  Younger,  a  great-grandson 
of  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  the  Censor  (par.  137).  He  has  been  charac- 
terized as  "  the  purest  and  noblest  of  all  the  Romans." 


THE   PERIOD    OF   THE   REVOLUTIOA'. 


287 


he  might  hope  easily  to  attain  that  position  at  the  head  of 
affairs  towards  which  his  ambition  w^as  ur^in^  him. 

In  the  spring  of  58  B.C.  alarming  intelligence  from 

beyond  the  Alps  caused  Cx^sar  to  hasten  from  Rome  into 
Transalpine  Gaul.  Now  began  a  series  of  eight  brilliant 
campaigns  directed  against  the  various  tribes  of  Gaul, 
Germany,  and  Britain.  In  his  admirable  Commentaries 
Caesar  himself  has  left  us  a  faithful  and  graphic  account 
of  all  the  memorable  marches,  battles,  and  sieges  that  filled 
the  years  between  58  and  51  b.c. 

Cesar's  first  campaign  after  arriving  in  Gaul  was  directed 

against  the  Helvetians.  These  people,  finding  themselves 
too  much  crowded  in  their  narrow  territory,  hemmed  in  as 
they   were    between    the    Alps  and   the   Jura   ranges,    had 

resolved  to  seek  broader  fields  in  the  extreme  western  part 

of  Gaul.  Disregarding  the  commands  of  Caesar,  the  entire 
nation,  numbering  with  their  allies  368,000  souls,  left  their 
old  homes  and  began  their  westward  march.  In  a  great 
battle  Caesar,  with  the  aid  of  the  .^:duans,  good  allies  of 

the  Romans,  completely  defeated  the  barbarians,  and 
forced  them  back  into  their  old  home  between  the  moun- 
tains, now  quite  large  enough  for  the  survivors,  as  barely 
a  third  of  those  that  had  set  out  returned. 

Caesar  next  defeated  the  Suevi,  a  German  tribe  that, 
under  their  great  chieftain  Ariovistus,  had  crossed  the 
Rhine  and  were  seeking  settlements  in  Gaul.  These 
people  he  forced  back  over  the   Rhine   into  their  native 

forests.  The  two  years  following  this  campaign  Nvere 
consumed  in  subjugating  the'  different  tribes  in  North- 
ern and  Western  Gaul,  and  in  composing  the  affairs  of 
the   country.       In    the    war    with    the   Veneti    was    fought 


2SS 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


the   first   historic   naval   battle   upon    the   waters   of   the 

Atlantic. 

The  year  55  k.c.  marked  two  great  achievements.  Early 
in  the  spring  of  this  year  Cii^sar  constructed  a  bridge 
across  the  Rhine,  and  led  his  legions  against  the  Germans 

in  their  native  woods  and  swamps.    In  the  autumn  of  the 

same  year  he  crossed,  by  means  of  hastily  constructed 
ships,  the  channel  that  separates  the  mainland  from  liritain, 
and  after  maintaining  a  foothold  upon  that  island  for  two 
weeks  withdrew  his  legions  into  Gaul  for  the  winter.  The 
following  season  he  made  another  invasion  of  Britain,  but, 
after  some  encounters  with  the  fierce  barbarians,  recrossed 
to  the  mainland,  without  having  established  any  permanent 
garrisons  in  the  island.     Almost  one  hundred  years  passed 

away  before  the  natives  of  Britain  were  again  molested  by 
the  Romans  (par.  219). 

In  the  year  52  b.c,  while  Caesar  was  absent  in  Italy,  a 
general  revolt  occurred  among  the  Gallic  tribes.  It  was 
a  last  desperate  struggle  for  the  recovery  of  their  lost  inde- 
pendence. Vercingetorix,  chief  of  the  Arverni,  was  the 
leader  of  the  insurrection.  For  a  time  it  seemed  as  though 
the  Romans  would  be  driven  from  the  country.    But  Caesar's 

despatch  and  genius  saved  the  province  to  the  republic. 
Vercingetorix  and  eighty  thousand  of  his  warriors  were 
shut  up  in  Alesia,  and  were  finally  starved  into  submission. 
All  Gaul  was  now  quickly  reconquered  and  pacified. 

Great  enthusiasm  was  aroused  at  Rome  by  Caesar's  victo- 
ries over  the  Gauls.  "Let  the  Alps  sink,"  exclaimed 
Cicero;  ''the  gods  raised  them  to  shelter  Italy  from  the 
barbarians;   they  are  now  no  longer  needed." 

192.     Results    of   the    Gallic    Wars. One    good    result    of 


THE  PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


289 


Caesar's  conquest  of  Gaul  was  the  establishment  through- 
out this  region  of  the  Roman  Peace. ^  Before  the  Romans 
entered  the  country,  it  was  divided  among  a  great  number 
of  tribes  that  were  constantly  at  war  with  one  another. 
In  throwing  her  authority  over  them  all,  Rome  caused 
their  intertribal  contentions  to  cease,  and  thus  established 

a  condition  of  things  that  first  made  possible  the  rapid  and 
steady  development  ainong  the  people  of  the  arts  of  peace. 
A  second  result  of  the  Gallic  wars  of  Caesar  was  the 
Romanizing  of  Gaul.  The  country,  which  was  in  time 
formed  into  three  new  provinces,^  was  opened  to  Roman 
traders  and  settlers,  who  carried  with  them  the  language, 
customs,  and  arts  of  Italy.  Honors  were  conferred  upon 
many  of  the  Gallic   chieftains,   privileges    were    bestowed 

upon  the  municipalities,"'^  and  the  Roman  franchise  granted 
to  prominent  and  influential  natives. 

This  Romanization  of  Gaul  meant  much  both  for  Roman 
history  and  for  the  general  history  of  Europe.  The  Roman 
stock  in  Italy  was  failing.  It  was  this  new  Romanized 
people  that  in  the  times  of  the  empire  gave  to  the  Roman 
state  many  of  its  best  commanders,  statesmen,  emperors, 
orators,  poets,  and  historians.      In  this  way  Gaul  rendered 


^  I^ax  J^otnana  (par.  83). 

2  Aquitania,  Ln^dtuicitsis,  and  Belg-ica. 

3  The  native  tribes,  of  which  there  seem  to  have  been  sixty,  were 

formed  into  municipalities,  and  as  such  were  allowed  to  manage  their 
own  local  affairs.  Thus  the  settlement  of  Gaul  by  the  Romans  was  in 
some  respects  like  our  recent  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  Cuba.  We 
have  begun  the  work  of  reorganization  there  by  forming  municipal 
governments  in  the  different  cities  and  giving  the  people  as  large  a 
measure  of  local  self-government  as  possible.  We  should  bear  in  mind 
that  this  admirable  municipal  system  is  a  gift  to  us  from  Rome.     See 

par.  74. 


290 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


the  Roman  state  some  such  service  as  Ireland  has  rendered 

the  British  empire. 

The  Romanization  of  Gaul  meant,  further,  the  adding  of 
another  to  the  number  of  Latin  nations  that  were  to  arise 
from  the  break-up  of  the  Roman  empire.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  if  Ceesar  had  not  conquered  Gaul  it  would 
have  been  overrun  by  the  Germans,  and  would  ultimately 
have  become  simply  an  extension  of  Germany.  There  would 
then  have  been  no  great  Latin  nation  north  of  the  Alps 

and  the  Pyrenees.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  what  European 
history  would  be  like  if  the  French  nation,  with  its  semi- 
Italian  temperament,  instincts,  and  traditions,  had  never 
come  into  existence. 

A  final  result  of  Casar's  campaigns  in  Gaul  and  against 
the  intruding  German  tribes  was  the  check  given  to  the 
migratory  movements  of  these  peoples.^  Had  this  check 
not  been  given,  it  is  possible  that  what  we  call  the  Great 

Migration  of  the  German  peoples  (chap.  xxi.  )  might  have 
taken  place  in  the  first  century  before,  instead  of  in  the 
fifth  century  after,  the  coming  of  Christ,  and  Rome's  great 
work  of  enriching  civilization  and  establishing  it  every- 
where throughout  the  Mediterranean  world  might  have 
been    interrupted   while    yet   only   fairly   begun. 

193.  Crassus'  Campaign  in  the  East  against  the  Parthians 
(53  B.C.).  —  In  the  year  56  B.C.,  while  Caesar  was  in  the 
midst  of  his  Gallic  wars,  he  found  time  to  meet  Pompey, 
Crassus,  and  two  hundred  senators  and  magistrates  who 
cooperated  with  the  triumvirs,  at  Lucca,  in  Etruria,  where 
in    a    sort    of    convention    arrangements    were    made    for 

^  Caesar's  campaigns  were,  in  effect,  a  continuation  of  those  of 
Marius  (see  par.  159)- 


THE   PERIOD    OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 


291 


another  term  of  five  years.^     It  was  agreed  that  Caesar's 

cominand  in  Gaul  should  be  extended  five  years,  and  that 
Crassus  and  Pompey  should  be  made  consuls.  All  these 
measures  were  carried  into  effect,  the  elections  at  Rome 
being  secured  by  intimidation  and  by  the  votes  of  soldiers 
of  the  Gallic  legions,  to  whom  Caesar  granted  furloughs  for 
this  purpose.  The  government  of  the  two  Spains  was  given 
to  Pompey,  while  that  of  Syria  was  assigned  to  Crassus. 
The  latter  hurried  to  the  East,  hoping  to  rival  there  the 

brilliant  conquests  of  Caesar  in  the  VV^est.  At  this  time  the 
great  Parthian  empire  occupied  the  immense  reach  of  terri- 
tory stretching  from  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  to  that  of 
the  Indus.  Notwithstanding  that  the  Parthians  were  at 
peace  with  the  Roman  people,  Crassus  led  his  army  across 
the  Euphrates  and  invaded  their  territory,  intent  upon  a 
w^ar  of  conquest  and  booty.  In  the  midst  of  the  Mesopo- 
tamian  desert  he  was  treacherously  deserted  by  his  guides, 

and  his  army,  suddenly  attacked  by  the  Parthian  cavalry, 
was  almost  annihilated.  Crassus  himself  was  slain,  and  his 
head,  so  it  is  said,  was  filled  by  his  captors  with  molten 
gold,  that  he  might  be  sated  with  the  metal  which  he  had 

so  coveted  during  life. 

In  the  death  of  Crassus,  Caesar  lost  his  stanchest  friend, 
_  one  who  had  never  failed  him,  and  whose  wealth  had  been 
freely  used  for  his  advancement.     When  Cx^sar,  before  his 

consulship,  had  received  a  command  in  Spain,and  the  immense 

sums  he  owed  at  Rome  were  embarrassing  him  and  prevent- 
ing his  departure,  Crassus  had  come  forward  and  generously 
paid  more  than  a  million  dollars  of  his  friend's  debts. 

5  A  nomination  by  this  "  ring  "  of  politicians  and  generals  was  equiva- 
lent to  an  election. 


292 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC, 


194.  Rivalry  between  Caesar  and  Pompey.  —  After  the 
death  of  Crassus  the  world  belonged  to  Caesar  and  Pom- 
pey. That  the  insatiable  ambition  of  these  two  rivals 
should  sooner  or  later  bring  them  into  collision  was  inevi- 
table. Their  alliance  in  the  triumvirate  was  simply  one  of 
selfish  convenience,  not  of  friendship.  While  Ccesar  was 
carrying  on  his  brilliant  campaigns  in  Gaul,  Pompey  was 
at  Rome  watching  jealously  the  growing  reputation  of  his 
great  rival.  He  strove  by  princely  liberality  to  win  the 
affections  of  the  common  people.  On  the  Field  of  Mars  he 
erected  an  immense  theatre  with  seats  for  forty  thousand 
spectators.     He  gave  magnificent    games    and    set  public 

tables  ;  ana,  wKen  the  mterest  of  tlie  people  in  tlie  sports 
of  the  Circus  flagged,  he  entertained  them  with  gladiatorial 
combats. 

In  a  similar  manner  Caesar  strengthened  himself  with  the 
people  for  the  struggle  which  he  plainly  foresaw.  He 
sought  in  every  way  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Gauls ; 
he  increased  the  pay  of  his  soldiers,  conferred  the  privileges 
of   Roman    citizenship   upon    the  inhabitants   of  different 

cities,  and  sent  to  Rome  enormous  sums  of  gold  to  be 
expended  in  the  erection  of  temples,  theatres,  and  other 
public  structures,  and  in  the  celebration  of  games  and 
shows  that  should  rival  in  magnificence  those  given  by 
Pompey. 

The  terrible  condition  of  affairs  at  the  capital  favored 
the  ambition  of  Pompey.  So  selfish  and  corrupt  were  the 
members  of  the  senate,  so  dead  to  all  virtue  and  to  every 

sentiment  of  patriotism  were  the  people,  that  even  such 

patriots  as  Cato  and  Cicero  saw  no  hope  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  republic.     Pompey  was  appointed  as  sole  con- 


THE   PERIOD    OF   THE   REVOLUTION, 


293 


sul  for  one  year,  which  was  about  the  same  thing  as  making 
him  dictator.  *' It  is  better,"  said  Cato,  "to  choose  a 
master  than  to  wait  for  the  tyrant  whom  anarchy  will 
impose  upon  us."  The  "tyrant"  in  his  and  in  every- 
body's  mind   was    Caesar. 

Pompey  now  broke  with  C^tesar,  and  attached  himself 
again  to  the  old  aristocratical  party,  which  he  had  deserted 
for  the  alliance  and  promises  of  the  triumvirate.  The 
death,  at  this  time,  of  his  wife  Julia,  the  daughter  of  CiKsar, 
severed  the  bonds  of  relationship  at  the  same  moment  that 
those  of  ostensible  friendship  were  broken. 

195.  Caesar  crosses  the   Rubicon  (49   B.C.). — Caesar  now 

demanded  the  consulship.  He  knew  that  his  life  would 
not  be  safe  in  Rome  from  the  jealousy  and  hatred  of  his 
enemies  without  the  security  from  impeachment  and  trial 
which  that  office  would  give.  The  senate,  acting  under 
the  instigation  of  these  same  enemies,  issued  a  decree  that 
he  should  resign  his  office  and  disband  his  Gallic  legions 
by  a  stated  day.  The  crisis  had  now  come.  Caesar  ordered 
his  legions  to  hasten  from  Gaul  into  Italy.  Without  wait- 
ing for  their  arrival,  at  the  head  of  a  small  hody  of  veterans 
that  he  had  with  him  at  Ravenna,  he  crossed  the  Rubicon, 
a  little  stream  that  marked  the  boundary  of  his  province. 
This  was  a  declaration  of  war.     As  he  plunged  into  the 

river,  he  exclaimed  :  **  The  die  is  cast !  " 

196.  The  Civil  War  between  Caesar  and  Pompey  (49-48 
B.C.).  — The  bold  movement  of  Cnesar  produced  great  con- 
sternation at  Rome.     Realizing  the  danger  of  delay,  Caesar, 

without  waiting  for  the  Gallic  legions  to  join  him,  marched 

southward.  One  city  after  another  threw  open  its  gates  to 
him  ;  legion  after  legion  went  over  to  his  standard.    Pompey 


294 


ROME  AS  A  REPUBLIC. 


and  a  great  part  of  the  senators  hastened  from  Rome  to 
Brundisium,  and  thence,  with  about  twenty-five  thousand 
soldiers,  fled  across  the  Adriatic  into  Greece.  The  exiled 
senators  reconvened  at  Thessalonica  in  Macedonia,  and 
made  that  city  the  seat  of  the  government.  Within  sixty 
days  CoiTsar  made  himself  undisputed  master  of  all  Italy. 
Pompey  and  Caesar  now  controlled  the  Roman  world.    It 

w^as  large,  but  not  large  enough  for  both  these  ambitious 
men.  As  to  which  was  likely  to  become  sole  master  it  were 
difficult  for  one  watching  events  at  that  time  to  foresee. 
Caisar  held  Italy,  Illyricum,  and  Gaul,  with  the  resources 
of  his  own  genius  and  the  idolatrous  attachment  of  his 
soldiers  ;  Pompey  controlled  Spain,  Africa,  Sicily,  Sardinia, 
Greece,  and  the  provinces  of  Asia,  with  the  prestige  of  his 
great  name  and  the  enormous  resources  of  the  East. 

Caesar's  first  care  was  to  pacify  Italy.  His  moderation 
and  prudence  won  all  classes  to  his  side.  Many  had  looked 
to  see  the  terrible  scenes  of  the  days  of  Marius  and  Sulla 
reenacted.      Caesar,  however,  soon  gave  assurance  that  life 

and  property  should  be  held  sacred.  He  needed  money  ; 
but  to  avoid  laying  a  tax  upon  the  people,  he  asked  for  the 
treasure  kept  beneath  the  Capitol.  Legend  declared  that 
this  gold  was  the  actual  ransom  money  which  Brennus  had 

demanded  of  the  Romans  and  wliicK  CamiUus  had  saved  by 
his  timely  appearance  (par.  68).  It  was  esteemed  sacred, 
and  was  never  to  be  used  save  in  case  of  another  Gallic 
invasion.     When  Caesar  attempted  to  get  possession  of  the 

treasure,  the  tribune  Metellus  prevented  him ;  but  Cresar 
impatiently  brushed  him  aside,  saying,  ''  The  fear  of  a  Gallic 
invasion  is  over;  I  have  subdued  the  Gauls." 

With  order  restored  in  Italy,  Caesar's  next  movement  was 


T/f£   PERIOD   OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 


'95 


to  gain  control  of  the  wheat-fields  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and 
Africa.  A  single  legion  brought  over  Sardinia  without 
resistance  to  the  side  of  Caesar.  Cato,  the  lieutenant  of 
Pompey,  fled  from  before  Caesar's  legate,  Curlo,^  out  of 
Sicily.  In  Africa,  however,  Curio  sustained  a  severe  defeat, 
and  the  Pompeians  held  their  ground  there  until  the  close 
of  the  war.       Caesar,    meanwhile,    had    subjugated    Spain. 

The  entire  peninsula  was  brought  under  his  authority  in 
forty  days.  Massilla  had  ventured  to  close  her  gates 
against  the  conqueror  ;  but  a  brief  siege  forced  the  city  to 
capitulate.     Caesar  was  now  free  to  turn  his  forces  against 

Pompey  in  the  East. 

197.  The  Battle  of  Pharsalus  (48  b.c.).  —  From  Brundis- 
ium Caesar  embarked  his  legions  for  Epirus.  The  passage 
was  an  enterprise  attended  with  great  danger,  for  Bibulus, 

Pompey's  admiral,  swept  the  sea  with  his  fleets.  It  was 
not  without  having  sustained  severe  losses  that  Caesar 
effected  a  landing  upon  the  shores  of  Greece.  His  legions 
mustered  barely  twenty  thousand  men.      Pompey's  forces 

were  double  this  number.  Ca^^sar  having  failed  in  an  attempt 
to  capture  the  camp  of  his  rival  at  Dyrrachium,  he  slowly 
retired  into  Thessaly,  and  drew  up  his  army  upon  the  plains 
of  Pharsalus.      Hither  he  was  followed  by  Pompey.     The 

adherents  of  the  latter  were  so  confident  of  an  easy  victory 

that  they  were  already  disputing  about  the  offices  at  Rome, 
and  were  renting  the  most  eligible  houses  fronting  the 
public  squares  of  the  capital.     The  battle  was  at  length 

joined.  Pompey's  army  was  cut  to  pieces.  He  himself 
fled  from  the  field  and  escaped  to  Egypt.  Just  as  he  was 
landing,  he  was  stabbed  by  one  of  his  former  lieutenants, 

^  G.  Scribonius  Curio. 


296 


ROME   AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


now  an  officer  at  the  Egyptian  court.  The  reigning  Ptolemy 
had  ordered  Pompey's  assassination  in  hopes  of  pleasing 
Caesar.      *' If    we    receive    him,"  he  said,   "we  shall  make 

Csesar  our  enemy  and  Pompey  our  master. 

The  head  of  the  great  general  was  severed  from  his  body  ; 
and  when  Caesar,  who  was  pressing  after  Pompey  in  hot 
pursuit,  landed  in  Egypt,  the  bloody  trophy  was  brought  to 
him.  But  it  was  no  longer  the  head  of  his  rival,  but  of  his 
old  associate  and  son-in-law.  Turning  from  the  sight  with 
generous  tears,  he  ordered  that  the  assassins  be  executed, 
and  that  fitting  obsequies  be  performed  over  the  mutilated 

body. 

198.  Close  of  the  Civil  War ;  Battle  of  Thapsus  (46  B.C.).— 
Caisar  was  detained  at  Alexandria  nine  months  in  settling 
a  dispute  respecting  the  throne  of  Egypt.  After  a  severe 
contest  he  overthrew  the  reigning  Ptolemy,  and  secured  the 
kingdom  to  the  celebrated  Cleopatra  and  a  younger  brother. 
Intelligence  was  now  brought  from  Asia  Minor  that  Phar- 
naces,  son  of  Mithradates  the  Great,  was  inciting  a  revolt 

among  the  peoples  of  that  region.    Coesar  met  the  Pontic 

king  at  Zela,  defeated  him,  and  in  five  days  put  an  end  to 
the  war  (47  B.C.).  His  laconic  message  to  the  senate, 
announcing  his  victory,  is  famous.    It  ran  thus  :  "  Veiii,  vidi, 

i^ci^' ^^^\  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered." 

Caesar  now  hurried  back  to  Italy,  and  thence  proceeded 
to  Africa,  which  the  friends  of  the  old  republic  had  made 
their   last    chief    rallying  place.     At  the   great   battle  of 

Thapsus  (46  F,.c.)  they  were  crushed.    Fifty  thousand  lay 

dead  upon  the  field.  Cato,  who  had  been  the  very  life  and 
soul  of  the  army,  refusing  to  outlive  the  republic,  took  his 
own  life. 


THE   PERIOD    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 


297 


199.  Caesar  as  an  Uncrowned  King  ;  his  Triumph.  —  Caesar 
was  now  virtually  lord  of  the  Roman  world.^  He  refrained 
from  taking  the  title  of  king,  but  he  assumed  the  purple 

robe,  the  Insignia  of  royalty,  and  caused  his  effigy  tO  be 
stamped,  after  the  manner  of  sovereigns,  on  the  public 
coins.  His  statue  was  significantly  given  a  place  along 
with  those  of  the  seven  kings  of  early  Rome.  He  was  in- 
vested with  all  the  offices  and  dignities  of  the  state.  The 
senate  made  him  perpetual  dictator  (44  B.C.),  and  conferred 
upon  him  the  powers  of  censor,  consul,  and  tribune,  with 
the   titles   of    pontifex    maximus    and    imperator.      Thus, 

though  not  a  king  in  name,  Caesar's  actual  position  at  the 

head  of  the  state  was  that  of  an  absolute  ruler.  No  oriental 
monarch  was  ever  possessed  of  fuller  authority,  nor  sur- 
rounded by  more  abject  flatterers  and  sycophants. 

Caesar's  triumph  celebrating  his  many  victories  far 
eclipsed  in  magnificence  anything  that  Rome  had  before 
witnessed.^  In  the  procession  were  led  captive  princes  from 
all  parts  of  the  world.      Beneath  his  standards  marched 

soldiers  gathered  out  of  almost  every  country  under  the 

heavens.  Seventy-five  million  dollars  of  treasure  were  dis- 
played. Splendid  games  and  tables  attested  the  liberality 
of  the  conqueror.  Sixty  thousand  couches  were  set  for  the 
multitudes.  The  shows  of  the  theatre  and  the  combats  of 
the  arena  followed  one  another  in  an  endless  round.    "Above 

■^  The  sons  of  Pompey  —  Gnaeus  and  Sextus  —  stiU  held  Spain. 
Csesar  overthrew  their  power  a  little  later  in  the  decisive  battle  of 
Munda,  45  B.C. 

8  The  triumph  was  only  for  his  'victories  over  foreign  enemies,  not 
for  those  over  his  rivals  in  the  civil  war.  It  was  not  yet  thought  fitting 
for  one  citizen  to  triumph  over  another.  Later,  these  scruples  of  patriot- 
ism were  lost. 


298 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


the  combats  of  the  amphitheatre  floated  for  the  first  time 
the  awning  of  silk,  the  immense  velarium  of  a  thousand 
colors,  woven  from  the  rarest  and  richest  products  of  the 
East,  to  protect  the  people  from  the  sun  "  (Gibbonj. 

200.  Caesar  as  a  Statesman.  — Caesar  was  great  as  a  gen- 
eral, yet  greater,  if  possible,  as  a  statesman."^  He  had  great 
plans  which  embraced  the  whole  world  that  Rome  had  con- 
quered.    A  chief  aim  of  his  was  to  establish  between  the 

different  classes  of  the  empire  equality  of  rights,  to  place 
Italy  and  the  provinces  on  the  same  footing,  to  blend  the 
various  races  and  peoples  into  a  real  nationality  with  com- 
munity of  interests  and  sympathies  ;  in  a  word,  to  carry  to 
completion  that  great  work  of  making  all  the  world  Roman 

^  "  From  early  youth,  accordingly,  Caesar  was  a  statesman  in  the  deep- 
est sense  of  the  term,  and  his  aim  was  the  highest  which  man  is  allowed 
to  propose  to  himself  —  the  political,  military,  intellectual,  and  moral 

regeneration  of  his  own  deeply  decayed  nation,  and  of  the  still  more 

deeply  decayed  Hellenic  nation  intimately  akin  to  his  own.    ...      He 

was,  no  doubt,  a  great  orator,  author,  and  general,  but  he  became  each 
of  these  merely  because  he  was  a  consummate  statesman.  The  soldier 
more  especially  played  in  him  altogether  an  accessory  part,  and  it  is  one 

of  the  principal  peculiarities  by  which  he  is  distinguished  from  Alex- 
ander, Hannibal,  and  Napoleon,  that  he  began  his  political  activity  not 
as  an  officer,  but  as  a  demagogue.  According  to  his  original  plan  he 
had  purposed  to  reach  his  object,  like  Pericles  and  Gaius  Gracchus, 
without  force  of  arms,  and  throughout  eighteen  years  he  had  as  leader 
of  the  popular  party  moved  exclusively  amid  political  plans  and  intrigues, 

until,  reluctantly  convinced  of   the   necessity  for  a    military   support,  he, 

when  already  forty  years  of  age,  headed  an  army.  It  was  natural  that 
he  should  ever  afterwards  remain  still  more  statesman  than  general  — 
just  like  Cromwell,  who  also  transformed  himself  into  a  military  chief 
and  democratic  king,  and  who  in  general,  little  as  the  Puritan  hero 
seems  to  resemble  the  dissolute  Roman,  is  yet  in  his  development  as 
well  as  in  the  objects  which  he  aimed  at  and  the  results  which  he 
achieved  of  all  statesmen  perhaps  the  most  akin  to  Caesar."  —  Mommsen, 
History  of  Komcy  vol.  iv.  pp.  541-543. 


THE  PERIOD   OE   THE   REVOLUTION. 


299 


which  had  been  begun  in  the  earliest  times  (par.  30).  To 
this  end  he  established  numerous  colonies  in  the  provinces, 
and  settled  in  them  one  hundred  thousand  of  the  poorer 
citizens  of  the  capital.  With  a  liberality  that  astonished 
and  offended  many,  he 
admitted  to  the  senate 
sons  of  freedmen,  and 
particularly  representa- 
tive men  from  among 
the  Oauls,  and  conferred 
upon  individual  provin- 
cials, and  upon  entire 
classes  and  cominunities 
in  the  provinces,  the 
partial  or  full  rights  of 
the  city.^**      His  action 

here  marks  an  epoch  in 
the  history  of  Rome. 
The  immunities  and  priv- 
ileges of  the  city  had 
never  hitherto  been  con- 
ferred, save  in  exceptional  cases,  upon  any  peoples  other 
than  those  of  the  Italian  race.  Caesar  threw  the  gates  of 
the    city    wide  open    to    the    non- Italian    peoples    of    the 

provinces.  Thus  was  foreshadowed  the  day  w  ken  all  tree 
men  throughout  the  whole  empire  should  be  Roman  in 
name   and   privilege  (par.  233). 

One  of  the  most  important  of  all  Caesar's  laws  was  that 
known   as   the   Lex  Julia   Milnicipalis   (45  B.C.),   whose   aim 

1"  Caesar's  most  sweeping  measure  of  enfranchisement  was  the  admis- 
.sion  to  the  city  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Cisalpine  Gaul. 


Julius  C.i^sak. 

(From  a  bust  in  the  Museum  at  Naples.) 


300 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


was  to  bring  order  and  uniformity  into  the  municipal  sys- 
tem (par.  167),  and  to  develop  a  more  vigorous  civic  life 
in  the  municipal  towns  of  Italy.  The  law  draws  a  distinct 
line  between  the  matters  that  shall  be  left  in  the  hands  of 

the  local  authorities  and  those  that  shall  be  retained  by 
the  general  government.  All  the  municipal  governments 
organized  after  this,  whether  in  towns  in  Italy  or  in  the 
provinces,  conformed  to  the  principles  embodied  in  this 

important   constitutional   measure. 

As  pontifex  maximus,  Caesar  reformed  the  calendar  so 
as  to  bring  the  festivals  once  more  in  their  proper  seasons, 
and   provided  against   further   confusion   by  making   the 

year  consist  of  36^  days,  with  an  added  day  for  every 
fourth  or  leap  year.  This  is  what  is  called  the  Julian 
Calendar.^^ 

Besides  these  achievements,  Caesar  projected  many  vast 
undertakings  which  the  abrupt  termination  of  his  life  pre- 
vented his  carrying  into  execution.  He  ordered  a  survey 
of  the  enormous  domains  of  the  state ;  he  proposed  to 
make  a  code  or  digest  of  the  Roman  laws  —  which  work  was 

left  to  be  performed  by  the  Kmperor  Justinian  six  centuries 
later  (par.  310)  ;  he  also  planned  many  public  works  and 
improvements  at  Rome,  among  which  were  schemes  for 
draining  the  Pontine  marshes  and  for  changing  the  course 
of  the  Tiber.  He  further  proposed  to  cut  a  canal  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  to  construct  roads  over  the  Apen- 
nines, and  to  form    a  library  to  take  the  place  of  the  great 

"This  calendar  was  in  general  use  in  Europe  until  the  year  1582, 

when    it   was     reformed    by    Pope    Gregory    XIII.,  and   became    what    is 

known  as  the  Gregorian  Calendar.  This  in  time  came  in  vogue  in  all 
Christian  countries,  save  Russia,  where  the  Julian  Calendar  is  still  fol- 
lowed. 


THE  PERIOD   OF   THE  REVOLUTION. 


301 


Alexandrian   collection,   which   had   been    partly   destroyed 
during    his    campaign    in    Egypt.      But   all   his   plans  were 
brought  to  a  sudden  end  by  the  daggers  of  assassins. 
201.   The  Death  of  Caesar  (44  b.c).  —  Caesar  had  his  bitter 

personal  enemies,  who  never  ceased  to  plot  his  downfall. 
There  were,  too,  sincere  lovers  of  the  old  republic  who 
longed  to  see  restored  the  liberty  which  the  conqueror  had 
overthrown.  The  impression  began  to  prevail  that  Caesar 
was  aiming  to  make  himself  king.  A  crown  was  several 
times  offered  him  in  public  by  the  consul  Mark  Antony;^ 
but  seeing  the  manifest  displeasure  of  the  people,  he  each 
time  pushed  it  aside.     Yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  secretly 

he  desired  it.  It  was  reported  that  he  proposed  to  rebuild 
the  walls  of  Troy,  the  fabled  cradle  of  the  Roman  race  (par. 
40),  and  make  that  ancient  capital  the  seat  of  the  new 
Roman  empire.  Others  professed  to  believe  that  the  arts 
and  charms  of  the  Egyptian  Cleopatra,  who  had  borne  him 
a  son  at  Rome,  would  entice  him  to  make  Alexandria  the 
centre  of  the  proposed  kingdom.  So,  many,  out  of  love 
for  Rome  and  the  old  republic,  were  led  to  enter  into  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  life  of  CiEsar  with  those  w^ho  sought 
to  rid  themselves  of  the  dictator  for  other  and  personal 
reasons. 

The  Ides  (the  15th  day)  of  March,  44  b.c,  upon  which 
day  the  senate  convened,  witnessed  the  assassination. 
Seventy  or  eighty  conspirators,  headed  by  Gains  Cassius 
and  Marcus  Brutus,  were  concerned  in  the  plot.  The 
soothsayers  must  have  had  some  knowledge  of  the  plans  of 

the   conspirators,  for   tliey  hacl   warned    Caesar  to  ^'  beware 

1  Marcus  Antonius,  the  grandson  of  the  celebrated  orator  of  the 
same  name  (par.  306). 


302 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


of  the  Ides  of  March."  On  his  way  to  the  senate  meeting 
that  day,  which  was  held  in  a  hall  forming  part  of  Pompey's 
great  stone  theatre  (par.  291),  a  paper  warning  him  of  his 

danger  was  thrust  into 
his  hand  ;  but,  not  sur- 
mising its  urgent  nature, 
he  did  not  open  it.  As 
he  entered  the  assembly 

chamber  he  observed  the 
astrologer  Spurinna,  and 
remarked  carelessly  to 
him,  referring  to  his  pre- 
diction :  "The  Ides  of 
M  a  re  h  have  c  o  m  e. " 
"Yes,"  replied  Spurinna, 
"  but  not  gone." 

No  sooner  had  Caesar 
taken  his  seat  than  the 
conspirators  crowded 
about  him  as  if  to  pre- 
sent a  petition.  Upon  a  signal  from  one  of  their  number 
their  daggers  were  drawn.  For  a  moment  Ca.*sar  defended 
himself;  but  seeing  Brutus,  upon  whom  he  had  lavished 
gifts  and  favors,  among  the  conspirators,  he  is  said  to  have 

exclaimed  reproachfully,  ''Et  tii,  Bnite!''  —  ^^T\m\,  too, 

Brutus ! "  then  to  have  drawn  his  mantle  over  his  face,  and 
to  have  received  unresistingly  their  further  thrusts.  Pierced 
with  twenty-three  wounds,   he  sank  dead  at  the  foot  of 

Pompey's  statue. 

The  Romans  had  killed  many  of  their  best  men  and  cut 
short  their  work ;  but  never  had  they  killed  such  a  man  as 


Marcus  Brutus. 


T///^    PERIOD    OF    THE    REVOLUTIOiV. 


303 


Cn^^sar.  He  was  the  greatest  man  their  race  had  yet  pro- 
duced or  was  destined  ever  to  produce. 

Caesar's  work  was  left  all  incomplete.  What  lends  to  it 
such  great  historical  importance  is  the  fact  that  in  his 
reforms  and  policies  Uassar  drew  the  broad  lines  which  his 
successors  followed,  and  indicated  the  principles  on  which 
the  government  of  the  future  must  be  based. 

202.    Funeral  Oration  by  Mark  Antony.  —  The  conspirators, 

or  "liberators,"  as  they  called  themselves,  had  thought 

that  the  senate  would  contirm,  and  the  people  applaud, 
their  act.  But  both  people  and  senators,  struck  with  con- 
sternation, w^ere  silent.  Men's  faces  grew  pale  as  they 
recalled  the  proscrip- 
tions of  Sulla  (par. 
176),  and  saw  in  the 
assassination  of  Ca-sar 

the  first  act  in  a  simi- 
lar reign  of  terror.    As 


the  conspirators  issued 
from  the  assembly  hall, 

and  entered  the  forum, 
holding  aloft  their 
bloody  daggers,  in- 
stead of  being  received, 

as  they  expected,  with 

acclamations  they 

were   met    by   an   omi- 

nous    silence.      The 

liberators  hastened  for  safety  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  C'api- 

tolinus,  going  thither  ostensibly  for  the   purpose  of  giving 

thanks   for   the   death   of  the   tyrant. 


Mark  Antony 


304 


ROME    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


Upon  the  day  set  for  the  funeral  ceremonies,  Mark 
Antony,  the  trusted  friend  and  secretary  of  Citsar, 
mounted    the    rostra    in   the    forum    to    deliver    the  usual 

funeral  oration.    He  recounted  the  great  deeds  of  Cxsar, 

the  glory  he  had  conferred  upon  the  Roman  name,  dwelt 
upon  his  liberality  and  his  munificent  bequests  to  the  peo- 
ple  even  to  some  who  were  now  his  murderers  ;  and  when 

he  had  wrought  the  feelings  of  the  multitude  to  the  highest 
tension,  he  held  up  the  robe  of  Cresar,  and  showed  the 
rents  made  by  the  daggers  of  the  assassins. 

Csesar  had  always  been  beloved  by  the  people  and  idol- 
ized by  his  soldiers.    They  were  now  driven  almost  to 

frenzy  with  grief  and  indignation.  Seizing  weapons  and 
torches,  they  rushed  through  the  streets,  vowing  vengeance 
upon  the  conspirators.  The  liberators,  however,  escaped 
from  the  fury  of  the  mob  and  fled  from  Rome,  Brutus  and 
Cassius  seeking  refuge  in  Greece. 

203.  The  Second  Triumvirate  (43  b.c).  —  Antony  had 
gained  possession  of  the  will  and  papers  of  Caesar,  and 
now,  under  color  of  carrying  out  the  testament  of  the  dic- 
tator, according  to  a  decree  of  the  senate,  entered  upon  a 
course  of  high-handed  usurpation.  He  was  aided  in  his 
desi<yns  by  Marcus  ^^^2milius  Lepidus,  one  of  Caesar's  old 
lieutenants.  Very  soon  he  was  exercising  all  the  powers 
of  a  real  dictator.  "The  tyrant  is  dead,"  said  Cicero, 
"but  the  tyranny  still  lives."  This  was  a  bitter  commen- 
tary upon  the  words  of  Brutus,  who,  as  he  drew  his  dagger 
from  the  body  of  Caesar,  turned  to  Cicero  and  exclaimed : 

**  Rejoice,  O  Father  of  your  Country,  for  Rome  is  free." 
Rome  could  not  be  free,  the  republic  could  not  be  reestab- 
lished, because  the  virtues  of  the  ancient  Romans  had  died 


THE    PERIOD    OE    THE    REVOLUTION. 


305 


out  from  among  their  descendants  —  had  been  overwhelmed 
by  the  rising  tide  of  vice,  selfishness,  sensuality,  and  irre- 
ligion  that  had  set  in  upon  the  capital. 

To  what  lengths  Antony  would  have  gone  in  his  career 

of  usurpation  it  is  difficult  to  say,  had  he  not  been  opposed 

at    this   point    by 

Gaius  Octavius,  the 

young  grandnephew 

of  Julius  Caisar,  and 

the   one    whom    he 

had    named    in    his 

will  as  his  heir  and 

successor.  Upon 
the  senate  declaring 
in  favor  of  Octa- 
vius, civil  war  im- 
mediately broke  out 
between  him  and 
Antony  and  Lepi- 
dus.    After  several 

indecisive  battles 
between  the  forces 
of  the  rival  competi- 
tors, Octavius  pro- 
posed to  Antony 
and  Lepidus  a  rec- 
onciliation. The 
three  met  on  a  small  island  in  the  Rhenus,  a  little  stream 

in    Northern    Etruria,  and   there   formed  a  league   known  as 
the  Second  Triumvirate  (43  B.C.). 

The   plans   of  the   triumvirs  were   infamous.      They  first 


Octavius  as  a  Youth. 
(FVom  a  bust  in  the  Vatican  Museum.) 


3o6 


ROMB    AS   A    REPUBLIC. 


divided  the  world  among  themselves :  Octavius  was  to 
have  the  government  of  the  West ;  Antony,  that  of  the 
East;  while  to  Lepidus  fell  the  control  of  Africa.  A 
general  proscription,  such  as  had  marked  the  coming  to 


Cicero. 

(From  the  bust  in  the  Capitoline  Museum.) 

power  of  Sulla,  was  then  resolved  upon.  It  was  agreed 
that  each  should  give  up  to  the  assassin  such  friends  of 
his  as  had  incurred  the  ill-will  of  either  of  the  other  trium- 
virs. Under  this  arrangement  Octavius  gave  up  his  friend 
Cicero,  —  who    had    incurred    the    hatred    of    Antony    by 


THE  PERIOD  OE  THE  REVOLUTION.         307 

opposing  his   schemes,  —  and  allowed  his  name   to  be   put 
at  the  head  of  the  list  of  the  proscribed. 
The  friends  of  the  orator  urged  him  to  flee  the  country. 

''Let  me  die,"  said  he,  "in  my  fatherland,  which  I  have  so 
often  saved!"  His  attendants  were  hurrying  him,  half 
unwilling,  towards  the  coast,  when  his  pursuers  came  up 
and  despatched  him  in  the  litter  in  which  he  was  being 

carried.  His  head  was  taken  to  Rome,  and  set  up  in  front 
of  the  rostra,  "from  which  he  had  so  often  addressed  the 
people  with  his  eloquent  appeals  for  liberty."  It  is  told 
that  Fulvia,  the  wife  of  Antony,  ran  her  gold  bodkin 
through  the  tongue,  in  revenge  for  the  bitter  philippics  it 
had  uttered  against  her  husband.      The   right   hand   of   the 

victim the  hand  that  had  penned  the  eloquent  orations 

—  was  nailed  to  the  rostra. 

Cicero  was  but  one  victim  among  many  hundreds.  All 
the  dreadful  scenes  of  the  days  of  Sulla  were  reenacted. 
Three  hundred  senators  and  two  thousand  knights  were 
murdered.  The  estates  of  the  wealthy  were  confiscated, 
and    conferred    by    the    triumvirs    upon    their    friends    and 

favorites. 

204.  Last  Struggle  of  the  Republic  at  Philippi  (42  b.c).  — 
The  friends  of  the  old  republic,  and  the  enemies  of   the 

triumvirs,  were  meanwhile  rallying  in  the  East.  Brutus 
and  Cassius  were  the  animating  spirits.  The  Asiatic  prov- 
inces were  plundered  to  raise  money  for  the  soldiers  of  the 
liberators.  Octavius  and  Antony,  as  soon  as  they  had 
disposed  of  their  enemies  in  Italy,  crossed  the  Adriatic 
into  Greece,  to  disperse  the  forces  of  the  republicans  there. 
The  liberators,  advancing  to  meet  them,  passed  over  the 
Hellespont  into  Thrace. 


* 


3o8 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


Legend  tells  us  how  one   night  a  spectre   appeared  to 

Brutus  and  seemed  to  say,  *4  am  thy  evil  genius;  we  shall 

meet  again  at  I'hilippi."  At  Philippi,  in  Thrace,  the  hos- 
tile armies  met  (42  B.C.).  In  two  successive  engagements 
the  new  levies  of  the  liberators  were  cut  to  pieces,  and 
both  Brutus  and  Cassius,  believing  the  cause  of  the  republic 
forever  lost,  committed  suicide.  It  was,  indeed,  the  last 
effort  of  the  republic.  The  history  of  the  events  that  lie 
between  the  action  at  Philippi  and  the  establishment  of 
the  empire  is  simply  a  record  of  the  struggles  among  the 

triumvirs  for  the  possession  of  the  prize  of  supreme 
power.  After  various  redistributions  of  provinces,  Lepidus 
was  at  length  expelled  from  the  triumvirate,  and  then  again 
the  Roman  world,  as  in  the  times  of  Caesar  and  Pompey, 
was  in  the  hands  of  two  masters,  —  Antony  in  the  East 
and   Octavius   in   the   West. 

205.    Antony  and  Cleopatra.  —  After  the  battle  of  Philippi, 
Antony  went   into   Asia   for   the   purpose   of    settling   the 

affairs  of  the  provinces  and  vassal  states  there.  He  sum- 
moned Cleopatra,  the  fair  queen  of  Egypt,  to  meet  him  at 
Tarsus,  in  Cilicia,  there  to  give  account  to  him  for  the  aid 
she  had  rendered  the  liberators.  She  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons, relying  upon  the  power  of  her  charms  to  appease  the 
anger  of  the  triumvir.  She  ascended  the  Cydnus  in  a 
gilded  barge,  w4th  oars  of  silver  and  sails  of  purple  silk. 
Beneath  awnings  wrought  of   the   richest  manufactures  of 

the  East,  the  beautiful  queen,  attired  to  personate  Venus, 
reclined  amidst  lovely  attendants  dressed  to  represent 
cupids  and  nereids.  Antony  was  completely  fascinated, 
as  had  been  the  great  Caesar  before  him,  by  the  dazzling 
beauty   of  the  "  Serpent   of   the    Nile."      Enslaved   by  her 


THE    PERIOD    OF    THE   REVOLUTION. 


309 


enchantments,  and  charmed   by  her  brilliant   wit,   in  the 

pleasure  of  her  company  he  forgot  all  else,  -  ambition  and 

honor  and  country. 

The  days  and  nights  were  spent  in  one  round  of  ban- 
quets, games,  and  revelries.     It  is  said  that  the  queen,  at 

the  close  of  a  banquet,  in  order  to  win  a  wager  that  she 
could  consume  ten  million  sesterces  at  one  meal,  dissolved 
in  a  cup  of  vinegar  a  pearl  of  fabulous  worth,  and  then 
carelessly   swallowed    the    costly    draught.     In    ingenious 

ways  she  amused  the  Roman  voluptuary,  arraying  herself 

now  as  Venus  and  then  as  Isis,  while  he  personated 
Bacchus  and  Osiris.  Upon  their  fishing  excursions  she 
employed  divers  to  fasten  enormous  fishes  to  the  hook  of 

her  lover. 

Once,  indeed,  Antony  did  rouse  himself  and  break  away 
from  his  enslavement,  to  lead  the  Roman  legions  against 
the  Parthians.     With  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men 

he  crossed  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  and  with  reckless 

daring  plunged  amidst  the  defiles  and  snowy  passes  of  the 
mountains  beyond.  But  the  storms  of  approaching  winter 
and  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  Parthian  cavalry  at  length 
forced  him  to  make  a  hurried  and  disastrous  retreat.  The 
loss,  the  suffering,  and  the  disgrace  attending  this  ill-fated 
expedition  rivalled  the  calamities  and  dishonor  of  the 
memorable  defeat  of  Crassus  (par.  193).  Antony  hastened 
back  to  Egypt,  and  sought  to  forget  his  shame  and  disap- 
pointment amidst  the  revels  of  the  Egyptian  court. 

206.  The  Battle  of  Actium  (31  b.c).  —  Affairs  could  not 
long  continue  in  their  present  course.  Antony  had  put 
away  his  faithful  wife  Octavia  for  the  beautiful  Cleopatra. 
It  was   whispered   at   Rome,    and    not   without    truth,   that 


;io 


ROME   AS  A    REPUBLIC. 


he  proposed  to  make  Alexandria  the  capital  of  the  Roman 

world,  and  announce  Ca^sarion,  son  of  Julius  Caesar  and 

Cleopatra,  as  the  heir  of  the  empire.  All  Rome  was  stirred. 
It  was  evident  that  a  struggle  was  at  hand  in  which  the 
question  for  decision  would  be  whether  the  West  should 

rule  the  East,  or  the  East  rule  the  West.    All  eyes  were 

instinctively  turned  to  Octavius  as  the  defender  of  Italy 
and  the  supporter  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Eternal  City. 

Both  parties  made  the  most  gigantic  preparations  for 
the  inevitable  conflict.     Octavius  met  the  combined  fleets 

of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  just  off  the  promontory  of  Actium, 
on  the  Grecian  coast.  While  the  issue  of  the  battle  that 
there  took  place  was  yet  undecided,  Cleopatra  turned  her 
galley  in  flight.    The  Egyptian  ships,  to  the  number  of 

fifty,  followed  her  example.  Antony,  as  soon  as  he  per- 
ceived the  withdrawal  of  Cleopatra,  forgot  all  else,  and 
followed  in  her  track  with  a  swift  galley.  Overtaking  the 
fleeing  queen,  the  infatuated  man  was  received  aboard  her 

vessel,  and  became  her  partner  in  the  disgraceful  flight. 

The  abandoned  fleet  and  army  surrendered  to  Octavius. 
The  conqueror  was  now  sole  master  of  the  civilized  world. 
From  this  decisive  battle  (31  k.c.  )  are  usually  dated  the 

end  of  the  republic  and  the  beginning  of  the  empire. 
Some,  however,  make  the  establishment  of  the  empire  date 
from  the  year  27  B.C.,  as  it  was  not  until  then  that  Octavius 
was  formally  invested  with  imperial  powers. 

207.  Death  of  Antony  and  of  Cleopatra  ;  Egypt  becomes  a 
Roman  Province.  —  Octavius  pursued  Antony  to  E^-ypt, 
where  the  latter,  deserted  by  his  army  and  informed  by  a 
messenger  from  the  false  queen  that  she  was  dead,  com- 
mitted   suicide.      This   was   exactly  what    Cleopatra    antici- 


THE   PERIOD   OE   THE  REVOLUTION, 


311 


pated  he  would  do,  and  hoped  thus  to  rid  herself  of  a  now 
burdensome  lover.  When,  however,  the  dying  Antony,  in 
accordance  with  his  wish,  was  borne  to  her,  the  old  love 
returned  and  he  expired  in  her  arms. 

Cleopatra    then    sought    to    enslave   Octavius    with    her 
charms ;  but  failing  in  this,  and  becoming  convinced  that 

he  proposed  to  take  her  to  Rome  that  she  might  there 
grace  his  triumph,  she  took  her  ow^n  life,  being  in  the 
thirty-eighth  year  of  her  age.  Tradition  says  that  she 
effected  her  purpose  by  applying  a  poisonous  asp  to  her 
arm.  But  it  is  really  unknown  in  what  way  she  killed 
herself.  It  is  only  certain  that,  when  the  chamber  of  the 
mausoleum  in  which  she  had  shut  herself  up  was  one  day 
entered  by  the  officers  of  Octavius,  she  was   found  lying 

dead  among  her  attendants,  with  no  mark  o£  injury  upon 
her  body. 

With  the  death  of  Cleopatra  the  noted  dynasty  of  the 
Ptolemies  came  to  an  end.  Kgypt  was  henceforth  a  prov- 
ince of  the  Roman  state. 

References.  —  White's  Atpian,  vol.i.,  Foreign  Wats,  bk.  xii.  chaps, 
x.-xvii.,  deals  with  the  Second  and  Third  Mithradatic  Wars  and  Pom- 
pey's  exploits.     Ibid.,  vol.  ii.,  The  Civil  Wars,  bk.  i.  chaps,  xiii.  and  xiv. ; 

and  bk.  ii.  chap.s.  i.-xxi.    FLirARCll,  Lives  of  Lucullm,  Scrtorm, 

Pompeius^  Crass  us,  C.  Jul  ins  Ccesar,  Antonius,  Cicero,  and  Brutus. 
MoMMSKN  (T.),  **  History  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  ;  read  particularly  chap, 
xi.  entitled,  "  The  Old  Republic  and  the  New  Monarchy."  Freeman 
(E.  A.),  The  Three  Chief  Periods  of  European  History,  Lee.  II.,  "  Rome 
at  the  Head  of  Europe."     Str.vchan-Davidson,  **  Cicero  and  the  Fall 

of  the  Roman  Rep^thlic  (Heroes  of  the  Nations).  Boissier  (Ci.),  **  Cicero 
and  his  Friends  (from  the  French).  Trollope  (A.),  *  The  Life  of 
Cicero,  2  vols.  Froude  (J.  A.),  *^CiBsar.  CnuRCH  (A.  J.),  Roman 
Life  in  the  Days  of  Cicero  ;  for  young  readers  :  also  same  author's  Two 
Thousand  Years  Ago.    Dodge  (T.  A.),  Casar  (Oreat  Captains).     Meri- 

VALE   (C),    The   Fall  of  the    Roman    RepuhUc,   chaps.  vi.-Xvii.  pp.  1 66- 


312 


ROME  AS  A   REPUBLIC. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 


313 


553  ;  and  the  same  author's  The  Roman  Triumvirate  (Epoch  Series). 
Seeley   (J.   R.),  **  Roman  Ifnperialis?n,   Lee.   I.  pp.  5-36,  "The  Great 

Roman  Revolution."  WaLLuN  (H.),  Uisio'ir^  Je  VRsAavage  dans 
PAntiquitc^t  vol.  ii.  pp.  279-384.     Long  (G.),  The  Decline  of  the  Roman 

Republic,  ^  vols.  For  general  reference.  Montesquieu,  Causes  of  the 
Grandeitr  and  Decadence  of  the  Romans  (from  the  French),  chap.  ix. 
Mahakfy    (J.   P.),    T)ie  Greek    World  tinder  Roman  Sway,  chap,  iv., 

"The  Hellenism  of  Cicero  and  his  Friends." 


CHRONOLOGICAL    REVIEW   OF   THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC. 

B.C. 

Republic  established  and  first  consuls  elected 509 

Right  of  appeal  secured  by  the  Lex  Valeria 509 

First  secession  of  plebeians  and  first  tribunes  of  the  people  .     .     .  494 

Spurius  Cassius  carries  the  first  agrarian  law 486 

Cincinnatus  made  dictator 458 

Election  of  first  decemvirs 451 

Passage  of  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws 449 

First  censors  elected 444  } 

Capture  of  Veii 396 

Sack  or  Rome  by  Gauls  under  Prennus 390 

Passage  of  the  Licinian  laws 367 

Samnite  wars 343~-90 

War  with  Pyrrhus 282—272 

First  Punic  War 264-241 

Creation  of  the  first  province 241 

Second  Punic  War 218-201 

P.attle  of  Pydna i68 

Third  Punic  War 149—146 

Destruction  of  Corinth 146 

Destruction  of  Numantia 133 

First  Servile  \Var 134—132 

Tiberius  and  Gains  Gracchus 133— 121 

Jugurthine  War 111-104 

Marius  defeats  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri 102-101 

Social  or  Marsic  War 91-89 

First  Mithradatic  War 88-84 


Civil  war  between  Sulla  and  the  Marian  party 84-82 

Pompey  defeats  Mediterranean  pirates 66 

Conspiracy  of  Catiline ^-^- 

First  triumvirate  formed 60 

Conquests  of  Caesar  in  Gaul  and  Britain 5^-5" 

Battle  of  Pharsalus;  Pompey  flees  to  Egypt  and  is  murdered  .  .  48 
Battle  of  Thapsus  ;  Cx-sar  sole  master  of  Roman  world  ....  46 
Murder  of  Caesar 44 

Second  triumvirate 43 

Batde  of  PhUippi ;  deaths  of  Brutus  and  Cassius 42 

Republic  ends  with  battle  of  Actium  between  Octavius  and  Antony       31 


LLST    OF    ROMAN     PROVINCES    CHRONOLOGICALLY 

ARRANGED). 1 

L  — ProVINCKS    OROANIZKD    under    the    REPU15LIC. 

B.C. 

1.  Sicilia  (par.  96) -4i 

2.  Sardinia  and  Corsica  (par.  97) 231 

3.  Ilispania  Citerior  (par.  1 19,  n.  4) I  107 

4.  flispania  Ulterior  (par.  119,  n.  4) > 

5.  Illyricum  (I)almalia) 167-45 

6.  Macedonia  and  Achaia  (pars.  131  and  135) I46 

7.  Africa  (par.  141) M^ 

8.  Asia  (par.  r68) ^33 

9.  Ciallia  Xarbonensis ^  -O 

10.    Galha  Cisalpina c>l  . 

IL  Bithynia  (par.  187,  n.  5) 74 

\  Cyrene 74 

'^•icreta.     .' 67 

(  Cilicia  (par.  1S7,  n.  5) 64 

^^  1  Cyprus •     •     •  58 

14.  Syria  (par.  186) ^4 

1  From  A.  Bouche-Eeclercq's  Manuel  des  Institutions  Romanes^  p.  208.  This 
table  represents  the  grouping  of  the  provinces  during  the  first  two  centuries 
of  the  empire.  Where  the  circumstances  under  which  a  province  was  created  are 
explained  in  the  present  text,  reference  is  made  to  tlie  proi:>er  paragraph.  W.  T. 
Arnold's  The  Roman  System  of  Provincial  Administration  will  be  found  the 
very  best  short  account  of  the  provinces  under  both  the  republic  and  the  empire. 


314 


/^OAIIt     AS    A     KBrUBL/C. 


II.  I'ROVINCKS     ()KOANIZKI)     UNI^KR    THK    EMPIRE. 

B.C. 

15.   /l^^gyptus  (par.  207) 3^ 

16.  Moesia  (par.  210) 29.^ 

17.  [Lusitania]!  (par.  210,  n.  8) 27? 

18.  [Achaia]  (par.  135) 27 

19.  Galatia 25 

20.  [Cyprus] 22 

21.  Aquitanla  (par.  192,  n.  2) y 

22.  Lugdvinensis  (par.  192,  n.  2) r  16? 

23.  Belgica  (par.  210,  n.  10) ) 

24.  Raetia  (par.  210) ^IC 

25.  Noricum  (par.  210) > 

26.  Alpes  Maritime 14 

A.D. 

27.  Pannonia  (par.  210) 10 

28.  Cappadocia ^7 

29.  Germania  Superior ^-17 

30.  Germania  Inferior ) 

31.  Mauretania  Tingitana f    ^^ 

32.  Mauretania  Caesariensis y 

T.-^.     Pamphylia  and  I.ycia 43 

34.  Britannia  (par.  219) 43 

35.  Thracia 4" 

36.  Alpes  Cottia.- "nder  Nero 

t;].    [Epirus] under  Vespasian 

38.  Arabia  (par.  226) I05 

39.  Dacia  (par.  226) ^07 

40.  Armenia  (par.  226) \ 

41.  Mesopotamia  (par.   236) ^^'S 

42.  Assyria   (par.   226)         . * 

43.  [Alpes  Pennince] in  the  second  century 

44.  [Numidia] between  193  and  211 

1  The  names  placed  between  brackets  indicate  provinces  formed  by  subdivision 
of  older  provinces. 


Part  III. — Rome  as  an  Empire 

(31  B.C.-A.D.  476.) 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE    KSTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    EMPIRE    AND    THE 
REIGN    OF    AUCiUSTUS    C/ESAR. 

(31  B.C.-A.D.  14.) 

208.    The  Character   of    the   Imperial   Government.  —  The 
hundred  years  of  strife  which    ended  with  the   battle    of 

Actium  left  the  Roman  republic,  exhausted  and  helpless,  in 

the  hands  of  one  wise  enough  and  strong  enough  to  remold 
its  crumbling  fragments  in  such  a  manner  that  the  state, 
which  seemed  ready  to  fall  to  pieces,  might  prolong  its 
existence  for  another  five  hundred  years.  It  was  a  great 
work  thus  to  create  anew,  as  it  were,  out  of  anarchy  and 
chaos,  a  political  fabric  that  should  exhibit  such  elements 
of  perpetuity  and  strength.     "The    establishment  of    the 

Roman  empire,"  says  Merivale,  'Svas,  after  all,  the  great- 
est political  work  that  any  human  being  ever  wrought. 
The  achievements  of  Alexander,  of  Cctsar,  of  Charlemagne, 
of  Napoleon  are  not  to  be  compared  with  it  for  a  moment." 
The  government  which  Octayius  establisked  was  a  mon- 

archy  in  fact,  but  a  republic  in  form.      Mindful  of^  the  fate 

-abso- 


of  Julius  Caisar,  Octayius_carefu]J 

lute  power  under_thejprms   of   theold  republican  state. 

He  didjiottake  the  liLk-ot  te^ — Me -k^e^Uiow  4iateful 

3^5 


3i6 


romb:  as  an  empire. 


to  the  people  that  name  had  been  since  the  expulsion  of 
the  Tarquins,  and  was  mindful  how  many  of  the  best  men 


Augustus.       (Vatican  Museum). 


of   Rome,  including  the  great  Julius,  had  perished  because 

they  gave  the  people  reason  to  think  that  they  were  aiming 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF   THE  EMPIRE. 


1^1 


at  the  regal  power.  Nor  did  he  take  the  title  of  dictator,  a 
name  that  since  the  time  of  Sulla  had  been  almost  as 
intolerable  to  the  people  as  that  of  king.      But  he  accepted 

at  the  hands  of  the  senate  the  title  of  Imj>eraior,  —  whence 
the  name  Emperor,  —  a  title  which,  although  it  carried  with 
it  the  absolute  authority  of  the  commander  of  the  legions, 
still  had  clinging  to  it  no  odious  memories.  He  also  re- 
ceived from  the  senate  the  honorary  surname  of  Augustus, 
a  title  that  hitherto  had  been  sacred  to  the  gods,  and 
hence  was  free  from  all  sinister  associations.  A  monument 
of  this  act  was  erected  in  the  year.      It  was  decreed  by  the 

senate  that  the  sixth  month  of  the  Roman  calendar  should 

be  called  Augustus  (whence  our  August)  in  commemoration 
of  the  imperator,  an  act  in  imitation  of  that  by  which  the 
preceding    month    had    been    given    the    name    of     Julius 

(whence  our  July)  in  honor  of  Julius  Caesar.  The  senate 
also  bestowed  upon  Octavius  the  further  title  of  rrinccps, 
which,  like  that  of  Augustus,  was  only  a  title  of  dignity, 
and   pointed    out    him   who  bore    it    as    simply  the    "first 

citizen ''  of  a  free  republic. 

And  as  Octavius  was  careful  not  to  wound  the  sensibili- 
ties of  the  lovers  of  the  old  republic  by  assuming  any  title 
that  in  any  way  suggested  regal  authority  and  prerogative, 
SO  was  he  careful  not  to  arouse  their  opposition  by  abolish- 
ing any  of  the  republican  offices  or  assemblies.  Hejilkm^ed 
all  the  old  magistracies  to  exist  as  heretofor^j^but  he  him- 
«;p1f^riTsr)rT7ea'iriKrexercised  their  £hief  pow.^ia-aild  func- 

pontifex  maximus. '    J^l^tljg;;^ej3i^MT€ai^  were 

2  These  prerogatives?  were  conferred  upon  Octavius  at  different  times 
and  for  different  periods.  The  powers  of  the  pontifex  maximus  were 
granted  last,  in  12  B.C. 


3iX 


ROME  AS  dN  EMPIRE. 


elected  as  usual  ;  '   but  they  were   simply  the  nominees  and 

creatures  of  the  emperor.     They  were  the  effigies  and  hgure- 
heads  to  delude  the  people  into  believing  that  the  repubhc 

still  existed.      Never   did   a  people  seem  more  content  With 

the  shadow  after  the  loss  of  the  substance. 

Likewise  all  the  popular  assemblies  remained,  and  were 
convened  as  usual  to  hold  elections  and  to  vote  on  meas^- 

UreS  laid  before  them.  But  Octavius,  having  teen  invested 
With  both  the  consular  and  the  tribunician  power,  had  the 
riaht  to  summon  them,  to   place   in   nomination  persons    or 

th^e  various  offices,  and  to  initiate  legislation.     The  titular 

consuls  and  tribunes  also.  It  Is  true,  had  this  fight ;  bUt 
they  did  not  dare  to  exercise  it  without  the  concurrence  ot 
the  new  master  of  the  state.  Consequently  the  delibera- 
tions and  ballotings  of  all  these  bodies  were  idle  forms. 

The  senate  also  still  existed,  tut  It  waS  sKom  Of  ill  ItW 
power  and  independence,  since  Octavius,  having  been 
armed  with   the   censorial   powers,  could   revise   its  list   at 

will      And  he  exercised  these  powers  by  reducing  the  num- 
ber of  senators,  which  had  been  raised  by  Aiitony  to  one 

thousand,  to  six  hundred,  and  by  striking  from  ,tS  rolls 
the  names  of  unworthy  members  and  of  obstinate  republic- 
ans He  wounded,  too,  its  old  aristocratic  spirit  by  intro- 
ducing into  the  body  many  new  mfiH  frOIKl  tllB  PrOVlIlCeS. 
The  body  being  thus  made  up  wholly  of  persons  whO  OWCd 
their  place  and  dignity  to  Octavius,  it  was  of  course  ready 
to  Obey  his  every  behest.      So  completely  subjected  were  its 

members  to  the  Influence  of  the  iiTiperator  that  the  chief 

3  The  consuls  were  generally  nominated  by  Augustus,  and  in  order 
that  a  large  number  of  his  friends  and  favorites  might  be  amused  wuh 
the  dignity,  the  term  of  office  was  shortened  to  two  or  three  month.. 


ESTABL/SHAfEA^T   OF    THE    EMPIRE. 


319 


functions  it  actually  exercised  were  the  Conferring  of  honors 
and  titles  and  the  heaping  of  abject  flatteries  upon  its 
creator  and  master. 

We  may  summarize  the  effects  of  all  these  changes  by 

saying    that    the    monarchy    abolished    live     hundred     vears 

before  this  had  been  restored.  This  was  what  had  practi- 
cally taken  place ;  for  the  powers  and  prerogatives  of  the 
ancient  king,  which  during  the  republican  period  had  been 

gradually  broken    up    and    lodged    in    the    hands   Of    a    Frcat 

number  of  magistrates,  colleges,  and  assemblics  were  now 
once  more  gathered  up  in  the  hands  of  a  single  man. 
209.   The  Government  of  the  Provinces.  _  W'e  have  seen 

how    corrupt    and    oppressive    was    the    government     of   the 

provinces  under  the  rule  of  the  senatorial  Oligarch)'  of 
the  later  republic.^  The  revolution  that  brought  in  the 
empire  effected  a  great  improvement  in  the  condition   of 

the  provincials. 

The  government  of    all    those    provinces    that    Were    in    an 

unsettled  state  and  that  needed  the  presence  of  a  large 
military  force,  Augustus^  withdrew  from  the  senate,  and 

took  the  management  of  their  affairs  in  his  own  hands. 
These  were  known  as  imperia/  provinces.  Instead  of  thcSC 
countries  being  ruled  by  practically  irresponsible  proconsuls 
and  propra^^tors,  they  were  henceforth  ruled  by  legates  of 

fhe  emperor,  wlio  were  removable  at  his  will  and  answer- 
able to  him  for  the  faithful  and  honest  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  their  offices.  Salaries  were  attached  to  their  posi- 
tions, and  thus  the  scandalous  abuses  which  had  grown 

up  in   connection    with    the   earlier   system    of  self-payment 
*  See  pars.  168  and  184. 
^  From  this  on  we  shall  refer  to  Octavius  by  this  his  honorary  surname. 


320 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


through   fees,  requisitions,   and  like   devices   were   swept 

away.  These  provinces  were  given,  as  we  should  say,  a 
pure  and  able  civil  service. 

The  more  tranquil  provinces  were  still  left  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  senate,  and  were  known  as  senatorial  provinces. 
These  also  profited  by  the  change,  since  the  emperor 
extended  his  care  and  watch  to  them,  and,  as  the  judge  of 
last  appeal,  righted  wrongs  and  punished  flagrant  offenders 
against  right  and  justice. 

It  was  not  the  aim  of  Augustus  in  these  measures  to 
place  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  and  those  of  the  provinces 

on  the  same  footing  5    vet  the  tendency  of  all  he  did  was  in 

that  direction,  and  the  outcome  of  the  imperial  regime  which 
he  established  was,  as  we  shall  see,  to  bring  about  an 
equalization  in  all  respects  of  Italians  and  provincials,  such 
an  equalization  in  duties  and  privileges  as  in  the  time  of 
the  early  republic  had  been  effected  between  patricians 
and  plebeians.  In  the  course  of  time  all  the  provinces, 
together   with    Italy,   came    under    the  direct    rule  of  the 

emperor,  and  all  the  free  inhabitants  of  the  empire  were  at 
last  reduced  to  the  same  condition  ;  they  became  subject- 
citizens  —  subjects  of  the  emperor  and  citizens  of  Rome. 

210.  Augustus  rounds  out  the  Empire. — Augustus  was 
one  of  the  first  to  try  to  moderate  the  ambition  of  the 
Romans,    and  to   counsel  them   not   to   attempt   to   conquer 

any  more  of  the  w^orld,  but  rather  to  devote  their  energies 
to  the  work  of  consolidating  the  domains  already  acquired. 

He  saw  the  dangers  that  would  attend  any  further  exten- 
sion of  the  boundaries  of  the  state.  Yet  he  saw  with  equal 
clearness  the  need  of  finding  for  the  empire  what  we  should 
call  scientific  frontiers,  that  is,  easily  defended  marches. 


L-LPoatea,  Engr.,  N.Y. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OE   THE   EMPIRE. 


321 


% 


On  the  south,  the  sands  of  the  great  African  desert  were 

the  boundaries  set  by  nature  to  Roman  domination  in  that 

direction.  The  rounding  out  o£  the  empire  on  this  side 
required  the  absorption  of  the  dependent  state  of  Maure- 
tania.**  But  the  addition  of  this  to  the  dominions  of  Rome 
was  secured,  not  by  Augustus,  but  by  one  of  his  successors/ 
On  the  east,  the  wastes  of  Arabia  and  the  Upper  Euphra- 
tes gave  the  empire  its  natural  boundaries.      Between  the 

Upper  Euphrates  and  the  Euxine  there  was  debatable 

land.     The  fixing  of  the  frontiers  of  the  Roman  dominions 
in  this  region  was  also  left  by  Augustus  to  a  later  time. 
Towards   the  west   there  was   still   lacking   to   the  actual 

rounding  out  of  the  empire  the  acquisition  of  the  north- 
western part  of  the  Iberian  peninsula,  for  the  native  tribes 
of  these  regions  were  still  maintaining  their  independence. 
Augustus  forced  these  hardy  mountaineers  to  bow  their 
necks  to  the  yoke  of  Rome,''  and  made  the  coast  of  the 
ocean  the  boundary  of  the  Roman  dominions  from  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules  to  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe.'*^  The  con- 
quest of  Britain  he  did  not  attempt. 

On  the  north,  the  frontiers  of  the  state  at  the  beginning 
of  Augustus'  reign  were  wholly  unsettled.  In  the  valleys  of 
the  Alps,  on  their  northern  slopes,  and  in  the  long  reach 
of   lands   lying  between    these    mountain   ranges    and    the 

Upper  Rhine  and  the  Danube,  there  were  many  still  hostile 

,     ^  f->ee  map  after  p.  320. 

^  Consult  table  of  provinces,  p.  314. 

8  The  Spanish  possessions  were  at  this  time  reorganized.  Instead  of 
the  two  provinces  of  Hither  and  Farther  Spain,  we  have  now  three 
provinces,  bearing  the  following  names  :  Tarraconensis,  Lusitania,  and 
Baetica. 

^  Mommsen,  Provhices  of  the  Roman  Einpire,  vol.  i.  p.  71. 


# 


322 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


tribes  which  were  a  constant  threat  to  the  peace  of  Italy. 

Augustus  reduced  to  submission  all  the  hitherto  unsubdued 
tribes  in  these  regions,  and,  as  a  bulwark  of  Italian  civili- 
zation on  this  side,  erected  a  line  of  well-organized  prov- 
inces,—Raetia,  Noricum,  Pannonia,  and  Moesia,— which,  in 

connection  with  the  district  of  Belgica,  stretched  entirely 
across  the   continent  from  the   North    Sea    to   the   Euxine.^*^ 

Backed  by  the  broad  streams  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube, 

these  provinces  constituted  a  strong  line  of  defence  for  the 

empire  against  the  northern  barbarians. 

211.  The  Defeat  of  Varus  by  the  Germans  under  Arminius 
(a.d.    9).  —  The   adoption  of  the  Rhine    as    a   permanent 

frontier  was  forced  upon  Augustus  by  one  of  the  most 

terrible  disasters  that  ever  befell  the  Roman  legions.  It 
was  at  first  the  purpose  of  Augustus  to  make  the  Elbe,  and 
not  the  Rhine,  the  division   line  between   civilization   and 

barbarism.  The  security  of  Italy  as  well  as  that  of  Gaul 
seemed  to  require  the  subjugation  of  the  warlike  tribes 
between  these  streams. 

Consequently,  during  a  large  part  of  the  reign  of  Augustus 

his  Stepsons  Drusus  and  Tiberius  were  campaigning  in  this 

region.  The  Roman  eagles  were  carried  to  the  Elbe,  and 
for  a  time  it  looked  as  though  that  stream  would  become  a 

frontier  river. 

But  suddenly  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  in  this  region 
was  changed.  The  Roman  general  Quintilius  Varus,  who 
had  made  the  mistake  of  supposing  that  he  could  rule  the 

'^^  See  map  opposite  p.  320.     Belgica  was  not  created  by  Augustus, 

but  simply  enlarged  and  its  affairs  readjusted  and  regulated.    It  was  at 

this  time  simply  an  administrative  division  of  the  empire,  and  not  a 
regularly  organized  province. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OE   THE   EMPIRE. 


323 


freedom-loving  Germans  just  as  he  had  governed  the  servile 

Asiatics  of  the  Eastern  provinces,  and  had  thereby  stirred 
them  to  determined  revolt  against  the  Roman  authority, 
while  leading  an  army  of  three  legions,  numbering  altogether 

about  twenty  thousand  men,  through  the  almost  pathless 

depths  of  the  Teutoburg  Wood,  was  surprised  by  the 
barbarians,  led  by  their  brave  chieftain,  Hermann,  —  called 

Arminius  by  the  Romans,  —  and  his  army  destroyed  (a.d. 

9).    Only  a  few  escaped.    Thousands  of  the  legionaries 

lay  dead  and  unburied  where  they  fell  in  the  impassable 
woods  and  morasses.  *'  The  captives,  especially  the  officers 
and  the  advocates,  were  fastened  to  the  cross,  or  buried 

alive,  or  bled  under  the  sacrificial  knife  of  the  German 

priests.  The  heads  cut  off  were  nailed  as  a  token  of  victory 
to  the  trees  of  the  sacred  grove."  ^ 

The  disaster  caused  great  consternation  at  Rome  ;  for  it 

was  feared  that  the  German  tribes  would  now  cross  the 
Rhine,  effect  an  alliance  with  the  Gauls,  and  then  that 
these  united  hordes  would  pour  over  the  Alps  into  Italy. 
Augustus,  wearied  and  worn   already  with   advancing  age, 

the  cares  of  empire,  and  domestic  affliction,  was  inconsol- 
able. He  paced  his  palace  in  agony,  and  kept  exclaiming, 
"  O  Varus !  Varus !  give  me  back  my  legions  !  give  me 
back  my  legions  !  "      But  Tiberius  so  carefully  guarded  the 

Rhine  that  the  Germans  did  not  attempt  the  passage,  and 
Italy  was  saved  from  the  threatened  invasion. 

The  victory  of  Arminius  over  the  Roman  legions  was  an 

^  Mommsen,  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire^  vol.  i.  p.   53.     The 
exact  locality  of  the  battle  is  not  kfiown.    The  great  number  of  Roman 

coins  dug  up  in  tKe  district  01  Venne,  between  the  Weser  and  the 
Rhine,  seems,  however,  to  indicate  that  as  the  place  where  the 
legionaries  perished. 


3^4 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF   THE    EMPIRE. 


325 


event  of  the  greatest  significance  in  the  history  of  European 

civilization.     Germany  was  almost  overrun  by  the  Roman 

army.  The  Teutonic  tribes  were  on  the  point  of  being 
completely  subjugated  and  put  in  the  way  of  being  Roman- 
ized, as  the  Celts  of  Gaul  had  already  been.  Had  this 
occurred,  the  entire  history  of  Europe  would  have  been 
changed  ;  for  the  Germanic  element  is  the  one  that  has 
given  shape  and  color  to  the  important  events  of  the  last 

fifteen  hundred  years.     Among  these  barbarians,  too,  were 

our  ancestors.  Had  Rome  succeeded  in  exterminating 
or  enslaving  them,  Britain,  as  Creasy  says,  might  never 
have  received  the  name  of   England,  and  the  great  English 

nation  naight  never  have  had  an  existence.^ 

212.  The  Extent  and  the  Resources  of  th«  Empire.  —  The 
wide  reach  of  the  domains  over  which  Augustus  held  sway 
has  been  revealed  in  what  we  have  just  said  respecting  his 

efforts  to  fix  the  frontier  lines  of  the  state.     The  empire 

stretched   from   east    to   west    about    three   thousand   miles. 

Its  average  width  from  north  to  south  was  equal  to  one- 
third  its  length. 

The  army  that  defended  the  long  frontier  lines  of  the 
empire  against  outside  barbarians  and  maintained  order 
in  the  many  provinces  numbered  three  hundred  and  forty 
thousand  men,  a  mere  fraction  of  the  number  that  is 
required  to  secure  the  domestic  and  international  peace 

of    the    same    lands    to-day. 

2  "  We  stand  here  at  a  turning-point  in  national  destinies.  History, 
too,  has  its  flow  and  its  ebb  ;  here,  after  the  tide  of  Roman  sway  over 
the  world  has  attained  its  height,  the  ebb  sets  in.     Northward  of  Italy 

the  Roman  rule  had  for  a  few  years  reached  as  far  as  the  Elhe ;  after  the 
battle  of  Varus  its  bounds  were  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube." — Momm- 
SEN,  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire^  vol.  i.  p.  65. 


The  wealth   and   the   trade   of   this   Roman    world    are 

roughly  indicated  by  the  revenues  of  the  state.       These  are 

estimated  to  have  amounted  to  a  sum  equivalent  to  between 
$80,000,000  and  $100,000,000  in  our  money.  This  sum  was 
made  up  from  the  tribute  of  the  provinces,  from  custom 
duties,  from  tolls  on  roads  and  bridges,  and  taxes  on  lega- 
cies, windows,  porch  pillars,  and  various  other  things  that 
modern  assessors  generally  overlook. 

This  vast  revenue  was  practically  at  the  disposal  of  the 

emperor.  Hence  the  way  in  which  it  was  expended  was 
determined,  in  many  reigns,   not  so  much  by  the  necessities 

of  the  state  as  by  the  caprice  of  the  ruling  Caesar.  The 
better  emperors  used  it  with  prudence  and  wisdom  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  army,  the  navy,  and  the  civil  service ; 
in   the   construction   and    the    repair   of  the  great   military 

roads  of  the  empire ;  in  the  building  of  bridges,  the  adorn- 
ment of  the  capital  and  other  cities  with  temples,  theatres, 

baths,  porticoes,  and  other  public  buildings ;  and  in  pro- 
viding free  corn  and  shows  for  the  Roman  populace,  —  for 
these  last  were  regarded,  even  by  the  best  emperors,  as 
legitimate  and  necessary  objects  of  public  expenditure. 

213.  Literature  and  the  Arts  under  Augustus.  —  The  reign 
of  Augustus  lasted  forty-four  years,  from  31  b.c.  to  a.d.  14. 
Although  the  government  of  Augustus,  as  we  have  learned, 
was  disturbed  by  some  troubles  upon   the   frontiers,  still 

never  before,  perhaps,  had  the  civili2ed  world  enjoyed  so 

long  a  period  of  general  rest  from  the  turmoil  of  war. 
Three  times  during   this   auspicious   reign   the   gates   of   the 

Temple  of  Janus  at  Rome  (.par.  22),  which  were  open  in 
time  of  war  and  closed  in  time  of  peace,  were  shut.     Only 

twice  before  during  the  entire  history  of  the  city  had  they 


326 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


been  closed,  so  constantly   had  the    Roman   people   been 
engaged  in  war. 

This  long  repose  from  the  strife  that  had  filled  all  the 
preceding  centuries  was  favorable  to  the  upspringing  of 
literature  and  art.      Under  the  patronage  of  the  emperor, 

and  that  of    his  favorite  mlnlstGr,    Mrtcenas,    poets    and 

writers  flourished 
and  made  this  the 
*'  golden    age  "    of 

Latin  literature. 
During  this  reign 
Vergil  composed 
his    immortal    epic 

of  the  Mm'ul  and 


M 


^^CKNAS. 


Horace  his  famous 
odes,     while      Livy 

wrote  his  inimi- 
table  history,   and 

Ovid  his  fancy-in- 
spiring Me  tarn  or- 
J^ hoses .^    Many  who 

lamented  the  fall 

of    the    republic 
sought    solace   In   the    pursuit    of   letters  ;    and    in    this    they 

were   encouraged   by   Augustus,  as  it  gave   occupation    to 

many  restless  spirits   that   would   otherwise   have  been 

engaged  in  political  intrigues  against  his  government. 

Augustus  was  also  a  munificent    patron    of    architecture 
and  art.       He    adorned   the  capital   with    many   splendid 

Structures,  including  temples,  theatres,  porticoes,  baths,  and 

3  For  further  notice  of  the  works  of  these  writers,  see  pars.  304  and  307 . 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF   THE   EMPIRE. 


327 


aqueducts.  He  said  proudly,  '<  I  found  Rome  a  city  of 
brick  ;  I  left  it  a  city  of  marble."  The  population  of  the 
city  at  this  time  was  probably  about  one  million.*  Two 
other  cities  of  the  empire,  Antioch  and  Alexandria,  are 
thought  to  have  had  each  about  this  same  number  of  citi- 
zens. Inese  cities,  too,  were  made  magniAcent  with  arcKl- 
tectural  and  art  embellishments. 

214.  Social  Life  at  Rome  under  Augustus.  —  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  features  of  life  at  the  capital  during  the 
reign  of  Augustus  was  the  vast  number  of  Roman  citizens 
who  were  recipients  of  the  state  doles  of  corn.  There  were 
at  least  two  hundred  thousand  male  beneficiaries  of  this 
public  charity,^  which  means  that  upwards  of  half  a  million 

of  persons  in  the  capital  were  unable  or  unwilling  to  earn 

their  daily  bread.  The  purchase  of  the  immense  quantities 
of  corn  needed  for  these  free  distributions  was  one  of  the 

heaviest  drains  upon  the  imperial  treasury. 

Another  striking  feature  of  life  at  Rome  at  this  time  was 

the  growing  infatuation  of  the  people  for  the  bloody  spec- 
tacles of  the  amphitheatre.  Prudent  as  Augustus  generally 
was  in  the  matter  of  public  expenditures,  in  the  providing 

of  these  shows  he  lavished  money  without  measure  or 

stint.  The  emperor  himself  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  spectacles  that  he  presented  : 

"Three  times  in  my  own  name,  and  five  times  in  that 

*  Merivale  estimates  the  population  in  the  time  of  Augustus  of  the 
city  proper  and  its  suburhs  at  700,000  {^History  of  the  Romans  under 
the  Empire,  vol.  v.  chap.  xl.  p.  53).  Gibbon,  apparently  also  including 
the  suburbs,  places  it  in  the  reign- of  Honorius  at  1,200,000  {Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire^  chap.  xxxi). 

"  1  he  number  had  risen  as  high  as  320,000,  but  Augustus  purged  the 
lists   of   unworthy   claimants. 


328 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


of  my  sons  or  grandsons,  I  have  given  gladiatorial  exhi- 
bitions ;  in  tkese  exKititions  atout  ten  thousand  men  have 
fought.       Twice  in  my  own  name,    and    three    times    in    that 

of  my  grandsons,  I  have  offered  the  people  the  spectacles 
of  athletes  gathered  from  all  quarters.  .  .  .  Twenty-six 
times  in  my  own  name,  or  in  that  of  my  sons  or  grand- 
sons, I  have  given  hunts  of  African  wild  beasts  in  the 
circus,  the  forum,  the  amphitheatres,  and  about  thirty- 
five  hundred  beasts  have  been  killed. 

"  I  gave  the  people  the  spectacle  of  a  naval  battle  beyond 

the  Tiber,  where  now  is  the  grove  of  the  Caesars.  For  this 
purpose  an  excavation  w^as  made  eighteen  hundred  feet  long 

and  twelve  hundred  wide.  In  this  contest  thirty  beaked 
ships,  triremes  or  biremes,  were  engaged,  besides  more  of 

smaller  size.  About  three  thousand  men  fought  in  these 
vessels  in  addition  to  the  rowers."^ 

Still  another  phase  of  social  life  at  Rome  which  arrests 

our  attention  was  the  loosening  of  the  family  ties.  Divorces 

had  multiplied,  and  the  family  seemed  about  to  be  dissolved, 
as  had  been  the   larger   groups    of   the    tribe    and    the   gens. 

Augustus  strove  to  arrest  this  downward  tendency  by  edicts 

and  laws  in  encouragement  of  marriage  and  in  restraint  of 

divorces.  But  the  trouble  was  too  deep-seated  in  the  failing 
moral  and  religious  life  of  the  times  to  be  reached  and  rem- 
edied by  any  measures  of  state.'' 

215.  The  Religious  Life.— The  decay  of  religious  faith 

®  Alomtmentzim  Ancvfanum,  cc.  22,  23,  edited  by  William  Fairley, 
Ph.  D. :  Translations  and  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources  of  Euro- 
pean History,  published  by  the  Department  of  History  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania.     See  "References,"  p.  331. 

^  For  other  phases  of  social  life  at  Rome  under  the  Czesars,  see 
chap.  XXV. 


ESTABLISIIMENT  OF   THE   EMPIRE. 


329 


had  been  going  on  for  a  long  time.    Augustus  did  all  in  his 

power  to  arrest  the  process.       He  restored  the  temples    and 
shrines   that   had   fallen    into   decay,    renewed   the   ancient 

sacrifices,'^  and  erected  new  temples,  not  only  at  Rome,  but 
in  every  part  of  the  empire.  The  unauthorized  foreign 
cults,  particularly 
those  from  the  Ori- 
ent, which  had  been 
introduced     at    the 

capital,   ne  drove 
out,    and     strove    to 

awaken  in  the  peo- 
ple a  fresh  venera- 
tion for  the  ances- 
tral deities  of  Rome. 
The  Greek  Apollo, 
however,  was  ex- 
cepted from  the  list 

of    proscribed    alien 
gods.      In   honor  of 

this  deity,  whom 
Augustus     believed 

had  secured  him  the  victory  at  Actlum  (par.  206),  the 
emperor  erected  a  splendid  temple  at  Rome,  and  caused 
to  be  transported  from   Egypt  and  set  up  in  the  capital 

an  immense  obelisk,  the  emblem  in  Egyptian  theology  of 

the  sun-god. 


Thb   Pantheon,  built  at   Romk  during 
the  reign   of  augustus. 

(Present  condition.) 


*  The  sacrificial  victims  became  so  numerous  that  an  epigram  came 
into  existence  which  represents  the  cattle  as  saluting  the  emperor  in 

these  words  :    "  Long  live  Caesar:    yet  long  life  to  Caesar  means  that  we 
must   perish." 


330 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


331 


216.  The   Death   and   Apotheosis  of  Augustus.  —  The 

domestic  life  of  Augustus  was  clouded  by  trouble  and 
bereavement.  His  daughter  Julia  brought  grief  to  him 
through  her  immoral  conduct,  and  he  was  finally  forced  to 

banish  her  from  Rome.    His  beloved  nephew  Marcellus 

(par.  304),  and  his  two  grandsons  Gaius  and  Lucius,  whom 
he  purposed  to  make  his  heirs,  were  all  removed  by  death. 
After    the    death    of    these    favorites    Augustus    made    his 

adopted  stepson  Tiberius  (par.  211)  his  successor. 

In  the  year  a.d.  14,  Augustus  died,  having  reached  the 
seventy-sixth  year  of  his  age.  His  last  words  to  the  friends 
gathered  about  his  bedside  were,  "  If  I  have  acted  well  my 

part  in  life's  drama,  greet  my  departure  with  your  applause." 
It  was  believed  that  the  soul  of  Augustus  ascended  visibly 
amidst  the  flames  of  his  funeral  pyre.  By  decree  of  the 
senate  divine   worship   was   accorded   to   him,  and   temples 

were  erected  in  his  honor. 

At  first  blush  this  worship  of  the  dead  Caesar  seems  to 
us  strange  and  impious.  But  it  will  not  seem  so  if  we  put 
ourselves  at  the  point  of  view  of  the  old  Roman.  It  was 
the  natural  and  logical  outcome  of  ancestor  worship,  which, 

as  we  have  learned,   w^as  a  favorite  cult  among  the  Romans 

(par.  22).     The  sentiment  and  belief  which  prompted  the 

offerings  of  gifts  and  prayers  to  the  guardian  spirits  of 
the  family,  would  naturally  lead  to  similar  offerings  to  the 
spirit  of  the  departed  Caesar,  father  of  the  Roman  state. 

But  ancestor  w^orship  was  not  the  only  root  which  nour- 
ished this  cult  of  the  emperor.  In  the  Orient  the  king 
was  very  generally  regarded  as  partaking,  in  some  degree 

at  least,  of    the  divine  nature.      Thus  in  Kgypt  the  Pharaoh 

was  believed  to  be  of  the  race  of  the  gods.    It  was  natural, 


y 


then,  that  the  subjects  of  Rome  in  the  eastern  provinces 

should  look  upon  the  head  of  the  empire  as  one  lifted 
above  ordinary  mortals  and  possessed  of  divine  qualities. 
This  way  of  thinking  caused  the  provincials  of  the  Orient 

to  become  sincere  and  zealous  worshippers  in  the  temples 

and  before  the  altars  of   the  ''divine  Caesar." 

This  cult  of  the  emperor  —  it  developed  into  a  cult  of 
the  living  as  well  as  of  the  dead  Cssar  —  became  a  favorite 
worship  of  the  masses  everywhere.     Its  establishment  had 

far-reaching  consequences,  as  we  shall  see ;  since  at  the 
very  time  that  the  polytheistic  religion  of  the  Gra^co-Roman 
world  was  taking  on  this  form,  there  was  springing  up  in  a 

remote  corner  of  the  empire  a  new  yet  old  religion  with 

which  this  imperial  cult  must  necessarily  come  into  violent 
conflict. 

For  it  was  in  the  midst  of  the  happy  reign  of  Augustus, 

when  profound  peace  prevailed  throughout  the  civilized 

world,  —  the  doors  of  the  temple  of  Janus  having  been 
closed  (par.  22),  —  that  Christ  was  born  in  Bethlehem  of 
Judaea.     The  event  w^as  unheralded  at  Rome ;  yet  it  was, 

as  we  have  intimated,  filled  with  profound  significance  not 

only  for  the  Roman  empire  but  for  the  world.     Of  the 

relation  of  Christianity  to  paganism,  and  particularly  to 
the  new  cult  of  the  Roman  emperor,  we  shall  speak  later 

(par.  228). 

References.  —  **MonictncTitnm  Ancyrajium  (Res  Gestae  Divi  Au- 
gust!—  "The  Deeds  of  Augustus"),  vol.  v.,  No.  7,  of  the  Translations 
and  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources  of  European  History,  pub- 
lished by  the  Department  of  History  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

This  forms  one  o£  the  most  important  of  the  original  sources  for  the 
reign  of  Augustus.  It  is  a  long  bilingual  inscription  (Latin  and  Greek) 
discovered  in  1595  on  the  walls  of  a  ruined  temple  at  Ancyra  (whence 


332 


ROME    AS   AAT  EMPIRE. 


the  name).  In  Asia  Minor.  The  inscription  is  a  copy  of  a  tablet  which 
was  set  up  in  front  of  the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus  at  Rome  (par.  297). 
Inge  (  W.  R.),  *  Society  in  Rome  tinder  the  Ccesars,  chap,  i.,  "  Religion," 
deals  with  the  decay  of  Roman  religion  and  the  establishment  at  the 
capital  of  oriental  cults.  Creasy  (E.  S.),  *^  Decisive  Battles  of  the 
World,  chap,  v.,  "  Victory  of  Armlnlus  over  the  Roman  Legions  under 
Varus,  A.D.  9."  Capes  (W.  W.),  The  Early  Empire  (Epoch  Series), 
chap.  i.  pp.  1-44,  "  Augustus."  Thierry  (Am6dee),  **  Tableau  de 
V Empire  Romain.  Teachers  and  mature  students  will  find  this  work 
very  suggestive.  The  book  might  be  entitled  Rome's  Place  in  Universal 
History.    MILMAN  (II.  H.),  Tin  Ihdory  oj  ChrlsHamiy,  vol.  1.  (first 

part).  Merivale  (C),  History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire,  7  vols. 
This  work  covers  the  first  two  centuries  of  the  imperial  period.  For 
the  reign  of  Augustus,  see  vol.  iii.  chaps,  xxx.  and  xxxi.  and  vol.  iv. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OE   THE   EMPIRE. 


333 


Table  showing  the  Numuer  of  Roman  Citizens  at  Different 
Periods  of  the  Republic  and  the  Empire. 

[These  figures  embody  what  is  perhaps  the  most  important  matter  in 

Roman  history,  namely,  the  gradual  admission  of  aliens  to  the  rights  of 
the  city  until  every  freeman  in  the  civilized  world  had  become  a  citizen 
of  Rome.  This  movement  we  have  endeavored  to  trace  in  the  text. 
Consult  particularly  pars.  29,  30,  35,  38,  50,  67,  71,  72,  ^i,,  -jy,  So,  165, 
166,  200,  219,  and  233.] 

NuMBKR  OF  Citi- 
zens OF  Mili- 
tary Age. 

Under  the  later  kings  (Mommsen's  estimate) 20,000 

32>^  '5.C 165,0001 

293  " 262,323 

251  " 279,797 

220  " 270,213 

204  " 214,0002 

I^>1  " 327,022 

''5   " 1%]]^ 

70   " 900,000.^ 

-7   " 4,063,000  ^ 

^   " 4*233,000 

u  ^-^ 4,937,000 

47  A.D.  (under  Claudius) 6,944,000 

1  These  figures  do  not  include  the  inhabitants  of  the  Latin  colonies  nor  of  the 
allied  states,  but  probably  do  embrace  those  of  the  prefectures  (par.  163,  n.  8) 
and  of  the  towns  enjoying  Cicritan  rights  (par.  73). 

2  xhe  falling  off  from  the  number  of  the  preceding  census  of  220  B.C.  was  a 
result  of  the  Hannibalian  War. 

^  These  figures  and  those  of  the  enumerations  for  A.i>.  8  and  13  are  from  the 
Afomimcntum  Ancyramttn  (par.  214,  n.  6).  The  increased  number  given  by 
the  census  of  70  B.C.  over  that  of  115  b.c.  registers  the  result  of  the  admission  to 
the  city  of  the  ItaUans,  at  the  end  of  the  Social  War  (par.  165).  The  tremen- 
at)us  leap  upwards  of  the  figures  between  69  and  27  b.c.  is  probably  to  be  explained 

not  wholly  by  the  admission  during  this  period  of  aliens  to  the  franchise,  but 

also,  possibly,  by  the  failure  of  the  censors  of  the  republican  period  to  include  in 
their  enumerations  the  Roman  citizens  living  in  places  remote  from  the  capital. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO    MARCUS    AURELIUS. 

(A.D.  14-180.) 

217.    Reign    of    Tiberius    (a.d.     14-37).  —  Tiberius    suc- 
ceeded   to    an    unlimited    sovereignty.     The    senate    con- 
ferred upon  him 

ali  the  titles  that 

had  been  worn 
by  Augustus. 
One  of  the  first 

acts  of  Tiberius 
was  to  take  away 
from  the  popular 
assemblies    the 

right  which  they 

Still  nominally 
possessed  of 
electing     the 

yearly  magis- 
trates, and  to  be- 
stow the  same 
upon  the  senate, 

■which,  however, 
must  elect   from 


TiRFRIUS. 
(From  a  bust  in  the  Capitoline  Museum.) 


candidates  presented  by  the  emperor.     As  the  senate  was 
the  creation  of  the  emperor,  who  by  virtue  of  the  censorial 

334 


FROM  TIBERIUS  TO  MARCUS  aukbi^ius.       335 

powers  with  which  he  was  invested  made  up  the  list  of  its 
members,  he  was  now  of  course  the  source  and  fountain  of 

all  patronage.   During  the  first  years  of  his  reign,  Tiberius 

used  his  practically  unrestrained  authority  with  moderation 

and  justice,  being  seemingly  desirous  of  promoting  the  best 
interests  of  all  classes  in  his  vast  empire. 

The  beginning  of  Tiberius'  rule  was  marked  by  revolts 
among  the  legions,  the  most  serious  discontent  manifesting 
itself  among  those  guarding  the  Rhine,  who  wished  to  raise 
to  the  throne  their  favorite  general  Germanicus,  nephew  of 
Tiberius.  But  Germanicus  sternly  refused  tO  take  part  In 
such  an  act  of  treachery,  reproved  his  soldiers,  and  then 
drew  their  attention  from  such  thoughts  of  disloyalty  by 
leading  them  across  the  Rhine  to  recover  the  lost  standards 

of  Varus  (par.  211).     He  was  so  far  successful  in  this  bold 

enterprise  as  to  retake  the  lost  eagles,  and  capture  the 
wife  of  Arminius.i  But  at  this  moment,  when  Germani- 
cus seemed  on  the  point  of  laying  the  Roman  yoke  upon 
the  tribes  of  Germany,  Tiberius,  moved,  it  is  conjectured, 
by  jealousy,^  recaUed  him  from  the  Khcnish  frontier,  and 
sent  him  into  the  Eastern  provinces,  where  he  soon  after 

died,  having  been  poisoned,  as  was  charged,  by  an  agent 
of  the  jealous  emperor. 

Despotic  power  is  a  dangerous  possession,  likely  to  prove 

1  These  campaigns  of  Germanicus  against  the  German  tribes  cover 
the  years  a.d.  14-16. 

^  2  Other  motives  doubtless  concurred.  "  They  [Augustus  and  Tibe- 
rius] recognized  the  plans  pursued  by  them  for  twenty  years  for  the 
changing  of  the  boundary  to  the  north  as  incapable  of  execution,  and 
the  subjugation   and  mastery  of  the  region   between  the  Rhine  and  the 

Elbe   appeared  to   them  to  transcend  the  resources  of  the  empire." 

MoMMSEN,  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire^  vol.  i.  p.  62. 


336 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


terribly  harmful  to  him  who  wields  it,  as  well  as  to  those 
over  whom  it  is  exercised.  Very  few  natures  can  withstand 
the  seductive  temptations,  the  corrupting  influences,  of 
unlimited  and  irresponsible  authority.^  Hence  the  long 
series  of  excesses  and  crimes  which  we  shall  now  find  mak- 
ing up  a  large  part  of  the  annals  of  the  Roman  emperors. 
Whatever    may   have    been    the    intentions  with    which 

Tiberius  began  his  reign,  he  soon  yielded  tO  th^  pfOmpt- 
ings   of   a   naturally    cruel,    suspicious,    and   jealous    nature, 

and  entered  upon  a  course  of  the  most  high-handed 
tyranny.  He  enforced  oppressively  an  old  law,  known 
as  the  Latu  of  Majestas,  which  made  it  a  capital  offence 
for  any  one  to  speak  a  careless  word,  or  even  to  entertam 
an  unfriendly  thought,  respecting  the  emperor.  "-It  was 
dangerous  to  speak,  and  equally  dangerous  to  keep  silent," 

says  Lelghton,  ''  for  sllence  6V6n  might  be  COnStfUeCl  llltO 
discontent."      Rewards  were  offered  to  Informers,  and  hence 

sprang  up  a  class  of  persons  called  -delators"  {delatores), 
who  a'^cted  as  spies  upon  society.  Often  false  charges  were 
made,  to  gratify  personal  enmity ;  and  many,  especially  of 

the  wealthy  class,  were  accused  and  put  to  death  that  their 
property  might  be  confiscated. 

8  "Tiberius,    Caligula,    Claudius,  and    Nero,"   writes   the   historian 

Hodgkin,    -  [were]    men    wkose    names    burnt    tKemSfilveS   fofevef   llltO 

the  memory  of  the  race.  All  these  men,  in  different  ways,  illustrated 
the  terrible  efficacy  of  absolute  world-dominion  to  poison  the  character 
and  even  to  unhinge  the  intellect  of  him  who  wielded  it.  Standing  as 
it  were  on  the  Mount  of  Temptation,  and  seeing  all  the  kingdoms  of 

the  world  and  all  the  glory  of  them  stretched  at  an  immeasurable 
distance  below  their  feet,  they  were  seized  with  a  dizziness  of  soul, 
and,  professing  themselves  to  be  gods,  did  deeds  at  the  instigation  of 
their  wild  hearts  and  whirling  brains  such  as  men  still  shudder  to 
think  of." 


FROM  TIBERIUS  TO  MARCUS  AU RE  LI  US.      m 

Tiberius  appointed,  as  his  chief  minister  and  as  com- 
mander of  the  praetorian  guard,^  one  Sejanus,  a  man  of 
the  lowest  and  most  corrupt  life.  This  officer  actually 
persuaded  Tiberius  to  retire  to  the  little  island  of  Caprea^, 
in  the  Bay  of  Naples,  and  leave  to  him  the  management 
of  affairs  at  Rome  (a.d.  27).  The  emperor  built  several 
villas  in  different  parts  of  the  beautiful  islet,  and  having 

gathered     about     him     a     band     of     congenial     companions, 

passed  in  this  pleasant  retreat  the  later  years  of  his  reign. 
Both  Tacitus  the  historian  and  Suetonius  the  biographer 
tell  many  stories  of  the  scandalous  profligacy  of  the 
emperor's   life   on    the    island.^ 

Meanwhile,  Sejanus  was  ruling  at  Rome  very  much 
according  to  his  own  wilL  He  murdered  the  most  promi- 
nent citizens,  and  caused  first  Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius, 

and  then  other  possible  heirs  to  the  throne  to  be  put  out 
of  the  way,  in  order   that  Tiberius  might  be  constrained  to 

name  him  as  his  successor.  He  even  grew  so  bold  as  to 
plan  the  assassination  of  the  emperor  himself.  His  designs, 
however,  became  known  to  Tiberius ;  and  the  infamous  and 
disloyal  minister  was  arrested  and  put  to  death. 

After  the  execution  of  his  minister,  Tiberius  ruled  more 
despotically  than   before.      Multitudes  sou^^ht  refuse  from 

^  This  was  a  corps  of  chosen  soldiers  which  had  been  created  by 
Augustus,  and  which  was  designed  for  a  sort  of  bodyguard  to  the 
emperor.  It  numbered  about  ten  thousand  men,  and  was  given  a 
permanent  camp  alongside  the  city  walls  and  near  one  of  the  gates. 
It  soon  became  a  formidable  power  in  the  state,  and  made  and  unmade 
emperors  at  will. 

^  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  tales  of  the  orgies  of  Tiberius 
were  given  currency  by  the  bitter  enemies  of  the  emperor,  and  that 
they  were  probably  colored  and  exaggerated  by  dislike  and  hatred. 
There  must,  however,   be  in  them  a  large  element  of  truth. 


338 


ROME    AS   AN  EMPIRE. 


his  tyranny  in  suicide.      "  I    care  not   that  the  people  hate 

me,"  he  is  represented  as  saying,  "  if  only  they  respect  me." 

In  addition  to  this  distress  caused    the  people  by  the 

conduct  of   their  emperor,   there  was  during  this  reign   a 

great  deal  of  misery  produced  by  a  series  ot  calamities  for 
which  Tiberius  was  in  no  way  responsible.  In  Asia  earth- 
quakes destroyed  several  large  cities.  At  FidencX,  not  far 
from  Rome,  an  immense  wooden  amphitheatre,  which  had 
been  flimsily  constructed  by  an  unfaithful  or  incompetent 
contractor,  fell  beneath  the  weight  of  spectators  who  had 
crowded  its  benches,  and  buried  in  its  ruins  a  vast  number 
of  persons  variously  estimated  from  twenty  to  lifty  thou- 
sand. In  Rome  Itself  tbere  occurreJ  a  conflagration  that 
destroyed  a  considerable  part  of  the  city. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  all  these  public  calamities 
awakened  at  Rome  widespread  sympathy  and  called  forth 
crenerous  contributions  of  money  and  service  for  the  unfor- 

tunate  sufferers.  Ancient  society  — even  the  very  society 
that  delighted  in  the  gladiatorial  spectacles,  paradoxical 
as  it  may  seem  —  was  not  incapable  of  being  touched  by 

human  suffering,  and  was  at  timss  moved  by  genuine  senti- 

ments  of  sympathy  and  compassion. 

Tiberius  died  in  the  year  a.d.  37.  His  end  was  probably 
hastened  by  his  attendants,  who  are  believed  to  have 
smothered  him  in  his  bed,  as  he  lay  dying.  His  name 
lives  in  history  as  the  synonym  of  cruelty,  tyranny,  and 
scandalous  debauchery. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  reign   of  Tiberius  that,  in  a 

remote  province  of  the  Roman  empire,  the  Saviour  was 

crucified.     Animated  by  an  unparalleled  missionary  spirit, 

his    followers    traversed    the    length    and    breadth    of    the 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS   AURELIUS, 


339 


f 
\ 


empire,  preaching  everywhere  the  ''glad  tidings."  Men's 
loss  of  faith  in  the  gods  of  the  old  mythologies,  the  soften- 
ing and  liberalizing  influence  of  Greek  culture,  the  unifica- 
tion of  the  whole  civilized  world  under  a  single  government, 

the  widespread  suffering  and  the  Inexpressible  weariness  of 
the    oppressed    and    servile    classes,  —  all   these    things    had 

prepared  the  soil  for  the  seed  of  the  new  doctrines.  In 
less  than  three  centuries  the  pagan  empire  had  become 
Christian  not  only  in  name,  but  also  very  largely  in  fact. 
This  conversion  of  Rome  is  one  of  the  most  important 
events  in  all  history.  A  new  element  is  here  introduced 
into  civilization,   an   element  which  has  given   color    and 

character  to  the  history  of   all    the  succeeding  centuries. 

218.  Reign  of  Caligula  (a.ix  37-41). — Oaius  Ccxsar, 
better  known  as  Caligula,  son  of  the  commander  Germani- 
cus,  was  only  twenty-five  years  of  age  when  the  death  of 

Tiberius  called  him  to  the  throne.     His  surname  Cali-ula 

was  given  him  by  the  German  legions,  because,  when  a 
little  boy,  he  was  kept  by  his  father  in  the  camp,  and  to 
please  the  men,  dressed  like  a  little  soldier  with  military 

buskins  {ailmy 

Hig  career  was  very  similar  to  that  of  Tiberius.  After 
a  few  months  spent  in  arduous  application  to  the  affairs  of 

the  empire,  during  which  time  his  many  acts  of  kindness 
and  piety  won  for  him  the  affection  of  all  classes,  the  mind 

of  the  young  emperor  became  unsettled.  His  rest  was 
feverish  ;  and  often  he  paced  the  halls  of  his  palace  the 
night  through  with  wild  and  incoherent  ravings.      He  soon 

gave  himself  up  to  the  mosf  detestable  dissipations.    The 

cruel  sports  of  the  amphitheatre  possessed  for  him  a  strange 

fascination.      When   animals  failed,  he   ordered   spectators 


340 


ROME    AS   AAT  EMPIRE. 


to   be    seized  indiscriminately  and  thrown  to  the  beasts. 

He  even  entered  the  lists  himself,  and  fought  as  a  gladiator 

upon  the  arena. 

Stories  without  number  are  told  illustrating  his  insanities 
and  extravagances.      He  is  said  to  have  caused  persons  to 

be  tortured  at  his  banquets,  that  their  cries  and  groans 
might  add  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  meal.     He  lamented 

that  no  great  calamity  marked  his  reign,  such  as  that  which 
had  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  when  twenty  thou- 
sand or  more  persons  lost  their  lives  in  the  fall  of  the  amphi- 
theatre at  ridena^  (par.  217).  In  a  sanguinary  mood,  he 
wished  "that  the  people  of  Rome  had  but  one  neck."  He 
built  a  bridge  from  his  palace  on  the  Palatine  to  the  temple 

on  the  Capitoline  hill,  that  he  might  be  "  next  neighbor  " 
to  Jupiter.  In  order  to  rival  the  Hellespontine  bridges 
of  Xerxes,  he  constructed  a  bridge  over  the  bay  at  Baiie. 
The  structure  broke  beneath  the  triumphal   procession  on 

the  day  of  dedication ;  and  Caligula,  delighted  with  the 

spectacle  of  the  struggling  victims,  forbade  any  one  to 
attempt  to  save  the  drowning. 

It  is  said  that   he   emulated  the  example  of  Cleopatra  by 

dissolving  costly  gems  and  drinking  them  at  a  draught. 
A  single  dinner  cost  ^400,000.  As  an  insult  to  the  official 
aristocracy  he  gave  out  that  he  proposed  to  make  his  favor- 
ite horse,  Incitatus,  consul,  and  frequently  invited  the 
Steed  from  his  ivory  stable  to  eat  gilded  grain  at  the  impe- 
rial board.  He  personated  in  turn  all  the  gods  and  god- 
desses, arraying  himself  at  one  time  as  Hercules  or  Bacchus, 
and  again  as  Juno  or  Venus.  He  declared  himself  divine, 
set  up  his  statue  for  worship,  and  even  removed  the  heads 

of  Jupiter's  statues  and  put  his  own  in  their  place. 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS.        34 1 

During  his  reign  he  set  out  on    an  expedition    against 

Britain ;  but  on  reaching  the  sea  he  set  his  soldiers  to 

work  collecting  shells  along  the  beach,  which  -spoils  of 
the   ocean"   he    then  sent    back   to    Rome    as   the   trophies 

of  his  enterprise.     A  campaign  against  the  Germans  ended 

at  the  Rhenish  frontier  with  not  captives  enough  in  his 

hands  for  a  triumph  ;  accordingly,  he  hired,  so  the  story 
runs,  a  great  number  of  Gauls  to  personate  German  pris- 
oners, and  thus  supplied  the  embarrassing  deficiency. 

After  four  years  the  insane  career  of  Caligula  was  brought 

to  a  close  by  some  of  the  officers  of  the  praetorian  guard, 
whom  he  had  wantonly  insulted. 

219.    Reign   of   Claudius    (a.d.  41-54).  _  Claudius,  who 

succeeded  Caligula,  made  his  reign  a  sort  of  landmark  in 

the  constitutional  history  of  Rome,  by  the  admission  of  the 
Gallic  nobles  to  the  Roman  senate  and  the  magistracies  of 
the  city.     Tacitus  has  given  us  a  paraphrase  of  a  speech 

which  the  emperor  made  before  the  senate,  in  answer  to 

the  objections  which  were  urged  against  such  a  course. 

The  emperor  touched  first  upon  the  fact  that  his  own  most 
ancient    ancestor,    although    of    Sabine    origin,    had    been 

received  into  the  city  and  made  a  member  of  the  patrician 
order.  This  liberal  policy  of  the  fathers  ought,  he  thought, 
to  be  followed  by  himself  in  his  conduct  of  public  affairs. 
Men  of  special  talent,  wherever  found,  should  be  trans- 
ferred to  Rome.  ^'Nor  am  I  unmindful  of  the  fact,"  he 
continued,  "that  the  Julii  came  to  Rome  from  Alba,  the 
Coruncanii  from  Camerium,  the  Porcii  from  Tusculum;  and, 
not  to  lay  too  much  stress  upon  very  ancient  matters,  that 
from  Etruria  and  Lucania  and  all  Italy,  persons  have  been 
received    into  the    Roman   senate.     Finally,  the  city  was 


342 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


extended  to  the  Alps,  so  that  not  single  individuals,  but 
entire  provinces  and  tribes  were  given  the  Roman  name. 
Is  it  a  matter  of  regret  to  us  that  the  Balbi  came  to  us  from 
Spain  ?  That  men  not  less  distinguished  migrated  to  Rome 
from  Gallia  Narbonensis  ?  The  descendants  of  these  immi- 
grants remain  among  us,  nor  do  they  yield  to  us  in  their 

devotion  to  the  fatherland.  What  other  cause  was  there 
of  the  downfall  of  Sparta  and  of  Athens,  states  once  pow- 
erful in  arms,  save  this  — that  they  closed  their  gates 
against  the  conquered  as  aliens  ?  Our  founder  Romulus, 
however,  following  a  wiser  policy,  saw  many  people  on  one 
and  the  same  day  his  enemies  and  citizens  of  Rome/'  .  .  . 
But  it  is  said  that  the  Senones'  waged  war  against  us. 
And  did  the  Volscians  and  the  /t:quians  never  turn  their 

swords  against  our  state  )  I  admit,  the  Cauls  onCG  Cap- 
tured our  city  ;    but   were   we  not   obliged   to  give  hostages 

to  the  Etruscans,  and  was  not  our  army  once  sent  by  the 
Samnites  beneath  the  yoke  ?  .  .  .  All  those  institutions, 
conscript  fathers,  which  now  are  held  as  sacred  because  they 
are  old,  were  once  new.  The  plebeian  magistrates  came  after 
the  patricians,  the  Latin  magistrates  after  the  plebeian,  and 
those  of  the  other  peoples  of  Italy  after  the  Latin.      This 

Innovation  [tke  admlsslon  of  the  Gauls  into  the  senate]  will 

also  grow  old  ;  and  a  measure  which  to-day  we  defend  by 
precedents,  will  in  the  future  come  to  be  a  precedent."** 

The  generous  policy  here  defended  was  acted  upon,  at  least 
as  to  a  part  of  the  Gallic  nobility. 

6  See  par.  41. 

'  The  Gallic  tribe  that  under  the  lead  of  Brennus  sacked  Rome  (par.  68). 

8  Tacitus,  Annals,  xi.   23.     Compare   this  speech  of  Claudius  with 

tkat  of  Titus  Manlius  (par.  77). 


F'ROM    TIB£:KILrS     TO    MARCUS    AURflLILrS. 


343 


In  the  field  of  military  enterprise  the  reign  of  Claudius 
was  signalized  by  the  conquest  of  Britain.  Nearly  a  cen- 
tury had  now  passed  since  the  invasion  of  the  island  by 

Julius  Caesar,  who,  as  has  been  seen,  simply  made  a  recon- 
noissance  of  the  island  and  then  withdrew  (par.  191). 
Claudius,    through   his  generals    Plautius    and  Vespasian, 

subjugated  the  southern  part  of  the  island  and  made  it 

into  a  Roman  provmce  under  the  name  of  JBritan?iia 
(43  B.C.).  Many  colonies  were  founded  here,  which  in 
time  became  important  centres  of  Roman  trade  and  cul- 
ture, and  some  of  which  were  the  beginnings  of  great 

English  towns  of  to-day.  The  leader  of  the  Britons  was 
Caractacus.  He  was  taken  captive  and  carried  to  Rome. 
Gazing    in    astonishment    upon    the    magnificence    of   the 

imperial  city,  he  exclaimed,  "How  can  people  possessed 

of  such  splendor  at  home  envy  Caractacus  his  humble 
cottage   in   Britain  ?  " 

The  present  reign  was  further  distinguished  by  the  exe- 
cution of  many  important  works  of  a  utilitarian  character. 
At  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  Claudius  constructed  a  mag- 
nificent harbor,  called  the  Portus  Ro7naniis.  The  Claudian 
Aqueduct,   which   he   completed,   was  a  stupendous   work, 

bringing  water  to  the  city  from  a  distance  of  forty-hve 
miles. 

The  delight  of  the  people  in  gladiatorial  shows  had  at 
this     time    become     almost    an    insane    frenzy.       Claudius 

determined  to  give  an  entertainment  that  should  render 
insignificant  all  similar  efforts.  Upon  a  large  lake,  whose 
sloping  banks  afforded  seats  for  the  vast  multitude  of  spec- 
tators, he  exhibited  a  naval  battle,  in  which  two  opposing 
fleets,    bearing    nineteen    thousand    gladiators,    fought    as 


344 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


though  in  real  battle,  till  the  water  was  reddened  with  blood 
and  littered  with  the  wreckage  of  the  broken  ships. 

Throughout    his    life   Claudius    was    ruled   by    intriguing 

favorites  and  unworthy  wives.  For  his  fourth  wife  he 
married  the  ''wicked  Agrippina,"  who  secured  his  death 
by  means  of  a  dish  of  poisoned  mushrooms,  in  order  to 
make  place  for  the  succession  of  her  son  Nero. 

220.  Reign  of  Nero  (a.d.  54-68). — Nero  was  fortunate 
in  having  for  his  preceptor  the  great  philosopher  and 
moralist  Seneca ;  but  never  was  teacher  more  unfortunate 

in  his  pupil.       For  five    years    Nero,  under    the    influence    of 

Seneca  and  Burrhus,  the  latter  the  commander  of  the 
praetorians,  ruled  with  moderation  and  equity.  But  his 
own  mother,  Agrippina,  intrigued  against  him  in  favor  of  a 
younger  son  ;  and  Nero,  after  failing  in  an  attempt  to  drown 
her  while  she  was  crossing  the  bay  at  Baia,',  secured  her 
death  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  He  now  broke  away 
from  the  guidance  of  his  tutor  Seneca,  and  entered  upon  a 

career  nlled  with  crimes  of  almost  incredible  enormity. 
The  dagger  and  poison  were  in  constant  demand.  The 
use  of  the  latter  had  become  a  "  fine  art  "  in  the  hands  of 
a   regular   profession.      Like    Caligula,  Nero   degraded  the 

imperial  purple  by  contending  in  the  gladiatorial  combats 
of  the  arena  and  in  the  games  of  the  circus,  appearing  at 

one  time  as  a  charioteer,  and  then  again  as  an  actor  and  a 
singer  of  his  own  verses. 

It  was  in  the  tenfK  year  of  lils  reign  (a.d.  ^4)  that  the 
so-called  Great  Fire  laid  more  than  half  of    Rome  in   ashes. 

Temples,  monuments,  and  buildings  of  every  description 
were  swept  away  by  the  flames  that  for  six  days  and 
nights  surged  like  a  sea  through  the  valleys  and  about  the 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS   A  UR  ELI  US.         345 

base  of  the  hills  covered  by  the  city.  The  people,  in  the 
dismay  of  the  moment,  were  ready  to  catch  up  any  ruiHOr 
respecting  the  origin  of  the  fire.  It  was  reported  that 
Nero  had  ordered  the  conflagration  to  be  lighted  in  order 
to  clear  the  ground  so  that  he  could  rebuild  the  city  on  a 
more  magnificent  plan,  and  that  from  the  roof  of  his  palace 
he  had  enjoyed  the  spectacle  and  amused  himself  by  sing- 
ing a  poem  of  his  own  composition,  entitled  the  ''Sack  of 
Troy." 

Nero  did  everything  in  his  power  to  discredit  the  rumor. 
He  went  in  person  amidst  the  sufferers  and  distributed 
money  with  his  own  hand.  Fo  further  turn  attention  from 
himself,  he  accused  the  Christians  of  having  conspired  to 
destroy  the  city,  in  order  to  help  out  their  prophecies. 
The  doctrine  which  was  taught  by  some  of  the  new  sect 
respecting  the  second  coming  of  Christ  and  the  destruction 
of  the  world  by  fire,  lent  color  to  the  charge.  The  perse- 
cution that  followed  was  one  of  the  most  cruel  recorded  in 

tile  history  of  the  C  hurch.       Many  victims  were  covered  with 

pitch  and  burned  at  night,  to  serve  as  torches  in  the  imperial 
gardens.  Tradition  preserves  the  names  of  the  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul  as  victims  of  this  Neronian  persecution. 

As  to  Rome,  the  conflagration  was  a  blessing  in  dis- 
guise. Requisitions  of  money  and  material  were  made 
upon  all  the  Roman  world  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  burnt 
districts.     The    city    rose    from    its    ashes    as    quickly   as 

Athens    from    her    ruins  at    the    close    of    the     Persian    wars. 

The  new  buildings  were  made  fireproof ;  and  the  narrow, 
crooked  streets '-^  reappeared  'as  broad  and  beautiful  ave- 

^  The  lack  of  regularity  in  the  streets  is  said  to  have  been  due  to  the 

nasty  rebuilding  of   the  city  after  its  sack  by  the  Gauls.      See  par.  68. 


34^ 


ROAl£    AS    AJV    £:AII^II^£:. 


nues.  A  large  part  of  the  burnt  region  was  appropriated 
by  Nero  for  tiie  buildings  and  grounds  of  an  immense 
palace,  called  the  Golden  House.  As  the  emperor  en- 
sconced himself  in  its  luxurious  apartments,  he  is  said  to 
have  remarked,  "  Now  I  am  housed  as  a  man  ought  to  be." 
The  emperor  secured  money  for  his  enormous  expendi- 
tures  by   {resh   murders   and    confiscations.     No   one   of 

wealth  knew  but  that  his 
turn  might  come  next.  A 
conspiracy  was  formed   to 

relieve   the    state    of    the 

monster.  The  plot  was  dis- 
covered, and  again  "  the 
city  was  filled  with  funer- 
als."   Liican  the  poet,  and 

Seneca,  the  preceptor  of 
Nero,    both    fell    victims    to 

the  tyrant's  rage. 

Nero  now  made  a  tour 

through  the  East,  and  there 
plunged  deeper  and  deeper 
into  sensuality  and  crime. 

The  tyranny  and  the  disgrace  were  no  longer  endurable. 

The  legions  in  several  of  the  provinces  revolted.  The 
senate  declared  the  emperor  a  public  enemy,  and  con- 
demned him  to  death  by  scourging,  to  avoid  which,  aided 
by  a  servant,  he  took  his  own  life.  His  last  words  were, 
"  What  an  artist  the  world  loses  in  my  death !  " 

Nero  was  the  sixth  and  last  of  the  Julian  line.  The 
family  of  the  Great  Caesar  was  now  extinct ;  but  the  name 
remainedj  and  was  adopted  by  all  the  succeeding  emperors, 


'Galea. 


1 


FROM   TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS.         347 

221.  Galba,   Otho,    and    Vitellius    (a.d.    68-69).  —  These 

three  names  are  usually  grouped  together,  as  their  reigns 
were  all  short  and  uneventful.  11ie  succession,  upon  the 
death  of  Nero  and  the  extinction  in  him  of  the  Julian  line, 
was  in  dispute,  and  the  legions  in  different  quarters  sup- 
ported the  claims  of  their  favorite  leaders.  One  after 
another  the  three  aspirants  named  were  killed  in  bloody 
struggles  for  the  imperial  purple.  The  last,  Vitellius,  was 
hurled  from  the  throne  by  the  soldiers  of  Vespasian,  the 
old  and  beloved  commander  of  the  legions  in  Palestine, 
which  were  at  this  time  engaged  in  war  with  the  Jews. 

222.  Reign  of  Vespasian  (a.d.  69-79).  — The  accession 
of  Flavins  Vespasian  marks  the  beginning  of  a  period, 
embracing  three  reigns,  known 

as     the     Flavian    Age    (a.o.    6g  — 

9O;.  Vespasian's  reign  was 
signalized  both  by  important 
military  achievements  abroad 
and  by  stupendous  public  works 
undertaken  at  Rome. 

After  one  of  the  most  harass- 
ing sieges  recorded  in  history, 

Jerusalem  was   taken    by   Titus, 

son  of  Vespasian.    The  Temple 

was  destroyed,  and  more  than 

a    million    Jews   that    were 

crowded  in  the  city  are  believed 

to    have    perished.       Great    multitudes   suffered   death   by 

crucifixion.     The  miserable  remnants  of  the  nation   were 

scattered  everywhere  over  the  world.     Josephus,  the  great 

historian,    accompanied    the    conqueror    to     P.ome.        In    imi- 


VtSPASIAN, 

(From  a  bust  in  the  Museum  at  Naples.) 


34S 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


"  Judaea   Capta.' 
(Coin  of  Vespasian.) 


tation  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  Titus  robbed  the  Temple  of  its 

sacred    utensils,  and   bore    them    away    as    trophies.       Upon 

the  triumphal  arch  at  Rome  that  bears  his  name,  may  be 

seen  at  the  present  day  the  sculp- 
tured representation  of  the  golden 
candlestick,  which  was  one  of  the 
memorials  of  the  war. 

At  this  same  time,  in  the  opposite 
corner  of  the  empire,  there  broke 

out  a  dangerous  revolt  of  the  Bata- 

vians  under  their  celebrated  leader 
Claudius  Civilis.  The  Batavians 
were  joined  by  many  Germans 
beyond  the  Rhine,  by  a  large  part  of  the  tribes  of  Gaul, 
and  by  several  of  the  Roman  legions  in  those  parts.  For- 
tune for  a  time  attended  Civilis ;  the  Roman  armies  were 
repeatedly  defeated,  and  the  authority  of  Rome  destroyed 

in  the  whole  llhenisk  region  and  throughout  a  great  part 
of  Gaul.  It  looked  for  a  moment  as  though  a  Gallo-Cierman 
empire  was  to  be  raised  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  power 
north  of  the  Alps.  But  dissension  arose  among  the  con- 
federates, which  weakened  the  movement  and  aided  Ves- 
pasian's general  Cerialis  In  crushing  the  insurrection  and 
restoring  the  Roman  authority. 

Vespasian  rebuilt  the  Capitoline  temple,  which  had  been 

burned  during  the  etrugirle  between  k;§  solJlers  and  the 

adherents  of   Vitellius  ;    he  constructed  a  new  forum,  which 

bore  his  own  name  ^  and  also  began  the  erection  of  the  Cel- 
ebrated Flavian  amphitheatre,  which  was  completed  by  his 
successor.  After  a  most  prosperous  reign  of  ten  years, 
Vespasian  died  a.d.    79,   the  first  emperor  after  Augustus 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS.        349 

who  had  not  met  with  a  violent  death.    At  the  last  moment 

he  requested  his  attendants  to  raise  him  upon  his  feet  that 

he  might  "die  standing,"  as  befitted  a  Roman  emperor. 

223.   Reign  of  Titus  (a.d.  79-81).  —  In  a  short  reign  of  two 
years  Titus  won  the  title  of  "  the  Friend  and  the  Delight 


i^i.  '- 


/  ■  ^^ 


^^f 


r*r-!^    ■^•y^'^L^^- 
■■- jl^lfe 


Triumi'Hal  Prucession  from  the  Arch  ok  Titus. 

(Showing  the  Seven-branched  Candlestick  and  other  trophies  from  the  Temple  at 

Jerusalem.     From  a  photograph.) 

of   Mankind."      He  was  unwearied  in  acts  of    benevolence 

and  In  bestowal  of   favors.       Having  let  a  day  §lip  by  With- 
out   some     act    o£    kindness    performed,   he    is    said    to    have 

exclaimed  reproachfully,  "I  have  lost  a  day." 

Titus  completed  and  dedicated  the  great  Flavian  amphi- 
theatre begun  by  his  father,  Vespasian.  This  vast  struc- 
ture,   which    accommodated    more    than    eighty    thousand 


i 


350 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


spectators,    is    better   known    as    the    Colosseum a  name 

given  it  either  because  of  its  gigantic  proportions,  or  on 
account  of  a  colossal  statue  of  Nero  which  happened  to 
stand  near  it  (par.  291). 

Ihe    reign    of    Titus,  though   so    short,  was   signalized    by 
two  great  disasters.      The  first  was  a  conflagration  at  Rome, 

which  was  almost  as  calamitous  as  the  Great  Fire  in  the 


TliK  (JuLUbiJtUM. 

(Krom  a  photograph.) 

reign  of  Nero  (par.  220).  The  second  was  the  destruction, 
by  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  of  the  (\ampanian  cities  of 
Pompeii  and  Herculaneum.  The  cities  were  buried  beneath 
showers  of  cinders,  ashes,  and  streams  of  volcanic  mud. 
Pliny  the  Elder,  the  great  naturalist,  venturing  too  near 
the  mountain,  to  investigate  the  phenomenon,  lost  his  life.» 

1  In  the  year   i  7 1 3,  sixteen  centuries  after  the  destruction  Of  thC  CitiCS 
the  ruins  were   discovered   by  some   persons    engaged   in    digging  a  Well' 
and    since    then    extensive    excavations    have    been    made,   which   have 


i 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  A  UR  ELI  US.        35  I 

224.    Domitian  —  Last  of  the  Twelve  Caesars  (a.d.  81-96). 

Domitian,  the  brother  of  I'itus,  was  the  last  of  the  line 

of  emperors  known  as  "the  Twelve  Caesars."  The  title, 
however,  was  assumed  by,  and  is  applied  to,  all  the  suc- 
ceeding:   emperors  ^    the    sole    reason    that    the    first    twelve 


A  Street  in  Pompeii. 

(From  a  photograph.) 

princes  are  grouped  together  is  because  the  Roman  biog- 
rapher Suetonius  completed  the  lives  of  that  number  only. 

The  greater  part  of   Domitian's  reign  was  an  exact  con- 
trast to  that  of  his  brother  Titus.      It  was,  after  the  first 

uncovered  a  large  part  of  Pompeii,  and  reVGalfid  to  US  tllfi  StrGGt^,  llOmeS, 

theatres,  baths,  shops,  temples,  and  varioui;  monuments  of  the  ancient 
city  — all  of  which  presents  to  us  a  very  vivid  picture  of  Roman  life 
during  the  imperial  period,  eighteen  hundred  years  ago. 


352 


ROAfE   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


few  years,  one  succession  of  extravagances,  tyrannies, 

confiscations,  murders,  and  persecutions. 

During  the  reign,  however,  transactions  of  interest  and 
importance  were  taking  place  on  the  northern  frontier- 
lines.  In  Britain  the  able  commander  Agricola,  the  father- 
in-law  of  the  historian  Tacitus,  pushed  the  conquests  of 
Rome  to  the  utmost  limits  that  they  ever  reached.  He 
either  subjected  or  crowded  back  the  warlike  tribes  until  he 

had  extended  the  frontiers  of  the  empire  far  into  what  i§ 

now  Scotland.  Then,  as  a  protection  against  the  incursions 
of  the  Caledonians,  the  ancestors  of  the  Scottish  highland- 
ers,  he  constructed  a  line  of  fortresses  from  the  Frith  of 

Forth  to  the  Frith  of  Clyde  (par.  227).    Behind  this  shelter 

Roman  civilization  developed  securely  and  rapidly  in  the 
new-formed  province. 

On  the   Danubian  frontier  the    Roman   arms  were   less 

successful  than  in  Britain.    Here  the  Dacians,  dwellintr 

north  of   the  Danube,   were  distressing   the    province   of 

Moesia  by  plundering  raids  across  the  river.  Unable  to 
reduce  the  marauding  tribes  to  submission,  Domitian  nego- 
tiated a  peace  with  them  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Romans 
were  to  pay  them  a  yearly  tribute  on  condition  that  they 
refrain  from  invading  the  territory  of  Rome.  This  was  the 
first  time  that   Rome  purchased  peace  of  an  enemy  with 

gold  instead  of  with  steel.    The  practice  became  common 

enough  later. 

Under  this  emperor  took  place  what  is  known  in  church 
history    as    '*  the    second    persecution    of    the    Christians." 

This  class,  as  well  as  the  Jews,  were  the  special  objects  of 
Domitian's  hatred,  because  they  refused  to  burn  incense 
before  the  statues  of  himself  which  he  had  set    up  (par. 


Roman  Britain, 


354 


ROME    AS   AN  EMPIRE. 


2i6).  The  name  of  his  niece  Domitilla  has  been  preserved 
as  one  of  the  victims  of  this  persecution.  This  is  signifi- 
cant, since  it  shows  that  the  new  faith  was  thus  early 
finding  adherents  among  the  higher  classes,  even  in  the 
royal  household   itself. 

The     last    of     the    Twelve    Caesars     perished     in    his    own 

palace,  and  by  the  hands  of  members  of  hiso\vn  household. 
The  senate  ordered  his  infamous  name  to  be  erased  from 
the  public  monuments  and  to  be  blotted  from  the  records 
of  the  Roman  state. 

225.  The  Five  Good  Emperors;  Reign  of  Nerva  (a.d.  96- 
98).  —  The  five  emperors  —  Nerva,  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and 
the  two  Antonines  —  who  succeeded  Domitian  were  elected 

03^  the  senate,  which  during  this  period  assumed  something 
of    its    former    weight    and    influence    in    the    affairs    of   the 

empire.  The  wise  and  beneficent  administration  of  the 
government  by  these  rulers  secured  for  them  the  enviable 
distinction  of  being  called  "  the  five  good  emperors." 

Nerva,  who  was  an  aged  senator  and  an  ex-consul,  ruled 
paternally.  He  lightened  the  taxes,  which  had  grown 
oppressive;   abolished  the   infamous    law  of  treason    (par. 

.  317)  under  which  go  many  innocent  persons  of  prominence, 
influence,  and  wealth  had  become  the  victims  of  imperial 
suspicion,  jealousy,  and  cupidity  ;  and  brought  back  those 
citizens  whom  former  emperors  had  sent  into  exile.  Nerva 
died  after  a  short  reign  of  sixteen  months,  and  the  sceptre 

passed  into  the  stronger  hands  of  the  able  commander 
Trajan,  whom  Nerva  had  previously  made  his  associate  in 
the  government. 

226.  Reip  of  Trajan  (a.d.  08-117). -Trajan  was  a 

native  of    Spain,   and  a  soldier  by  profession   and  talent. 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO    MARCUS   AURELIUS. 


355 


He  was  the  first  provincial  to  sit  in  the  seat  of  the  Caesars. 
From  this  time  forward  provincials  were  to  play  a  part 
of  ever-increasing   importance  in  the  affairs  of  the  empire. 

Trajan's  ambition  to 
achieve  military  re- 
nown led  him  to  under- 
take distant  and  im- 
portant conquests.  It 
was  the  policy  of 
Augustus  —  a  policy 
adopted  by  most  of  his 
successors  —  to  make 
the  Danube  in  Europe 

and    the    Kuphrates    in 

Asia  the  limits  of  <he 
Roman  empire  in  those 
respective  quarters. 
But  Trajan  determined 

to  push  the  frontiers 
of  his  dominions  be- 
yond both  these  rivers, 

scorning  .to    permit 

Nature  by  these  bar- 
riers to  mark  out  the 
confines     of     Roman 

sovereignty. 

In  the  early  part  of 
his  reign  Trajan  was 
busied  in  wars  against  the  I>acians,  tribes  that,  as  we  have 

seen,  had  often  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  Moesian  prov- 
ince.     The    trouble    at    this    time    was    caused    by    Trajan 


Trajan. 

(From  a  statue  in  the  Museum  at  Naples.) 


35^ 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


refusing   to  make   good   the  agreement  of  Domitian  with 

these  tribes  to  pay  them  tribute  (par.  iik\ 

In  his  second  campaign  Trajan  facilitated  his  operations 
by  constructing  across  the  Danube  a  bridge,  some  of  the 
piers  of  which  may  still  be  seen.  This  expedition  resulted 
in  the  complete  subjugation  of  the  troublesome  enemy. 

Dacia  was  now  made  into  a  province.      Roman  emigrants 
poured  in  crowds  into  the  region,  great  cities  sprang  up, 


^  ,^  r^n\ 


Bridok  over  thk  Danubk,    built   by   Trajan. 
(From  relief  on  Trajan's  Column.) 

and  the  arts  and  culture  of  Rome  took  deep  and  permanent 
root.  The  modern  name  Roumania  is  a  monument  of  this 
Roman  conquest  and  colonization  beyond  the  Danube. 
The  Roumanians  to-day  speak  a  language  that  in  its  main 

elements  is  largely  of  Latin  origin.^ 

-  The  Romanic-speaking  peoples  of  Roumania  and  the  neighboring 
regions  number  about  ten  millions.  It  seems  probable  that  during  medi- 
aeval times  there  was  a  large  immigration  into  the  present  Roumania  of 
Latin-speaking  people  from  the  districts  south  of  the  Danube,  —  Thrace, 

Macedonia,  and  Epirus,— which  had  been  pretty  thoroughly  Romanized 
during  the  imperial  period. 


EROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  A  UR  ELI  US.        357 


As  a  permanent  memorial  of  his  achievements,  the 
emperor  erected,  in  what  came  to  be  known  as  rrajan's 
Forum,  a  splendid  marble  shaft 

called   Trajan's    Column.       The 

great  pillar  is  almost  as  perfect 
to-day  as  when  reared,  eighteen 
centuries  ago.  It  is  one  hundred 
and  forty-seven  feet  high,  and 
is  wound  from  base  to  summit 

with  a  spiral  band  of  sculptures, 

containing  more  than  twenty-five 
thousand  human  figures.  Its 
pictured  sides  are  the  best,  and 
almost  the  only,  record  we  now 
possess  of  the  Dacian  wars  of 
the  emperor. 

In    the    latter    years    of    his 

reign    (a.o.  114—116^  Trajan  led 

his  legions  to  the  East,  crossed 
the  Kuphrates,  reduced  Armenia, 
and  wrested  from  the  Parthians 
most  of  the  territory  which  once 
formed  the  heart  of  the  Assyrian 
monarchy.  Constructing  an  im- 
mense  flotilla   of   boats   on  the 

Upper  Kuphrates,  he  floated 
with  his  army  down  that  stream 

to  where  it  draws  near  the  71- 

gris,  opposite  the  city  of  Ctesi- 

phon.      At  this  point  the  boats  were  pulled  from  the  water, 

dragged    overland    to    the    Tigris,    and   relaunched.      From 


Trajan's  Column, 

(^Froni  a  photograph.) 


3SS 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS.        359 


Ctesiphon  the  fleet  floated  down  the  Tigris  and  on  into  the 
Persian   Gulf.      Here  the   sight  of  an  Indian   merchantman 

is  said  to  have  awakened  in  Trajan  ambitious  longings  to 
emulate  the  achievements  of  Alexander  the  Great.  "  Were 
I  yet  young,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  would  not  stop  till  I  had 

reached  the  limits  of  the  Macedonian  conquest." 

Out  of  the  territories  he  had  conquered,  Trajan  made 


Battle  Scene  from  Trajan's  Column. 
(On  the  left,  Panhian  horsemen  in  armor,  fleeing  before  Roman  riders.) 

three    new    provinces,    which    bore    the    ancient    names    of 

Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria. 

To  Trajan  belongs  the  distinction  of  having  extended 

the  boundaries  of  the  empire  to  the  most  distant  points 
to  which  Roman  ambition  and  prowess  were  ever  able  to 
push  them.  But  in  passing  beyond  the  line  of  the  Euphra- 
tes, Trajan  had  overstepped  the  limits  of  moderation,  and 

unwisely  disregarded  the  maxim  of  Augustus.  His  con- 
quests  In  these   regions  w^ere   prudently  abandoned   by  his 


successor.  A  more  permanent  acquisition  made  by  Trajan 
in  these  eastern  regions  was  Arabia-Petraia,  which  was 
made  a  province   in   the  year  a.d.  106. 

But  Trajan  was  something  more   than  a  mere  soldier  ; 
he  had  a  taste  for  literature.     Juvenal,  Plutarch,  and  the 

younger  Pliny  wrote  under  his  patronage,  and  under  his 
direction  was  founded  the  so-called  Ulpian  Library,  which 
grew  into  one  of  the  most  valuable  collections  of  books  in 


Besieging  a  Dacian  City. 

(From  Trajan's  Column.) 

Rome.  Moreover,  as  is  true  of  almost  all  great  conquer- 
ors, Trajan  had  a  perfect  passion  for  building.  We  have 
already  mentioned  the  forum  which  he  laid  out  and  em- 
bellished, and  which  bore  his  name,  and  noticed  also  the 
wonderful  marble  column  commemorating  his  Dacian  vic- 
tories. And  not  alone  in  the  capital  but  also  in  various 
other  cities  of  the  empire  were  to  be  seen  many  monuments 
of  his  munificence. 

Respecting  the  rapid  spread  of  Christianity  at  this  time, 

the  character  of  the  early  professors  of  the  new  faith,  and 


36o 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


the  light  in  which  they  were  viewed  by  tlie  rulers  of  the 
Roman  world,  we  have  very  important  evidence  in  a  cer- 
tain letter  written  by  Pliny  the  Younger  to  the  emperor 
in  regard  to  the  Christians  of  Pontus,  in  Asia  Minor,  of 
which  remote  province  Pliny  was  governor.  Pliny  speaks 
of  the  new  creed  as  a  *'  contagious  superstition,  that  had 
seized  not  cities  only,  but  the  lesser  towns  also,  and  the  open 
country."     Yet  he  could  find  no  fault  in  the  converts  to  the 

new  doctrines-      Notwithstanding  this,  llOWever,  beCaUSG  tllG 
Christians  steadily  refused  to  sacrifice  to  the  Roman  gods, 
he  ordered  many  to  be  put  to  death  for  their  *'  inflexible 
obstinacy." 
Trajan  died  a.d.  117,  after  a  reign  of  nineteen  years, 

one  of  the  most  prosperous  and  fortunate  that  had  yet 
befallen  the  lot  of  the  Roman  people. 

227.    Reign    of    Hadrian    (a.d.    i  17-138).  —  Hadrian,    a 

Iclnsman  o{  Trajan,  gucceeded  him  in  the  imperial  office. 

He  possessed  great  ability,  and  displayed  admirable  mod- 
eration and  prudence  in  the  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment. He  abandoned  the  three  provinces,  Armenia, 
Assyria,  and   Mesopotamia,  that   had   been  acquired  by 

Trajan  beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  made  that  stream  once 
more  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  empire.  He  saw  plainly 
that  Rome  could  not    safely  extend  any  farther,  in  that 

direction,  the  frontiers  of  her  dominions. 

More    than   fifteen    years    of    his    reign    were    spent    by 
Hadrian    in    making    tours    of    inspection    through    all    the 

different  provinces  of  the  empire.  He  visited  Britain,  and 
secured  the  Roman  possessions  there  against  the  Picts  and 

Scots  by  erecting  a  continuous  wall  across  the  island  from 
the    Tyne    to    the    Solway  Firth.      This    rampart   was    con- 


1 


1 


I 


LL-Poatea,  Engr.,  N  Y. 


FROM  TIBERIUS  TO  MARCUS  aurklius.      361 

structed  some  distance  to  the  south  of  the  line  of  fortified 
stations  that  had  been  established  by  Agricola  (par.  224). 
But  the  guards  were  not  withdrawn  from  the  more  northern 
wall,  and  the  strip  of  territory  between  the  two  walls  was 
not  abandoned  by  the   Roman   colonists  who  had  already 


—        ?►.-'>/"'/*     ^    '^(,1//  "^ 


THE  Roman   Wai.i.  in  Northern   Britain. 
(From  Gardiner's  Stiuients"  History  0/ England) 

settled  there.     Under  later  emperors  this  Hadrian  bulwark 

was  strengthened  by  two  additional  ramparts,  one  con- 
structed of  earth  and  the  other  built  solidly  of  stone,  and 
both  running  parallel  to  the  earlier  line  of  earthworks.' 

.The  second  line  of  earthworks,  which  was  but  a  few  yards  distant 
fron,  .he  first,  w.s  probably  thrown  up  by  the  emperor  Sep---  «--- 
(An    .9,-2..);  the  stone  rampart.  Merivale  thmks,  was  bmlt  clunng 

e  last'Ltu!    of  the  empire.     Some  of  the  best  portions  of  .he  .va 
are  found  near  the    modern  Carlisle.     The  student-traveller  n,  those 


362 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


In  places  the  triple  line  of  ramparts,  broken  at  intervals 
by  the  remains  of  the  old  guard-towers  and  fortified  camps, 
can  still  be  traced  through  the  valleys  and  over  the  low 

hills    of    the    Kngllsh    moorlands.       There    exist    nowhere    in 

the  lands  that  once  formed  the  provinces  of  the  empire  of 
Rome  any  more  impressive  memorials  of  her  world-wide 
dominion  than  these  ramparts,  along  which  for  three  hun- 
dred years  and  more  her  sentinels  kept  watch  and  ward  for 
civilization  against  the  barbarian  marauders  of  Caledonia/ 
After  his  visit  to  Britain  Hadrian  returned  to  Gaul,  and 
then  inspected  in  different  tours  all  the  remaining  provinces 

of  tne  empire.  Many  of  flie  cities  wliicK  lie  visited  he 
adorned  with  temples,  theatres,  and  other  buildings.  Upon 
Athens,  particularly,  he  lavished  large  sums  in  art  embel- 
lishments, reviving  in  a  measure  the  fading  glories  of  the 
Periclean  Age. 

In  the  year  132  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  who  had  in  a  meas- 
ure recovered  from  the  blow  Titus  had  given  their  nation 

parts  should  not  fail  to  examine  these  interesting  memorials  of  the 

Roman    occupation    of    }>iitain. 

*  "  We  know  from  written  records  that  the  troops  by  which  these 
strongholds  were  occupied  represented  from  twenty  to  thirty  distinct 
nations.  Along  this  line  of  mutual  communication  Gauls  and  Germans, 
Thracians  and  Iberians,  Moors  and  Syrians  held  the  frontiers  of  the  Ro- 
man empire  against  the  Caledonian  Britons.  Here  some  thirty  languages 
resounded  from  as  many  camps  ;  but  the  sonorous  speech  of  Latium,  not 
much  degraded  from  the  tone  still  preserved  on  its  native  soil,  ever  main- 
tained its  supremacy  as  the  language  of  command  and  of  every  official 
and  public  document.     On  this  narrow  strip  of  land  we  may  read  an 

epitome  of  the  history  of  the  Romans  under  the  empire ;  for  myself,  1 

feel  that  all  I  have  read  and  written  on  this  wide  and  varied  subject  is 
condensed,  as  it  were,  in  the  picture  I  realize,  from  a  few  stones  and 
earthworks,  of  their  occupation  of  our  northern  marches." —  Merivale, 
History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire^  vol.  viii.  p.  210. 


FROM  TIBERIUS    TO  MARCUS  A  UR  ELI  US.        363 

(par.  222),   broke   out   in   desperate  revolt,   because  of  the 
planting  of  a  Roman  colony^  upon  the  almost  desolate  site 

of  Jerusalem,  and  the  placing  of  the  statue  of  Jupiter  in  the 

Holy  Temple.  More  than 
half  a  million  of  Jews  are 
said  to  have  perished  in 

the  hopeless  struggle, 
and  the  most  of  the  sur- 
viv^ors  were  driven  into 
exile  —  the  last  disper- 
sion of  the  race  (a.d.  135). 

The  latter  years  of  his 
reign  Hadrian  passed  at 
Rome.  It  was  here  that 
this  princely  builder 
erected  his  most  splen- 
did structures.  Amon^>- 
these  were  a  magnificent 
temple    consecrated    to 

the  o^oddeSSeS  Venus  and  (From  a  bust  in  the  CapitoUne  Museum.) 

Roma,  and  a  vast  mausoleum  erected  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tiber,  and  designed  as  a  tomb  for  himself  (par.  297).*^ 

With  all  his  virtues,  Hadrian  was  foolishly  vain  of  his 
accomplishments,  impatient  of  contradiction,  and  often 
most  unreasonable  and  imperious.  It  is  related  that  he 
put  to  death  the  architect  Apollodorus  for  venturing  to 
criticise    the    royal    taste    in    some    architectural    matter. 

l^avorinus,  the  rhetorician,  was  evidently  more  judicious, 
for  when  asked  "  why  he  suffered  the  emperor  to  silence 

^  ^lia  Capitolina. 

^  For  a  description  of  the  celebrated  villa  which  Hadrian  constructed 
at  Tibur,  the  modern  Tivoli,  see  par.  295. 


Hadrian. 


3^4 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


him    in    an    argument    on    a    point    of   grammar,    he    replied, 

*It  is  ill  disputing  with  the  master  of  thirty  legions.'  " 

228.  The  Antonines  (a.d.  138-180).  —  Aurelius  Antoninus, 
surnamed  Pius,  the  adopted  son  of  Hadrian,  and  his  suc- 
cessor, gave  the  Roman  empire  an  administration  singularly 
pure  and  parental.  Of  him  it  has  been  said  that  "  he  was 
the  first,  and,  saving  his  colleague  and  successor  Aurelius, 

the  only  one  or  tne  emperors  who  devoted  himself  to  the 
task  of  governinent  with    a   single  view  to   the   happiness  of 

his  people."  Throughout  his  long  reign  of  twenty-three 
years,  the  empire  was  in  a  state  of  profound  peace.  The 
attention  of  the  historian  is  attracted  by  no  striking  events, 

which  fact,  as  many  have  not  failed  to  observe,  illustrates 
admirably  the  oft-repeated  epigram,  "  Happy  is  that  people 
whose  annals  are  brief." 

Antoninus,  early  in  his  reign,  had  united  with  himself  in 

the  government  his  adopted  son  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  upon 
the  death  of  the  former  (a.d.  161)  the  latter  succeeded 
quietly  to  his  place  and  work.  Aurelius'  studious  habits 
won  for  him  the  title  of  "Philosopher."    He  belonged  to 

the  school  of  the  Stoics,  and  was  a  most  thoughtful  writer. 
His  Meditations  breathe  the  tenderest  sentiments  of  devotion 
and  benevolence,  and  make  the  nearest  approach  to  the 

spirit  of  (^hristianity  of  all  the  writings  of  pagan  antiquity. 

He  established  an  institution  or  home  for  orphan  girls, 
and,  finding  the  poorer  classes  throughout  Italy  burdened 
by  their  taxes  and  greatly  in  arrears   in  paying  them,  he 

caused  all  the  tax  claims  to  be  heaped  in  the  forum  and 
burned. 

The  tastes  and  sympathies  of  Aurelius  would  have  led 
him  to  choose  a  life  passed  in  retirement  and  study  at  the 


FROM    TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS.        365 


capital  ;  but  hostile  movements  of  the  Parthians,  and  espe- 
cially invasions  of  the  barbarians  along  the  Rhenish  and 
Danubian  frontiers,  called  him  from  his  books,  and  forced 
him  to  spend  most  of  the  latter  years  of  his  reign  in  the 

camp.  The  Parthians,  who  had  violated  their  treaty  with 
Rome,  were  chastised  by  the  lieutenants  of  the  emperor, 
and    a    part    of    Mesopotamia    again    fell    under    Roman 

authority  (Ad).  165). 

This  war  drew  after   it   a  series  of  terrible  calamities. 

The  returning  soldiers  brought  with  them  the  Asiatic  plague, 
which  swept  off  vast  numbers,  especially  in  Italy,  where 
entire  cities  and  districts  were  depopulated.  The  empire 
never  wholly  recovered  from  the  effects  of  this  pestilence. 
In  the  general  distress  and  panic,  the  superstitious  people 
were  led  to  believe  that  it  was  the  new  sect  of  Christians 

that  had  called  down  upon  the  nation  the  anger  of  the  gods. 

Aurelius  permitted  a  fearful  persecution  to  be  instituted 
against  them,  during  which  the  celebrated  Christian  fathers, 
Justin  Martyr  at  Rome  and  the  aged  Polycarp  at  Smyrna, 

suffered  death.     The  latter,  when  urged  to  save  his  life  by 
reviling  Christ,  made  this  memorable  reply :  "  Eighty  and  six 
years  have  I  served  him,  and  he  never  did  me  wrong ;  and 
how  can  I  now  blaspheme  my  king  who  has  saved  me  .''  " 
It  should  be  noted  that  the  persecution  of  the  Christians 

vinder  the  pagan  emperors  sprung  from   political  and  social 

rather  than  religious  motives,  and  that  this  is  why  we  find 
the  names  of  the  best  emperors,  as  well  as  those  of  the  worst, 
in  the  list  of  persecutors.  It  was  believed  that  the  welfare 
of  the  state  was  bound  up  with  the  careful  performance 
of  the  rites  of  the  national  worship;  and  hence,  while  the 
Roman  rulers  were  usually  very  tolerant,  allowing  all  forms 


366 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


of  worship  among  their  subjects,  still  they  required  that 
men  of  every  faith  should  at  least  recognize  the  Roman 
gods,  and  burn  incense  before  their  statues.  This  the 
Christians  steadily  refused  to  do.     Their   neglect  of   the 

services  of  the   temple,  it   was  believed,  angered   the  gods 

and  endangered  the  safety  of  the  state,  bringing  upon  it 

drought,  pestilence,  and  every  disaster.  This  was  a  main 
reason  of  their  persecution  by  the  pagan  emperors. 

But  there  was  also  what  we  may  call  the  social  motive 
of  persecution.  The  Christians  were  accused  of  being 
unsocial,  and,  from  the  Roman  point  ui  view,  not  without 
reason  ;  for  the  conscience  of  the  Christians  stood  in  the 

way    of    their    performing    many    of    the    duties    required    of 

citizens,  since  these  acts  were  often  connected  in  some 
way  with  the  pagan  sacrifices  or  worship.  Again,  the 
teachings  of  their  religion  would  not  allow  them  to  be  spec- 
tators at  the  inhuinan  gladiatorial  games,  nor  frequenters 
of  the  theatre,  because  of  the  immorality  of  the  stage. 
Now,  to  the  Romans  who  did  not  share  the  beliefs  and 
convictions    of    the    Christians    their    conduct    appeared 

unreasonable    as  well  as   unsocial   and    unpatriotic.       Hence 

the  term  "obstinacy"  which  was  applied  to  them,  and  the 
vehemence  of  the  popular  hatred  of  the  new  sect. 

But  pestilence  and  persecution  were  both  forgotten 
amidst  the  imperative  calls  for  immediate  help  that  now 
came  from  the  north.  The  barbarians  were  pushing  in 
the  Roman  outposts,  and  pouring  over  the  frontiers.  A 
tribe  known  as  the   Marcomani  even  crossed  the  Alps  and 

laid  siege  to  Aquileia.  Not  since  the  invasion  of  the 
Cimbri    and    Teutones    (par.    159)    had    the    inhabitants    of 

any  city  of  Italy  seen  the  barbarians  before  their  gates. 


FROM   TIBERIUS    TO  MARCUS  A  UR  ELI  US.        367 

To  the  panic  of  the  plague  was  added  this  new  terror. 
Aurelius  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  legions,  and 
hurried  beyond  the  Alps.  For  many  years,  amidst  the 
snows  of  winter  and  the  heats  of  summer^  he  strove  tO  beat 
back  the  assailants  of  the  empire. 

Once  the  Roman  army  was  completely  surrounded,  and 

the  soldiers  were   dying   of  thirst,  when   a   violent   thunder- 


ROMAN    SoLDlKRS    ATTACKING    A    GERMAN    FoKTRESS. 
(From  the  Column  of  Trajan  ) 

storm  not  only  relieved  their   sutferings,  but  also    struck 
such  terror  into  the  barbarians  as  to  scatter  them  in  flight. 

The  Christians  that  made  up  the  twelfth  legion  maintained 

that  God  had  sent  the  rain  in  answer  to  their  prayers  5   but 

the  pagan  Romans  interpreted  the  event  as  an  intervention 
by  Jupiter  Tonans  on  their  behalf.     Upon  the  column  of 


368 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


Aurelius  at  Rome  —  where  it  may  still  be  seen  —  was  carved 

the  scene,  in  which  Olympian  Jove  the  Thunderer  is  repre- 
sented "raining  and  lightening  out  of  heaven." 

Aurelius  checked  the  inroads  of  the  barbarians,  but  he 
could  not  subdue  them,  so  weakened  was  the  empire  by  the 
ravages  of  the  pestilence,  and  so  exhausted  was  the  treasury 
from  the  heavy  and  constant  drains  upon  it.  At  last  his 
weak  body  gave  way  beneath  the  hardships  of  his  numer- 
ous campaigns,  and  he  died  in  his  camp  at  VindoDona  (now^ 

Vienna),  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  reign  (a.d.  i8o). 

The  united  voice  of  the  senate  and  people  pronounced 
him  a  god,  and  divine  worship  was  accorded  to  his  statue. 
Never  was  Monarchy  so  justified  of  her  children  as  in 
the  lives  and  works  of  Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus  Aurelius. 
As  Merivale,  in  dwelling  upon  their  virtues,  very  justly  re- 
marks, "The  blameless  career  of  these  illustrious  princes  has 

furnished  the  best  excuse  for  Caisarism  in  all  after-ages. 


ROMAN  EMPERORS  FROM  AUGUSTUS  TO  MARCUS 

AURELIUS. 

(From  31  K.C.  to  A.D.  180.) 


Augustus  reigns  31  B.C.  to  a.d.  14 
Tiberius      ....       a.d.  14-37 

Caligula 37-4' 

Claudius 4^-54 

Nero 54-6S 

Galba 6S-69 

Otho 69 

Vitellius 69 

Vespasian 69-79 


Titus a.d.  79-81 

Domitian 81-96 

Xerva 96-98 

Trajan 98-117 

Hadrian 117— 13S 

Antoninus  Plus         .      .      .  138— 1 61 

Marcus  Aurelius             .  161  — 180 

Verus  associated   with 

Aurelius      ....  161-169 


The  first  eleven,  in  connection  with  Julius  C.xsar,  are  called  the 
Twelve  Csesars.  The  last  five  (excluding  Verus)  are  known  as  the 
Five  Good  Emperors. , 


FROM   TIBERIUS    TO   MARCUS  AURELIUS. 


369 


References.  —  Tacitus,  A?tnals  ;  IItsto7y  ;  and  **  JLife  of  Agric- 
ola.  Plutarch,  Lives  of  Galba  and  Otho.  Oibbon  (K.),  77ic  JJccline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  IHntpirey  chap,  ii.,  "  Of  the  Union  and  Internal 
Trosperity  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  Age  of  the  Antonines  "  ;  and 
chap,  iii.,  "Of  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire  in  the  Age  of  the  Anto- 
nines." Merivale  (C),  History  of  the  Romans  tinder  the  Empire^ 
7  vols.  For  general  reference.  Milman  (H.  H.),  The  History  of  Chris- 
tianity, vol.  ii.  bk.  ii.  chaps,  iv.-vii.  Ramsay  (W.  M.),  *  The  Chureh 
in  the  Roman  Empire  before  A.  D.  lyo.,  chap.  x.  pp.  196-225,  "  Pliny's 
Report    and    Trajan's    Rescript";    chap,    xi.,  "The    Action    of    Nero 

towards  the  CKrlstians  " ;  chap,  xv.,  "  Causes  and  Kxtent  of  Persecu- 
tions." Frekman  (E.  a.),  Historical  Essays  (Second  Series),  "  The 
Flavian  Emperors."  BoissiER  (G.),  Rome  and  Pompeii,  chap.  vi.  pp. 
335-435,  ♦'  Pompeii."  Dyer  (T.  H.),  Pompeii,  its  History,  Building  and 
Antiquity.  Mai:  (\),  *  Potnpeii :  its  Life  and  Art.  Translated  into 
Ilnglish  by  F.  W.  Kelsey.  Watson  (P.  B.),  Marcus  Aurelius  Anto- 
/linus,  cha.p.  vii.  pp.  257-308,  "  The  Attitude  of  Aurelius  towards  Chris- 
tianity." Capes  (W.  W.),  The  Age  of  the  Antonines,  and  *  The  Early 
Empire  (Epoch  Series).  In  this  latter  work  read  chap,  xii.,  "The 
Position  of  the  Emperor";  chap,  xviii.,  "The  Moral  Standard  of  the 
Age"  5  chap,  xix.,  "The  Revival  of  Religious  Sentiment."     The  survey 

in  these  chapters  embraces  the  first  century  only  of  the  empire. 
Hardy  (K.  O.),  Christianity  and  the  Rot?ian  Go2Jerfif?ietit.  A  valuable 
study  of  the  relations  of  the  Christians  to  the  imperial  government  dur- 
ing the  first  two  centuries  of  the  empire.  Morrison  (\V.  D.),  The 
fcws  under  Roman  Rule  (Story  of  the  Nations),  chap,  vii.,  "  The  Final 
Conflicts."  Ren  AN  (E.),  Lectures  on  the  Influence  of  the  Institutions, 
Thought  and  Culture  of  Rome  on  Christianity  and  the  Development 
of  the  Catholic  Church  (Ilibbert  Lectures,  18S0),  Lee.  IL  pp.  70-100; 
on  the  Neronian  persecution.  **  The  Early  Christian  Persecutions. 
(Translations    and     Reprints,    University    of    Pennsylvania,    vol.    iv., 

Xo.  I).   Read  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan  and  Trajan's  reply.   La>xiani 

(K.),  Pagan  and  Christian  Rome,  chap,  vii.,  "  Christian  Cemeteries  "  ;  for 
the  story  of  the  Catacombs.  Thomas  (E.),  *  Roman  Life  under  the 
Ccesars  (from  the  French),  chap,  i.,  "  At  Pompeii  "  ;  chap  iii.  §  2,  pp. 
70-86,  "The  Imperial  Regime." 


lil"^ 


ROME    AS   A/V  EMPIRE. 


1.  Colosseum.  15. 

2.  Arch  of  Constantine.  16. 

3.  Arch  of  Titus.  17. 

4.  Via  Sacra.  18. 

5.  Via  Nova.  19. 

6.  Vicus  Tuscus.  20. 

7.  Vicus  Jugarius.  21. 

8.  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus.         22. 

9.  Clivus  Capitolinus.  23. 
10.  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  24. 

II.  Arch.  25. 

12.  Column  of  Trajan.  26. 

13.  Column  of  Antonine.  27. 

14.  Baths  of  Agrippa.  28. 


Pantheon. 

Theatre  of  Pompey. 
Portico  of  Pompey. 
Circus  Flaminius. 

Theatre  of  Marcellus. 

Forum  Ilolitorium. 
Forum  IJoarium. 
Mausoleum  of  Augustus. 
Mausoleum  of  Hadrian. 
Baths  of  Constantine. 

Baths  of  Diocletian. 

Baths  of  Titus. 
Baths  of  Caracalla. 
Amphitheatrum  Castrense. 


I 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    EMPIRE    UNDER    COMMODUS    AND    "THE 
BARRACK    EMPERORS." 

(A.D.   180-284.) 

229.  Reign  of  Commodus  (a.d.  180-192).  —  Under  the 
wise  and  able  administration  of  the  preceding  five  good 
emperors,  the  Roman  empire  had  reached  its  culmination 

in  power  and  prosperity  ; 

now,  under  the  enfee- 
bling influences  of  vice 

and  corruption  within, 
and  the  heavy  blows  of 
the  barbarians  without, 
it  begins  to  decline 
rapidly  to  its  fall. 

Commodus,    son    of 
Marcus     Aurelius,     and 

the  last  of  the  Anto- 
nines,  was  a  most  un- 
worthy successor  of  his 
illustrious  father.  For 
three  years,  however, 
surrounded  by  the  able 

generals    and    wise    counsellors 
istration  of   the  preceding  emperors  had  drawn  to  the  head 
of    affairs,    Commodus     ruled    with    fairness    and    lenity, 

371 


^^ 


«>;:■•> 


Commodus  (as  Hercules). 

(From  bust  found  in  the  Horti  Lamiani,  Rome.) 

tkat  the  prudent  admin- 


372 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE, 


when  an  unsuccessful  conspiracy  against  his  life  seemed 

suddenly  to  kindle  all  the  slumbering  passions  of  a  Nero. 
He  secured  the  favor  of  the  rabble  with  the  shows  of  the 
amphitheatre,  and  purchased  the  support  of  the  praetorians 

with  bribes  and  flatteries.  Thus  he  was  enabled  for  ten 
years  to  retain  the  throne,  while  perpetrating  all  manner  of 
cruelties,  and  staining  the  imperial  purple  with  the  most 
detestable  debaucheries  and  crimes. 

Commodus  had  a  passion  for  gladiatorial  combats.    He 

even  descended  into  the  arena  himself.  Attired  in  a  lion's 
skin,  and  armed  with  the  club  of  Hercules,  he  valiantly  set 
upon  and  slew  antagonists  arrayed  to  represent  mythologi- 
cal monsters,  and  armed  with  great  sponges  for  rocks.  The 
senate,  so  obsequiously  servile  had  that  body  become,  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  title  of  the  Roman  Hercules,  voted  him 
the  additional  surnames  of  Pius  and  Felix,  and  even  pro- 
posed to  change  the  name  of  Rome  and  call  it  Colonia 

Commodiana. 

The  empire  was  finally  relieved  of  the  insane  tyrant  by 
some  members  of  the  royal  household,  who  anticipated  his 
designs  against  themselves  by  putting  him  to  death. 

230.  **The  Barrack  Emperors."  — For  nearly  a  century 
after  the  death  of  Commodus  (from  a.d.  192  to  284),  the 
emperors  were  elected  by  the  army,  and  hence  the  rulers  for 
this  period  have  been  called  "  the  Barrack  Fmperors."  The 
character  of  the  period  is  revealed  by  the  fact  that  of  the 
twenty-five  emperors  who  mounted  the  throne  during  this 
time,  aU  except  four  came  to  their  deaths  by  violence. 
To  internal  disorders  were  added  the  terror  of  barbarian 
invasions.      On   every   side    savage    hordes    were    breaking 

into  the  empire  to  rob,  to  murder,  and  to  burn. 


THE   EMPIRE    UNDER    COMMODUS. 


373 


351.  The  Public  Sale  of  the  Empire  (a.d.  103).  —  I'he 

beginning  of  these  troublous  times  was  marked  by  a 
shameful  proceeding  on  the  part  of   the  praetorians.      Upon 

the  death  of  Commodus,  Fertinax,  a  distinguished  senator, 

was  placed  on  the  throne;  but  his  efforts  to  enforce  disci- 
pline among  the  praetorians  aroused  their  anger,  and  he  was 
slain  by  them  after  a  short  reign  of  only  three  months. 
These  soldiers  then  gave  out  notice  that  they  would  sell  the 

empire  to  the  highest  bidder.   It  was  accordingly  set  up  for 

sale  at  the  praetorian  camp,  and  struck  off  to  Didius  Juli- 
anus,  a  wealthy  senator,  who  proinised  twenty-five  hundred 
sesterces  to  each  of  the  twelve  thousand  soldiers  at  this 

time  composing  the  guard.    So  the  price  of  the  empire  was 

about  thirty  million  sesterces.^ 

But  these  turbulent  and  insolent  soldiers  at  the  capital  of 
the  empire  were  not  to  have  things  entirely  their  own  way. 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  disgraceful  transaction  reached 

the  legions  on  the  frontiers,  they  rose  as  a  single  man  in 
indignant  revolt.  Each  of  the  three  armies  that  held  the 
Euphrates,    the    Rhine,    and    the    Danube    proclaimed    its 

favorite  commander  emperor.  The  leader  of  the  Danubian 
troops  was  Septimius  Severus,  a  man  of  great  energy  and 
force  of  character.  He  knew  that  there  were  other  com- 
petitors for  the  throne,  and  that  the  prize  would  be  his  who 

first  seized  it.  Instantly  he  set  his  veterans  in  motion  and 
was  soon  at  Rome.  The  pra^^torians  were  no  match  for  the 
trained   legionaries   of   the   frontiers,   and   did   not   even 

attempt  to  defend  their  emperor,  who  was  taken  prisoner 
and  put  to  death  after  a  reign  of  sixty-five  days. 

232.    Reign  of  Septimius  Severus  (a.d.   193-2  ii). — One 

8  About  $12,000,000. 


374 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


of  the  first  acts  of  Severus  was  to  organize  a  new  body- 
guard of  fifty  thousand  legionaries,  to  take  the  place  of  the 
unworthy  praetorians,  whom,  as  a  punishment  for  the  insult 

they  had  ofifered  to  the  Roman  state,  he  disbanded,  and 

banished  from  the  capital,  and  forbade  to  approach  within 

a  hundred  mUes  of  its  walls.  He  next  crushed  his  two  rival 
competitors,  and  was  then  undisputed  master  of  the  empire. 

He  put  to  death  forty  senators  for  having  favored  his  late 

rivals,  and  completely  destroyed  the  power  of  that  body. 

Committing  to  the  prefect  of  the  new  praetorian  guard 
the  management  of  affairs  at  the  capital,  Severus  passed 

the  greater  part  of  his  long  and  prosperous  reign  upon  the 

frontiers.  At  one  time  he  was  chastising  the  Parthians 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  at  another,  pushing  back  the 
Caledonian    tribes  from  the  Hadrian  wall  in  the  opposite 

corner  of  his  dominions.  Finally,  in  Britain,  in  his  camp 
at  York,  death  overtook  him. 

233.  Reign  of  Caracalla  (a.d.  21 1-2 17). — Severus  con- 
ferred the  empire  upon  his  two  sons,  Caracalla  and  Geta. 
Caracalla  murdered  his  brother,  and  then  ordered  Papinian, 
the  celebrated  jurist,  to  make  a  public  argument  in  vindi- 
cation of  the  fratricide.     When  that  great  lawyer  refused, 

saying  that  "it  was  easier  to  commit  such  a  crime  than  to 
justify  it,"  he  put  him  to  death.  Thousands  feU  victims  to 
the  tyrant's  senseless  rage.  Driven  by  remorse  and  fear,  he 
fled  from  the  capital  and  wandered  about  the  most  distant 
provinces.  At  Alexandria,  on  account  of  some  uncompli- 
mentary remarks  made  by  the  citizens  upon  his  personal 
appearance,  he  ordered  a  general  massacre  of  the  inhab- 
itants. Finally,  after  a  reign  of  six  years,  the  monster  was 
slain  in  a  remote    corner   of  Syria. 


THE   EMPIRE    UNDER   COM  MODUS. 


375 


Caracalla's  sole  political  act  of  real  importance  was  the 
bestowal  of  citizenship  upon  all  the  free  inhabitants  of  the 
empire  ;  and  this  he  did,  not  to  give  them  a  just  privilege, 

but  that  he  might  coUect  from  them  certain  special  taxes 
which  only  Roman  citizens  had  to  pay.  Before  the  reign 
of  Caracalla  it  was  only  particular  classes  of  the  provin- 
cials, or  the  inhabitants  of  some  particular  city  or  province, 


./n^ 


.!;V,      J" 


'■^k^'-^ 


'^. 


%     v^- 


.J^^ 


P^i^ 


Caracalla. 

(From  bust  in  the   Museum  at  Naples.) 

that,  as  a  mark  of  special  favor,  had  from  time  to  time  been 
admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizenship.  But  by  this  whole- 
sale act  of  Caracalla,  the  entire  free  population  of  the 
empire  outside  of  Italy  that  did  not  already  possess  the 
rights  of  the  city,  was   made    Roman,  at    least    in    name 

and   nominal    privilege.       In    the    words    of    Merivale,  "  The 

city  had  become  the  world,  or,  viewed  from  the  other  side, 
the   world  had  become  the  city."     That   vast   work,  the 


376 


J^OME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


THE  EMPIRE  UNDER  COM  MO  BUS. 


377 


beginnings  of  which  we  saw  in  the  twilight  of  Roman  his- 
tory (par.  30),  was  now  completed. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  edict  of 
Caracalla  did  much  more  than  register  an  already  accom- 
plished fact.  It  seems  probable  that  by  this  time  a  great 
part  of  the  freemen  of  the  empire  were  already  enjoying 

the  Roman  franchise.  It  will  be  recalled  that  Julius  Caesar 
was  a  zealous  champion  of  a  liberal  policy  as  regards  the 
granting  of  Roman  citizenship  to  the  provincials  (par.  200). 
He  freely  bestowed  the  Roman  franchise  upon  individuals 
and  communities  outside  of  Italy.  His  spirit  had,  in  gen- 
eral, inspired  the  statesmen  of  the  empire.  The  emperor 
Claudius,  as  we  have  seen,  even  threw  open  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts of  the  Roman  senate  to  the  Gallic  nobles  as  a  class 
(par.  210).  Vespasian  granted  Latin  rights  to  all  those 
cities  of  Spain  that  did  not  already  possess  the  Roman 
franchise,  and  Hadrian  is  thought  to  have  given  these  same 
communities  the  full  rights  of  the  city.  And  thus  for  two 
centuries  and  more  the  great  work  had  gone  on  steadily  in 
the  provinces  of  the  empire,  so  that  when  Caracalla  issued 
his  edict  it  is  probable,  as  we  have  said,  that  a  great  part 
of  the  provincials  already  possessed  the  coveted  prize  of 
Roman  citizenship.^ 

234.    Reign    of    Elagabalus    (a.d.    218—222).  —  Upon    the 

death  of  Caracalla  the  purple  was  assumed  by  Macrinus, 
the  officer  who  had  instigated  the  murder  of  the  emperor. 
He  remained  in  the  East,  where  the  severity  of  his  disci- 
pline caused   the   soldiers  who  had  raised  him  to  power  to 

9  A  census  taken  by  Claudius  in  the  year  a.d.  47  gave  the  number  of 
citizens  of  mihtary  age,  thus  eady  in  the  imperial  period,  as  6,944,000. 
Consult  census  table,  p.  'i,'}^'^^. 


revolt.  The  garrison  at  Emesa  set  up  as  emperor  Elagaba- 
lus, a  beautiful   boy  who    in    that   place   officiated   as   high 

priest  in  the  temple  of  the  Syrian  sun-god,  and  whom  the 
soldiers  were  led  to  believe  was  the  son  of  the  murdered 
Caracalla.  The  legions  that  adhered  to  Macrinus  were 
quickly  crushed,   and  he  himself  was  slain. 

So  un-Roman  had  the  Romans  become  that  this  oriental 
priest,  thus  thrust  forward  by  the  Syrian  legions,  was  at 
once  recognized  at  Rome  by  both  senate  and  people 
as  their  emperor.  He  carried  to  Italy  all  his  Eastern 
notions  and  manners,  and  there  entered  upon  a  short  reign 
of  four  years,  characterized  by  all  those  extravagances  and 
cruelties  that  are  so  apt  to  mark  the  rule  of  an  Asiatic 
despot.  His  palace  was  the  scene  of  the  most  profligate 
dissipation.  He  even  created  a  senate  of  women  whose 
duty  it  was  to  attend  to  matters  of  dress,  calls,  amusements, 

and  etiquette. 

The  praetorians,  at  length  tiring  of  their  priest-emperor, 
put  him  to  death,  threw  his  body  into  the  Tiber,  and  set  up 
in  his  place  Alexander  Severus,  a  kinsman  of  the  murdered 
prince. 

235.  Reign  of  Alexander  Severus  (a.d.  222-235).  —Severus 
restored  the  virtues  of   the  Age  of    the  Antonines.     His 

administration   w^as    pure    and   energetic  ;    but    he    strove    in 

vain  to  resist  the  corrupt  and  downward  tendencies  of  the 
times.  He  was  assassinated,  after  a  reign  of  fourteen 
years,  by  his  seditious  soldiers,  who  were  angered  by  his 
efforts  to  reduce  thein  to  discipline.  They  invested  with 
the  imperial  purple  an  obscure  officer  named  Maximin,  a 
Thracian  peasant,  whose  sole  recommendation  for  this 
dignity    was    his    gigantic    stature    and  great  strength  of 


378 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE, 


limbs.  Rome  had  now  sunk  to  the  lowest  possible  degra- 
dation. We  may  pass  rapidly  over  the  next  fifty  years  of 
the  empire. 

236.     The  Thirty  Tyrants  (a.d.   251—268). Maxlmln  was 

followed  swiftly  by  Gordian,  Philip,  and  Decius,  and  then 
came  what  is  called  the  "Age  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants." 
The  imperial  sceptre  being  held  by  weak  emperors,  there 
sprung  up,  in  every  part  of  the  empire,  competitors  for  the 


Triumph  of  Sap<jr  ovkr  Vakerian.^ 

throne  —  several  rivals  frequently  appearing  in  the  field  at 
the  same  time.  The  barbarians  pressed  upon  all  the  fron- 
tiers, and  thrust  themselves  into  all  the  provinces.  The 
empire  seemed  on   the  point  of  falling  to  pieces.^     But  a 

1  It  was  during  this  period  that  the  emperor  Valerian  (a.d.  253-260), 

in  a  battle  with  the  Persians  before  Edessa,  in  Mesopotamia,  was 
defeated  and  taken  prisoner  by  Sapor,  the  Persian  king.  A  large  rock 
tablet  (see  cut  above),  still  to  be  seen  near  the  Persian  town  of  Shiraz,  is 
believed  to  commemorate  the  triumph  of  Sapor  over  the  unfortunate 
emperor. 


THE   EMPIRE    UA^DER    COMMODUS. 


379 


fortunate  succession  of  five  good  emperors — Claudius, 
Aurelian,  Tacitus,  Frobus,  and  Carus  (a.d.  268-284) — re- 
stored for  a  time  the  ancient  boundaries  and  ajrain  forced 

together  into  some  sort  of  union  the  fragments  of  the  shat- 
tered state. 

237.  The  Fall  of  Palmyra  (a.d.  273).  —  The  most  noted 
of  the  usurpers  of  authority  in  the  provinces  during  the 
period  of  anarchy  of  which  we  have  spoken  was  Odenatus, 
prince  of  Palmyra,  a  city  occupying  an  oasis  in  the  midst 
of  the  Syrian  desert,  midway  between  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  Euphrates.  In  gratitude  for  the  aid  he  had  ren- 
dered the  Romans  against  the  Parthians,  the  senate  had 

bestowed  upon  him  titles  and  honors.  When  the  empire 
began  to  show  signs  of  weakness  and  approaching  dissolu- 
tion, Odenatus  conceived  the  ambitious  project  of  erecting 
upon  its  ruins  in  the  East  a  great  Palmyrian  kingdom. 

Upon  the  death  of  Odenatus,  his  wife  Zenobia  suc- 
ceeded to  his  authority  and  to  his  ambitions.  This  famous 
princess  claimed  descent  from  Cleopatra,  and  it  is  certain 

that  in  the  charms  of  personal  beauty  she  was  the  rival  of 

the  Egyptian  queen.  Boldly  assuming  the  title  of  ^*  Queen 
of  the   East,"  she  bade   defiance  to  the  emperors  of   Rome. 

Aurelian  marched  against  her,  and  defeating  her  armies  in 
the  open  field,  drove  them  within  the  walls  of  Palmyra. 

After  a  long  siege  the  city  was  taken,  and,  in  punishment 
for  a  second  uprising,  given  to  the  flames.  The  adviser 
of  the  queen,  the  celebrated  rhetorician  Longinus,  was  put 

to  death ;  but  Zenobia  was  spared,  and  carried  a  captive 

to  Rome.  After  having  been  led  in  golden  chains  in  the 
triumphal  procession  of  Aurelian,  the  queen  was  given  a 
beautiful     villa     in     the     vicinity     of     Tibur,     where,     sur- 


R 


38o 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


rounded  by  her  children,  she  passed  the  remainder  of  her 
checkered  life."^ 

The  ruins  of  Palmyra  are  among  the  most  interesting 

remains  of  Roman   or  Grecian   civilization   in  the  East. 

For  a  long  time  even  the  site  of  the  city  was  lost  to  the 
civilized  world.  The  Bedouins,  however,  knew  the  spot, 
and   told   strange    stories    of  a  ruined  city  with  splendid 

temples  and  long  colonnades  far  away  in  the  Syrian  desert. 

Their  accounts  awakened  an  interest  in  the  wonderful  city, 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  some 
explorers  reached  the  spot.     The    sketches   they  brought 

back  of  the  ruins  of  the  long-lost  city  produced  almost  as 

much  astonishment  as  did  the  discoveries  at  a  later  time 
of  Botta  and  Layard  at  Nineveh.  The  principal  features 
of  the  ruins  are  the  remains  of  the  great  Temple  of  the  Sun, 

and  of  the  colonnade,  which  was  almost  a  mile  in  length. 

Many  of  the  marble  columns  that  flanked  this  magnificent 
avenue  are  still  erect,  stretching  in  a  long  line  over  the 
desert.^ 

References.  —  Mommsen  (T.),  The  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire 
from  Ccesar  to  Diocletian,  2  vols.  Freeman  (BL.  A.),  Historical  Essays 
(Third  Series),  "  The  Illyrian  Emperors  and  their  Lands."  Gibbon 
(E.),  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chaps,  iv-xii. 
Wright  (W.),  An  Account  of  Palmyra  and  Zenobia. 

2  Read  Ware's  Zenobia  and  Anrelian. 

3  Hadrian,  the  Antonines,  and  other  Roman  emperors  had  aided  the 
ambitious  Palmyrians  in  the  architectural  adornment  of  their  capital. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE  rkk;n  of  i)Ioclp:tian. 

(A.D.    284   305.) 

238.  General  Statement. — The  accession  of  Diocletian 
marks  an  important  era  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  empire. 
The  two  matters  of  chief  importance  connected  with  his 
reign    are    the    changes    he 

effected  in  the  government 
and  his  persecutions  of  the 
Christians. 

Diocletian's  governmental 

reforms,  though  radical,  were 
salutary,  and  infused  such 
fresh  vitality  into  the  frame 

of  the  dying  state  as  to  give 

it  a  new  lease  of  life  for 
another  term  of  nearly  two 
hundred  years. 

239.  The  Empire  becomes  an 

Undisguised  Oriental  Monarchy. 

—  There    are    two    chief    and  Diocletian. 

sharply      contrasted      types      of         <f^'-«'"  ^  bust  in  Capitoline  Museum.) 

government  in  the  world.     Under  the   one  type  public 

affairs  are  carried  on  through  discussions,  ballotings,  and 
elections  in  assemblies  of  the  people ;  under  the  other  type 
all  public  matters  are  in  the  hands  of  one  man,  and  his  will 

38' 


\ 


382 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE, 


THE    REIGIV   OF  DIOCLETIAN: 


l^l> 


is  law.  The  first  type  gives  us  the  free  republic,  the  second 
the  absolute  monarchy.  The  Asiatic  peoples  from  the 
earliest  times  have  lived  under  governments  of  the  monar- 
chical type ;  the  cities  of  ancient  Greece  and  Italy  early 
developed  republican  constitutions.  It  was  the  adoption 
by  them  of  popular  government  which  we  think  was  one 
chief  cause  of  their  superiority  to  the  Asiatic  peoples. 

We  have  followed  the  career  of  the  Romans  through  the 
four  centuries  and  more  when  they  were  a  self-governing 
people  ;  and  we  have  watched  the  transformation  of  their 
republican  government  into  one  of  the  Asiatic  type.  But  we 
have  also  noticed  how  up  to  the  time  we  have  now  reached 
the  really  monarchical  character  of  the  government  was 
more  or  less  carefully  concealed  under  the  forms  and  names 
of  the  old  republic.  This,  as  we  already  have  said,  was  a 
concession  made  by  the  emperors  to  the  feelings  and  senti- 
ments of  the  Roman  people  (par.  208)  ;  for  a  people  who 
have  once  governed  themselves  cling  very  tenaciously  to 
the  forms,   at  least,   of  their  free  institutions. 

But  nearly  three  centuries  of  imperial  rule  had  accustomed 

the    Roman    people    to    monarchical    forms  of   government  ; 

while  the  intolerable  anarchy  and  distress  of  the  last  cen- 
tury had  prepared  all  to  welcome  any  change  that  seemed 
to  guarantee  peace  and  order  and  security. 

Diocletian  acted  in  accordance  with  the  real  facts. 
Realizing  that  republican  government  among  the  Romans 
had  passed  away  forever,  and  that  its  forms  were  now 
absolutely  meaningless,  he  cast   aside  all  the  masks  with 

which  Augustus  had  concealed  his  actually  unlimited  power 
and  which  fear  or  policy  had  led  his  successors,  with  greater 

or  less  consistency,  to  retain,  and  let  the  government  stand 


forth  naked  in  its  true  character  as  an  absolute  Asiatic 
monarchy. 

In  contrasting  the  policy  of  Augustus  with  that  of  Dio- 
cletian, Gibbon  says:  "It  was  the  aim  of  the  one  to  dis- 
guise, and  the  object  of  the  other  to  display,  the  unbounded 
powers  which  the  emperors  possessed  over  the  Roman 
world." 

So  now  the  forms  of  the  old  classical  type  of  government, 
which  symbolized  free  popular  debates,  elections,  votings, 
decisions  by  majorities,  —  all  these  things  with  all  that  they 
represented  were  swept  away  forever  in  the  Grajco- Roman 
world,  and  the  governmental  principles  and  ideals  of  Asia 

became  dominant  in  that  empire  which  the  opposite  prin- 
ciples and  ideals  had  called  into  existence. 

The  significant  change  effected  in  the  character  of  the 
government  was  marked  by  Diocletian's  assumption  of  the 
titles  of  Asiatic  royalty,  and  his  adoption  of  the  court 
ceremonials  and  etiquette  of  the  East.  He  took  the  title 
of  Dominus,  "Lord,"  which  now  for  the  first  time  became 
the  designation  of  a  ruler  of  the  Roman  people.     That  this 

could  be  safely  done,  that  It  m  fact  strengthened  Diocle- 
tian's position,  shows  what  a  vast  change  had  come  over 
the  Roman  people  since  the  time  when  the  prudent  Augus- 
tus insisted  that  he  should  be  regarded  only  as  the  "first 
citizen"  of  the  commonwealth  (par.  208). 

Diocletian  also  placed  upon  his  head  the  diadem  of  the 
East.  Neither  did  this  call  forth  any  popular  protest, 
which  further  illustrates  the  inner  revolution  that  had  found 

place  in  the  populace  since  th'e  time  when  the  great  Julius, 

through  fear,  pushed  aside  the  crown  offered  him  by  Mark 
Antony   (par.   201^. 


, 


3^4 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


THE   REIGN  OE  DIOCLETIAN 


385 


Along  wltk  tlie   adoption  of    tKese  symbols  of    Asiatic 

monarchy,  Diocletian  introduced  the  court  etiquette  of  the 
East.      He  clothed  himself  in  magnificent  robes  of  silk  and 

gold.     All  who  approached  him,  whether  of  low  or  of  high 

rank,  were  required  to  prostrate  themselves  tO  the  grOUnd, 
a  form  of  oriental  and  servile  adoration  which  the  free 
races  of  the  West  had  hitherto,  with  manly  disdain,  refused 
to  render  to  their  magistrates  and  rulers. 

The  imperial  household,  ako,  now  assumed  a  distinctively 

oriental  character.  Ostentation  and  extravagance  marked 
all  the  appointments  of  the   palace.      Its    apartments  were 

crowded  with  retinues  of  servants  and  officers  of  every 
rank,  and  the  person  of  the  emperor  was  hedged  around 

with  all  the  ''pomp  and  majesty  of  oriental  monarchy." 

The  incoming  of  the  absolute  monarchy  meant,  of  course, 
the  last  blow  to  local,  municipal  freedom  (par.  167).     The 

little  liberty  that  still  survived  in  the  cities  or  municipalities 

of  the  empire  was  virtually  swept  away.  There  was  no 
place  under  the  new  government  for  any  degree  of  genuine 
local  independence  and  self-direction.      Italy  was  now  also 

reduced  to  a  level  in  servitude  with  the  provinces,  and  was 

taxed  and  ruled  like  the  other  parts  of  the  empire. 

240.    Changes  in  the  Administrative  System.  —  The  century 
of  anarchy  which  preceded  the  accession  of  Diocletian,  and 

the  death,  during  this  period,  by  assassination,  of  ten  of 

the  twenty-live  wearers  of  the  imperial  purple,^  had  made 

manifest  the  need  of  a  system  which  would  discourage 
assassination,  and  provide  a  regular  mode  of  succession  to 

the  throne.     Diocletian  devised  a  system,  the  aim  of  which 

5  This  enumeration  does  not  include  the  so-caUed  "  Thirty  Tyrants," 
of  whom  many  met  death  by  violence. 


was  to  compass  both  these  ends.  First,  he  chose  as  a  col- 
league a  companion  ruler,  Maximian,  who,  like  himself,  bore 

the  title  of  Augustus.  Then  each  of  the  co-emperors  asso- 
ciated with  himself  an  assistant,  who  took  the  title  of 
Caisar,  and  was  considered  the  son  and  heir  of  the 
emperor.  There  were  thus  two  August!  and  two  Ca^sars.*^ 
Milan,  in  Italy,  became  the  capital  and  residence  of  Max- 
imian ;  while  Nicomedia,  in  Asia  Minor,  became  the  seat 

of  the  court  of  Diocletian.     The  Aagustl  took  charge  of 

the  countries  near  their  respective  capitals,  while  the 
younger  and  more  active  Cajsars,  Galerius  and  Constantius, 

were  assigned  the  government  of  the  more  distant  and 
turbulent  provinces.^     The  vigorous  administration  of  the 

government  in  every  quarter  of  the  empire  was  thus  secured. 

A  most  serious  drawback  to  this  system  was  the  heavy 

expense  involved  in  the  maintenance  of  four  courts  with 

their  endless  retinues  of  officers  and  dependents.    It  was 

complained  that  the  number  of  those  who  received  the 
revenues  of  the  state  was  greater  than  that  of  those  who 
contributed  to  them.  The  burden  of  taxation  grew  unen- 
durable.    Husbandry  in   some  regions  ceased,  and  great 

numbers  were  reduced  to  beggary  or  driven  into  brigand- 
age. The  magistrates  of  the  cities**  and  towns  were  made 
responsible  for  the  payment  of  the  taxes  due  the  govern- 
ment from  their  respective  communities,  and  hence  office- 

^  From  the  number  of  rulers,  this  government  has  received  the  name 
of  tetrarchy. 

~  The  division  of  the  provinces  among  the  co-rulers  was  as  follows : 
Diocletian  administered  the  affairs  of  Thrace,  Asia,  and  Egypt;  Max- 
imian ruled  Italy  and  Africa  ;  Constantius  held  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain  ; 
and  Galerius  governed  Illyricum,  Macedonia,  and  Greece. 

^  The  decuriales  and  duumviri. 


386 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE, 


holding  became  not  an  honor  to  be  coveted,  but  a  burden 

to  be  evaded.  It  was  this  vicious  system  of  taxation 
which  more  than  any  other  one  cause,  after  slavery,  con- 
tributed to  the  depopulation,   impoverishment,  and   final 

downfall  of  the  empire. 

241.    The  Revolt  of  the  Peasants  in  Gaul. — The  misery 

caused  by  the  crushing  burden  of  taxes  and  rents  led  to  an 
insurrection  of  the  peasants  (Bagaudae)  in  Gaul.     We  should 

notice  that  this  was  not  an  uprising  of  slaves,  such  as  that 

in  Sicily  towards  the  end  of  the  republic  (par.  I47)»  but  a 
revolt  of  semi-servile  peasants.  What  it  is  important  to 
notice   is    that    already    Roman  slavery   was   passing  into 

serfdom,  a  system  of  servitude  which  characterized  the 
mediaeval  centuries  of  European  history.  This  insurrection 
of  the  Gallic  peasantry  we  may  thus  look  upon  as  the  first 
of  those  endless  revolts  which   characterize   the   history  of 

the  serfs  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  uprising  was  finally  suppressed,  but  the  cause  of  the 
wretchedness  of  the  peasants  was  not  removed,  and  their 
unrest  and  dissatisfaction  was  one  thing  which  made  easy 
the  seizure  of  the  Gallic  provinces  by  the  German  invaders 
a  century  and  a  half  later.  The  poor  semi-serfs  looked 
upon  the  barbarians  as  deliverers. 

242.  Persecution  of  the  Christians.  —  Some  writers  have 
supposed  that  the  Bagaudae  were  Christians  and  that  they 
were  stirred  to  revolt,  not  only  by  fiscal  oppression,  but 
also  by  the  persecution  to  which  they  were  subjected  by 
the  government  because  of  their  religion.  There  is  no 
certain  evidence  that  this  was  so ;  but  it  is  nevertheless 

true  that    towards  the   end   of   his   reign   Diocletian   inaugu- 
rated against  the  Christians  a  persecution  which  contin- 


THE  REIGN  OF  DIOCLETIAA\ 


387 


ued  long  after  his  abdication,  and  which  was  the  severest, 
as  it  was  the  last,  waged  against  the  church  by  the  pagan 
emperors.^ 

We  have  already  mentioned  some  of  the  main  causes  of 

these  constantly  recurring  persecutions  of  the  Christians 
(par.  228).      To  these  various  grounds  of  dislike  and  hatred 

of  the  new  converts  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  rulers  there 
was  added  in  the  case  of  Diocletian  another  of  a  somewhat 
different  nature.     It  was  the   aim  and  ambition  of  this 

emperor,  as  we  have  seen,  to  restore  the  unity  of  the 
empire,  and,  in  place  of  the  prevailing  anarchy,  division, 
and  discord,  to  establish  order,  union,  and  harmony. 

To  Diocletian  it  seemed  that  this  end  could  be  attained 

only  by  the  restoration  of  the  ancient  cults  ;  for  like  many 
statesmen  of  to-day,  he  was  convinced  that  religion  must 
form  the  basis  of  any  permanent  system  of  government. 

Accordingly  Diocletian  labored  to  revive  in  the  masses 

faith  in  their  ancestral  gods,  and  to  lead  them  to  renew, 
in  reverent  spirit,  the  neglected  sacrifices  of  the  altar  and 
the  services  of  the  temple. 

Now  the  Christians  obstinately  refused  to  take  any  part 

in  this  revival  movement,  lliey  would  not  sacrifice  to  the 
national  gods,  or  burn  Incense  before  the  statues  of  the 
emperor.      Furthermore,    they    had    now    come    to    form    a 

compact,  well-organized  society,  that  was  animated  by  a 

wonderful  spirit  of  unity  and  brotherhood.  This  Chris- 
tian society  thus  assumed  the  appearance  of  ''a  state 
within  the  state,"  and  rendered  impossible  of  attainment 

that  unity  of  ideas,  customs,  and  spirit  which  was  the  aim 

1  This   Diocletian  persecution    is  known  as  the  "  Tenth  "  persecution 
of  the  Christians. 


388 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


THE  REIGN  OF  DIOCLETIAN. 


389 


of  Diocletian's  measures  of  political  and  religious  reform. ^ 
But  Diocletian  was  averse  to  using  force  to  secure  the 
unity  at  which  he  aimed,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  he 
would  have  resorted  to  persecution  in  order  to  attain  it 

had  he  not  been  urged  to  this  course  by  the  fanatical 
Galerius,  and  particularly  by  the  priests  of  the  pagan  cults, 
who  perceived  that  their  influence  was  being  undermined 

through  the  spread  of  the  new  religion,  and  by  those 

craftsmen  who,  like  the  silversmiths  of  Ephesus  in  the 
time  of  the  Apostles,"  saw  their  gains  endangered.  Insti- 
gated by  these  partisans  of  the  ancient  worship,  Diocletian 

in  the  year  a.d.  303  issued  the  first  of  a  series  of  edicts 

against  the  Christian  sect. 

The  Christians  at  this  time  were  not  numerous.  It  is 
estimated  that  they  did  not  include  more  than  one-twelfth 

of  the  population  in  the  eastern  provinces  of  the  empire, 

and  one-hfteenth  of  that  in  the  western.*     But  because  of 

their  close  association,  and  because  of  the  spirit  which 
animated    them,    they    formed     by    far    the    most    influential 

party  in  the  Roman  state. 

The  imperial  decrees  ordered  that  the  churches  of  the 
Christians  should  be  torn  down  ;  that  the  property  of  the 
new  societies  should  be  confiscated  ;  that  the  sacred  writ- 
ings of  the  sect  should  be  burned  ;  and  that  the  Christians 

2  "  With  the  organization  of  the  Catholic  Church  began  the  real  strug- 
gle between  the  empire  and  Christianity,  which  could  have  only  one  of 
two  issues  —  the  suppression  of  the  religious  organization,  or  its  accept- 
ance by  and  incorporation  in  the  empire."  —  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the 
Roman  Government,  p.  165. 

^  Acts,  xix.  24-28. 

*  Uhlhorn,    Confiict  of  Heathenism    and    Christianity,  p.   402.      The 

estimate  is  probably  too  low. 


themselves,  unless  they  should  join  in  the  sacrifices  to  the 
gods  of  the  state,  should  be  pursued  to  death  as  outlaws. 

For  ten  years,  which,  however,  were  broken  by  short 
periods  of  respite,  the  Christians  were  subjected  to  the 
fierce  flames  of  persecution."  They  were  cast  into  dun- 
geons, thrown  to  the  wild  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre, 
burned  over  a  slow  tire,  and  put  to  death  by  every  other 
mode  of  torture  that  ingenious  cruelty  could  devise.     But 

nothing    could    shake   their    constancy.       They    courted    the 

death  that  secured  them,  as  they  firmly  believed,  imme- 
diate entrance  upon  an  existence  of  unending  happiness. 
The  exhibition  of  devotion  and  steadfastness  shown  by 
the   martyrs   won   multitudes   to   the   persecuted  faith. 

The  persecution,  as  we  have  already  said,  continued  after 
the  abdication  of  Diocletian.  It  was  finally  brought  to  an 
end   in  the  year  a.d.  311   by  an  edict  issued  by  Galerius. 

He  was  then  on  his  deathbed,  and  in  his   decree    asked   the 

Christians  to  beseech  their  god  in  prayer  on  his  behalf. 
This  decree  marks  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Church  by  the  pagan  government  of  Rome. 

It  was  during  this  and  the  various  other  persecutions 
that  vexed  the  Church  in  the  second  and  third  centuries 
that  the  Christians  sought  refuge  in  the  Catacombs,  those 
vast  subterranean  galleries  and  chambers  under  the  city  of 

Rome.  Here  the  Christians  lived  and  buried  tkeh*  dead, 
and  on  the    walls  of   the    chambers    sketched    rude    symbols 

of  their  hope  and  faith.     It  was  in  the  darkness  of  these 

subterranean  abodes  that  Christian  art  had  its  beginnings. 

243.    The   Abdication  of    Diocletian   (a.d.    304). — After  a 

^  Constantius  refused  to  join  in  the  persecution,  and,  accordingly,  the 
Christians  of  Gaul  remained  unmolested. 


390 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


prosperous  reign  of  twenty  years,  becoming  weary  of  the 
cares  of  state,  Diocletian  abdicated  the  throne,  —  the  first 
recorded  instance,  it  is  affirmed,  of  a  monarch  voluntarily 
Stepping  down  from  the  seat  of  authority,^  —  and  forced  or 
induced  his  colleague  Maximian  also  to  lay  down  Lis  author- 
ity on  the  same  day.  Galerius  and  Constantius  were,  by 
this  act,  advanced  to  the  purple  and  made  Augusti ;  and 
two  new  associates  were  appointed  as  Caesars. 

Diocletian,  having  thus  enjoyed  the  extreme  satisfaction 
of  seeing  the  imperial  authority  quietly  and  successfully 
transmitted  by  his  system,  without  the  dictation  of  the 
insolent    prx^torians   or  the    interference  of    the  turbulent 

legionaries,   now    retired    to    his    country  seat    at    Salona,  on 

the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic,  and  there  devoted  him- 
self to  rural  pursuits.  It  is  related  that,  when  Maximian 
wrote  him  urging  him  to  endeavor,  with  him,  to  regain  the 
power  they  had  laid  aside,  he  replied,  '•'■  Were  you  but  to 
come  to  Salona  and  see  the  cabbages  which  I  raise  in  my 
garden  with  my  own  hands,  you  would  no  longer  talk  to 
me  of  empire." 

References. — **  jyafisiations  and  /^ef>rtnts,  vol.  iv.,  No.  i.  (Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania).  Read  "  Kdicts  of  Diocletian  "  and  "  Kdict  of 
Toleration  by  Galerius."  Mason  (A.  J.),  T'he  Persecution  of  JDiocletiaUy 
chap,  iii.,  "  Motives  of  the  Persecution."  Milman  (H.  H.),  The  History 
of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  bk.  ii.  chap,  ix.,  "  The  Persecution  under  Dio- 
cletian." Gibbon  (E.),  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
chap.  xiii.  Uhluorn  (G.),  **  Conflict  of  Christianity  ivith  Heathenism 
(translated  from  the  German  by  E.  C.  Smyth  and  C.  J.  H.  Ropes),  bk. 
iii.  chap.  i.  pp.  385-419.  Boissier  (G.),  Rome  and  Pompeii,  chap.  iii. 
pp.  139-213,  "The  Catacombs." 

®  "Diocletian  acquired  the  glory  of  giving  to  the  world  the  first  exam- 
ple of  a  resignation,  which  has  not  been  very  frequently  imitated  by  suc- 
ceeding monarchs."  —  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
vol.  i.  p.  471. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 


REIGN   OF  CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT  AND  ESTABLISH- 
MENT   OF    CHRISTIANITY    AS    THE    FAVORED 
RELIGION    OF    THE    EMPIRE. 

(A.D.  306-337.) 

244.    Renewal  of  Troubles  respecting  the  Succession.  —  As 
we   have  just   seen,    Diocletian's  device   of    the   tetrarchy 

did  secure  for  once  the  orderly  transfer  o£  the  reins  of 
government  from  the  hands  of  one  set  of  rulers  to  those  of 
another  (par.  243).  But  the  system  was  too  complicated 
to  be  worked  by  any  hand  less  strong  and  skilful  than 
that  of  the  one  who  devised  it.  As  the  historian  Gibbon 
says,  *'  It  required  such  a  fortunate  mixture  of  different 
tempers  and  abilities  as  could  scarcely  be  found  or  even 
expected  a  second  time ;   two   emperors  without  jealousy, 

two  Caesars  without  ambition,  and  tne  same  general  inter- 
ests invariably  pursued  by  four  independent  princes."  "* 

Galerius  and  Constantius,  who,  it  will  be  remembered, 
had  become  Augusti  on  the  abdication  of  Diocletian  and 

Maximian,  had  reigned  together  only  one  year  when  the 
latter  died  at  York,  in  Britain.  His  soldiers,  disregarding 
the  rule  of  succession  as  determined  by  the  system  of  Dio- 
cletian,   proclaimed    his    son    Constantine   emperor.      Six 

competitors  for  tke  tkrone  arose  m  different  quarters.     For 

eighteen  years  Constantine  fought  to  gain  the  supremacy. 

"^  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  i.  p.  451. 

391 


392 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


245.  The  Battle  of  the  Mllvian  Bridge  (a.d.  312):  ^*  In 
this    Sign   conquer."*^ — One  of    the    most    important    of    the 

battles  that  took  place  between  the  contending  rivals  for 
the  imperial  purple  was  the  battle  of  the  Milvian  Bridge, 
in  which  Maxentius,  who  was  holding  Italy  and  Africa, 
was  defeated  by  Constantine.  The  circumstances  attend- 
ing: this  historic  battle  were  these.  Constantine,  who 
was  in  the  North,  venturously  crossed  the  Alps  with  an 
army   of    forty   thousanJ   men.       Defeating    the  fofces    of 

Maxentius  in  the  battle  of  Turin,  he  marched  southward, 
and  finally  engaged  his  rival  in  a  decisive  combat  at  the 
Milvian  Bridge  on  the  Tiber,  only  four  miles  from  Rome. 

Constantine's  standard  on  this  celebrated  battlefield  was 
the  Christian  Cross.  He  had  been  led  to  adopt  this  emblem 
through  the  appearance,  as  once  he  prayed  to  the  sun-god, 
of  a  cross  above  the  setting  sun,  with  this  inscription  upon 

it !  ''  By  this  sign  conquer."^    Obedient  unto  the  celestial 

vision,  Constantine  had  at  once  made  the  Cross  his  ban- 
ner, ^*^    and    it    was    beneath    this    emblem    that    his    soldiers 

marched  to  victory  at  the  battle  of  the  Milvian  Bridge. 

Whatever    may  have  been  the    circumstances  or  the 

motives  which  led  Constantine  to  make  the  Cross  his 
standard,  this  act  of  his  constitutes  a  turning  point  in  the 
history  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  especially  in  that  of  the 

Christian  Church.    Christianity  had  come  into  the  world 

^  In  hoc  signo  vinces. 

9  In  Greek,  iv  Toxm^  vlKa. 

1*^  The  new  standard  was  called  the  Labarum  (from  the  Celtic  lavar, 
meaning  command).  It  consisted  of  a  banner  inscribed  with  the 
Greek  letters  XP,  the  first  being  a  symbol  of  the  Cross,  and  both  form- 
ing a  monogram  of  the  word  Christ.  The  letters  are  the  initials  of  the 
Greek  Christos. 


reigjV  op  constantine  the  great. 


393 


as  a  religion  of  peace  and  good  will.  The  Master  had 
commanded    his    disciples    to    put    up    the    sword,    and    had 

forbidden  its  use  by  them  either  in  the  spread  or  in  the 
defence  of  the  new  faith.  For  three  centuries  now  his  fol- 
lowers had  obeyed  literally  this  injunction  of  the   Founder 


Arch  ok  Constantine,   as  rr  appears  To-day. 

(Erected  by  the  Roman  Senate  in  commemoration  of  Constantine's  victory  over 

Maxentius  at  the  Milvian  Bridge.) 


of  the  Church,  so  that  a  Quaker,  non-military  spirit  had  up 
to  this  time  characterized  the  new  sect.  By  many  of  the 
early  Christians  the  profession  of  arms  had  been  declared 

to  be  incompatible  with  the  Christian  life. 

Now    in    a    moment    all    this   was    changed.      The   most 
sacred  emblem  of  the  new  faith  was  made  a  battle-standard, 


394 


ROME    AS   AN  EMPIRE. 


and  into  the  new  religion  was  infused  the  military  spirit  of 
the  imperial  government  that  had  made  that  emblem  the 
ensign  of  the  state.  From  the  day  of  the  battle  at  the 
Milvian  Bridge,  a  martial  spirit  has  animated  the  religion 
of   the  Prince  of  Peace.     Since  then,   Christian  warriors 

have    often    made    the    Cross    their    battle-standard.       This 

infusion  into  the  Church  of  the  military  spirit  of  Rome 
was  one  of  the  most  important  consequences  of  the  espousal 
of  the  Christian  cause  by  the  emperor  Constantine. 

246.  The  Battles  of  Adrianople  and  Chalcedon  (a.d.  323).  — 
The  defeat  of  Maxentius  left  Constantine  but  one  remain- 
ing rival  —  Licinius,  who  was  holding  the  East.  The  ten 
years    immediately    following   the    battle    at    the    Milvian 

Bridge  witnessed  two    wars    between    the    co-regents    of    the 

empire.  The  last  great  battles  of  the  rivals  were  fought 
at  Adrianople  and  Chalcedon  (a.d.  323).  On  the  first  field 
Constantine  with  an  army  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
men  met  his  adversary  with  a  force  of  a  hundred  and 
sixty-five  thousand.  The  battle-cry  of  the  soldiers  of  Con- 
stantine was,  '^God  our  Saviour,"  that  of  the  enemy,  "  On 
our  side  are  many  gods,  on  theirs  only  one." 

Llclnlus  was  defeated,  with  a  loss  in  killed  of  thirty-four 
thousand  men.       He   himself  escaped    from  the  field,  raised 

another  army  in  Asia  Minor,  and  tried  once  more  the  for- 
tunes of  battle  at  Chalcedon.     Here  he  suffered  another 

crushing  defeat,  and  soon  afterwards  was  captured  and  put 
to  death.      Constantinewas  now  the  sole  ruler  of  the  Roman 

world. 

247.    Constantine  makes  Christianity  the   Religion   of  the 

Court.  — By  a  decree  issued  at  Milan  in  A.D.  513,  the  year 

after  the  battle  at  the  Milvian   Bridge,  Constantine  placed 


REIGAT   OF   COJVSTAJVTIJVE    THE    GREAT. 


395 


Christianity  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  other  religions 
of  the  empire.  The  language  of  this  famous  edict  of  tol- 
eration, the  Magna  Charta,  as  it  has  been  called,  of  the 

Church,  was  as  follows:  "We  grant  to  Christians  and  to 
all  Others  full  liberty  of  following  that  religion  which  each 

may  choose."  ^ 

But  by  subsequent  edicts  Constantine  made  Christianity 
in  effect  the  state  religion  and  extended  to  it  a  patronage 
which  he  withheld  from  the  old  pagan  worship.  By  the 
year  a.d.  321  he  had  granted  the  Christian  societies  the 
right  to  receive  gifts  and  legacies,  and  he  himself  enriched 
the  Church  with  donations  of  money  and  grants  of  land. 
This  marks  the  beginning  of  the  great  possessions  of  the 

Church,   and    with    these    the  entrance    into    it    of   a   w^orldly 

spirit.  From  this  moment  can  be  traced  the  decay  of  its 
primitive  simplicity,  and  a  decline  from  its  early  high 
moral   standard. 

It  is  these  deplorable  results  of  the  imperial  patronage 
that  Dante  laments  in  his  well-known  lines : 

Ah,  Constantine  !   of  how  much  ill  was  mother, 
Not  thy  conversion,  but  that  marriage  dower 

Wliicli  the  first  wealthy  Father  took  from  thee  !  ^ 

Another  of  Constantine's  acts  touching  the  new  religion 
is  of  special  historical  interest  and  importance.  He  rec- 
ognized the  Christian  Sunday,  "the  day  of  the  sun,"  as  a 
day  of  rest,  forbidding  ordinary  work  on  that  day,  and 
ordering  that  Christian  soldiers  be  then  permitted  to  attend 
the  services  of  their  church.      This  recognition  by  the  civil 

^  Daremus  et  Christianis  et  omnibus  liberam  potestatem  sequendi  reli- 

giofteni  quani  qtttsque  -voluisset. 

2  Inferno^  xix.  115-117   [Longfellow's  Trans.]. 


39^ 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


RE/GN   OE   COA'STANTINE    THE    GREAT. 


397 


authority  of   the  Christian   Sabbath  meant  much  for    the 

slave.  Now,  for  the  first  time  In  the  history  of  the  Aryan 
peoples,^  the  slave  had  one  day  of  rest  in  each  week.  It 
was  a  good  augury  of  the  happier  time  coming  when  all 
the  days  should  be  his  own. 

248.  The  Church  Council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325).  —  With  the 
view  of  harmonizing  the  different  sects  that  had  sprung 
up  among  the  Christians,  and  to  settle  the  controversy 
between  the  Arians  and  the  Athanasians^  respecting  the 

nature  of  Clirisi:,  — the  former  Jeniea  kis  equality  witn  God 
the  Father,  —  Constantine  called  the  first  ^Ecumenical,  or 
General  Council  of  the   Church,  at  Nicaea,  a  town  of  Asia 

Minor,  a.d.  325.  Arianism  was  denounced,  and  a  formula 
of  Christian  faith  adopted,  which  is  known  as  the  Nicene 
Creed. 

249.  Constantine  founds  Constantinople,  the  New  Rome,  on 
the  Bosporus  (a.d.  330).  —  After  the  recognition  of  Chris- 
tianity, the  most  important   act  of  Constantine  was  the 

selection  of  Byzantium,  on  the  Bosporus,  as  the  new 
capital    of    the   empire.       Constantine   was    not   the    hrst    to 

entertain  the  idea  of  seeking  in  the  East  a  new  centre  for 
the  Roman  world.     The  anger  of  the  Italians  was  stirred 

against  the  first  Caesar  by  the  mere  report  that  he  intended 
to  restore  ancient  Ilium,  the  fabled  cradle  of  the  Roman 
race,  and  make  that  the  capital  of  the  empire  (par.  201). 

^  In  the  Semitic  world  we  meet  with  the  institution  of  a  rest-day 
among  the  early  Babylonians.  Among  the  ancient  Hebrews,  this  rest- 
day  acquired  a  prominent  place  in  the  religious  system,  and  was  by  them 
bequeathed  to  Christianity. 

*  The  Arians  were  the  followers  of  Arius,  a  presbyter  of  Alexandria, 
in  Egypt  ;  the  Athanasians,  of  Athanasius,  archdeacon  and  later  bishop 
of  the  same  city. 


Mark  Antony  was  also  believed  to  have  had  in  mind  the 
transfer  of  the  seat  of  government  from  the  West  to  the 
East  (par.  206). 

There  were  no  sufficient  grounds,  however,  at  the  time 
of  the  establishment  of  the  empire  for  shifting  the  location 
of  the  capital ;  but  since  then  the  situation  of  things  had 
wholly  changed,  and  now  there  were  many  and  weighty 
reasons  urging  Constantine  to  establish  a  new  capital  in 
the  East.^ 

There  were  urgent  military  reasons  for  making  the  change. 

The  most  dangerous  enemies  of  the  empire  now  were  the 
barbarians  behind  the  Danube,  and  the  kings  of  the 
recently  restored  Persian  monarchy  (par.  253,  n.  2).  This 
condition  of  things  rendered  almost  necessary  the  establish- 
ment in  the  P2ast  of  a  new  and  permanent  basis  for  military 
operations,  and  pointed  to  Byzantium,  with  its  admirable 
strategic  position,  as  the  site,  above  all  others,  adapted  to 

the  needs  of  the  imperilled,  empire. 

There  were  also  commercial  reasons  for  the  transfer  of 
the  capital.  Rome  had  long  before  this  ceased  to  be  in 
any  sense  the  commercial  centre  of  the  state,  as  it  was  in 

early  times.  Through  the  Roman  conquest  of  Greece  and 
Asia,  the  centre  of  the  population,  wealth,  and  commerce 
of  the  empire  had  shifted  eastward.  Now,  of  all  the  cities 
in  the  East,  Byzantium  was  the  one  most  favorably  situated 

to  become  the  commercial  metropolis  of  the  enlarged  state. 
The  trade  advantages    offered    by  the   site  had  been  recog- 

^  It  seems  to  have  been  Constajitine's  purpose  simply  to  found  a 
new  centre  for  the  eastern  half  of  the  empire;  the  old  Rome  was  still 

to  serve  as  the  capital  of  the  western^provinces.  But  the  actual  effect 
of  what  he  did  was  to  depose  Rome  from  her  imperial  position,  and  to 
transfer  the  real  centre  of  the  empire  from  the  West  to  the  East. 


398 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


REIGN   OF   CONSTA^rTIJVE    THE    GREAT. 


599 


nized  by  the  early  Greeks,  and  in  their  age  of  colonization 

they  had  established  a  colony  there.  The  popular  desig- 
nation, Golden  Horn^  applied  to  the  harbor,  is  significant ; 
the  curving  shore  of  the  bay  suggested  the  term  "Horn," 
while  "the  epithet  'Golden'  was  expressive  of  the  riches 

which  every  wind  wafted  into  the  secure  and  capacious 
harbor."  6 

Added  to  these  military  and  commercial  reasons  for  the 
removal  of  the  capital  from  the  Tiber  to  the  Bosporus, 
were  religious  motives.  Constantine  had  resolved  to  make 
Christianity  the  basis  of  his  government.  But  the  religious 
associations  clinging  to  the  temples,  and  attached  to  every 
spot  of  the  consecrated  soil  of  the  old  capital,  stood  as 

rooted  obstacles  In  the  way  of  his  carrying  out  this  resolve, 

so  long  as  Rome  remained  the  seat  of  the  imperial  court. 
The  priests  of  the  pagan  shrines  particularly  resented  the 
action   of    Constantine  in  espousing   the    new    and   hated 

religion,  and  regarded  him  as  an  apostate.     It  was  the 

existence  of  these  sentiments  and  feelings  among  the 
inhabitants  of  Rome,  which,  for  one  thing,  led  Constantine 
to  seek  elsewhere  a  new  centre  and  seat  for  his  court  and 

government. 

But  far  outweighing  all  these  military,  commercial,  and 
religious  reasons  for  the  removal  of  the  capital  were  the 
political  motives.      Constantine,  like  Diocletian,  wished  to 

estabUsh  a  system  of  government  modelled  upon  the  des- 
potic monarchy  of  the  East.  Now,  the  traditions,  the  feel- 
ings, the  temper  of  the  population  of  Rome  constituted  the 
very  worst  basis  conceivable  for  such  a  political  system. 

The  Romans  could  not  forget  — never  did  forget  — that 

6  Gibbon,  The  DecHne  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Emj>ire,  chap.  xvii. 


they  had  once  been  masters  and  rulers  of  the  world.  Even 
after  they  had  become  wholly  unfit  to  rule  themselves,  let 

alone  the  ruling  of  others,  they  still  retained  the  temper 
and  used  the  language  of  masters.  Constantine  w^isely 
determined  to  seek  in  the  submissive  and  servile  populations 

of  the  East,  always  accustomed  to  the  rendering  of  obse- 
quious homage  to  their  rulers,  a  firm  basis  for  the  structure 
of  that   absolute   monarchy,  the   foundations   of   which  had 

been  laid  by  his  predecessor  Diocletian. 

The  site  for  the  new  capital  having  been  determined 

upon,  the  artistic  and  material  resources  of  the  whole  Grajco- 
Roman  world  were  called  into  requisition  to  create  upon 
the  spot   a  city  worthy  its    predestined   fortunes.     Outer 

walls  of  vast  compass  were  constructed.    The  city  itself 

reproduced  all  the  characteristic  features  of  Old  Rome. 
Even  like  the  city  of  the  Tiber,  it  was  built  on  seven  hills. 
On  every  side   arose  theatres,  baths,  porticoes,    aqueducts, 

fountains,  and  monumental  columns.  An  immense  hippo- 
drome constructed  within  the  walls  represented  the  Circus 
Maximus  at  Rome.  A  new  senate  was  organized,  and  the 
people,  as  in  Old  Rome,  were  divided  into  curies  and  tribes. 

For  the  embellishment  of  the  new  capital,  the  cities  of 
Greece  and  of  Asia  were  despoiled  of  their  art  treasures, 
many  of  which  were  memorials  of  the  great  age  of  Pheidias. 

The  imperial  invitation,  and  the  attractions  of  the  court, 

induced  multitudes  to  crowd  into  the  new  capital,  so  that 
almost  in  a  day  the  old  Byzantium  grew  into  a  great  city. 
In  honor  of  the  emperor  the  name  was  changed  to  Con- 
stantinople, the  "City  of  Constantine."  The  Old  Rome 
on  the  Tiber,  emptied  of  its  leading  inhabitants,  soon  sank 

to  the  obscure  position  of  a  provincial  municipality. 


400 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


250.  The  Reorganization  of  the  Government.  — Another  of 
Constantine's  important  acts  was  the  reorganization  of  the 
government.  In  this  great  reform  he  seems  to  have  fol- 
lowed, in  the  main,  the  broad  lines  drawn  by  Diocletian, 
so  that  his  work  may  be  regarded  as  a  continuation  of  that 
of  his  predecessor. 

To  aid  in  the  administration  of  the  government,  Constan- 
tine  laid  out  the  empire  into  four  great  divisions,  called 
prefectures,^  which  were  subdivided  into  thirteen  dioceses, 
and  these  again  into  one  hundred  and  sixteen  provinces. 

The  purpose  that  Constantine  had  in  view  in  laying  the 

empire   out    in    so    many    and    such    small    provinces    was    to 

diminish  the  power  of  the  provincial  governors,  and  thus 
make  it  impossible  for  them  to  raise  successfully  the 
standard  of  revolt.*^  The  records  of  the  empire  show  that 
during  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  accession  of  C'onstantine,  almost  one  hundred 
governors  of  provinces  had  ventured  to  rebel  against  the 
imperial  authority. 

With  an  aim  similar  to  that  which  he  had  in  vlew^  in 
subdividing  the  provinces,  Constantine  also  reduced  the  size 

of  the  legion  (par.  36)  to  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  dis- 
tributed the  legionaries  in  such  a  way  throughout  the 
provinces  and  along  the  frontiers  as  to  lessen  the  chances 
of  successful  conspiracy  and  revolt. 

To  give  still  further  security  to  the  throne,  Constantine 
divided    the    civil    and    military    powers,    appointing   two 

"^  See  accompanying  map.  These  prefectural  divisions  \\ere  essen- 
tially a  perpetuation  of  the  fourfold  division  of  the  empire  that  had 
been  made  by  Diocletian  (par.  240,  n.  7). 

^  This  policy  had  been  initiated  by  Diocletian.      Under  him  the  num 
ber  of  provinces  was  about  one  hundred. 


RBIG2V   OI^^   CO/VSTAI^TINE    THE    GREAT.  40 1 

different  sets  of  persons  in  each  of  the  larger  and  smaller 

divisions  of  the  state,  the  one  set  to  represent  the  civH 

and  the  other  the  military  authority.!^  At  the  head  of  each 
prefecture  was  placed  a  pni^torlan  prefect;  at  the  head 
of  each  diocese  a  vicar  or  vice-prefect  ;   and  at  the  head  of 

each  province  a  magistrate  bearing  usually  the  title  of 

president.  These  were  civil  officers,  who  were  charged 
with  the  collection  of  the  revenues  and  the  administration 
of  justice  in  their  respective  districts. 

Alongside  these  civil  magistrates,  and  forming  a  similar 

carefully  graded  hierarchy,  were  placed  military  officers, 

charged  of  course  simply  with  the  management  and  con- 
trol of  military  affairs.  ^ 

This  separation  of  the  civil  and  the  military  authority 
reatly  strengthened  the  position  of  the  sovereign,  since 
the  division  of  power  between  the  two  orders,  and  their 
resulting  mutual  jealousies,  reduced  to  a  minimum  the 
danger  of  treachery  and  revolution. 

But  this  dual  administrative  system  had  its  drawbacks. 
In  the  first  place,  this  division  of  authority  and  responsi- 
bility   was   not   conducive    to   the   prompt,    energetic,    and 

harmonious  conduct  of  the  public  business;  and  in  the 
second  place,  the  great  number  of  officials  needed  to  man 
and  work  the  complicated  system  increased  greatly  the 
expenses  of  the  government,  and  made  necessary  the  lay- 
ing of  still  heavier  burdens  of  taxation  upon  the  already 

overburdened  people.       From  the    introduction    of    this    Sys- 
tem on  to  the  end,  the  chief  function  of   the  ever-needy 
government  seemed  to  be  to  "devise   ways   and  means  of 
wringing  money  from  the  impoverished  taxpayers. 
«  Some  authorities  attribute  this  reform  to  Diocletian. 


to 


402 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


251.  The  Imperial  Court.  —  Perhaps  we  cannot  better 

indicate  the  new  relation  to  the  empire  into  which  the  head 
of  the  Roman  state  was  brought  by  the  innovations  of 
Diocletian    and    Constantine,    than    by    saying   that    the 

en^pire  now  tec.m.  th^  pfivate  ^^\M  of  thc  sovcreign 

and  was  managed   just  as   any  great  Roman   proprietor 

managed  his  domain.  The  imperial  household  and  the 
entire  civil  service  of  the  government  were  simply  such  a 

proprietor's  domestic  establishment  drawn  on  a  large  scale, 

and    given    an  oriental    cast    through    the  influence    of   the 

courts  of  Asia. 

This  imperial  court  or  establishment  was,  next  after  the 

body  of  the  Roman  law  aixl  the  municipal  system,  the 

most  important  historical  product  that  the  old  Roman 
world  transmitted  to  the  later  nations  of  Europe.  It 
became  the   model  of  the  court  of  Charlemagne  and   the 

later  emperors  of  the  so-called  Holy  Roman  Empire ;  and 
in  the  form  that  it  reappeared  here  was  copied  by  all  the 

sovereigns  of  modern  Europe.  The  court  of  Louis  XIV. 
of  France,   and   indeed  his  whole  scheme   of  government, 

were  a  reproduction  of  this  court  and  government  of 

Constantinople.^ 

1  "  We  have  thus  almost  complete  in  the  system  of  government  per- 
fected by  Constantine  that  machinery  of  household  officers,  military 
counts,  and  provincial  lieutenants  which  was  to  serve  as  a  model 
throughout  the  Middle  Ages  wherever  empire  should  arise  and  need 
organization.  The  'Companions'  ^comites)  of  the  Teutonic  leaders 
held  a  much  more  honorable  position  than  did  the  domestic  servants  of 
the  Roman  Emperor,  and  their  dignity  they  transmitted  to  the  house- 
hold officers  of  the  Teutonic  kingdoms;  but  the  organization  effected 

by  Constantine  anticipated  tUt  .y.tem  of   gOVemmGnt  VVlUCh  llHS  glVeU 

us  our  provincial  governors  and  Our  administrative  cabinets."-  Wood- 
row  Wilson,  The  State,  p.  136,  new  ed.,  1898. 


REIGN  OF  CONSTANTINE    THE   GREAT         4O3 

252.  The   Character   of  Constantine.  —  Constantine  was 

greatly  eulogized  by  contemporary  Christian  writers,  while 
the  partisans  of  the  old  pagan  religion  that  he  had 
renounced  attributed  to  him  every  personal  vice  and  the 

worst  of  motives  for  almost  every  act  of  ki§  life,    because 

of  these  different  portraitures  it  is  very  difficult  to  form  an 
unbiased  estimate  of  his  character  and  to  judge  how  sin- 
cere were  the  motives  under  which  he  acted.  But  prob- 
ably we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  if  we  conclude  that  he  was 

not  always  the  same.  During  all  the  earlier,  strenuous 
years  of  his  life,  up  to  the  time  when  he  became  undisputed 
lord  of  the  Roman  world,  he  exhibited,  for  the  most  part, 

only  qualities  of  character  calculated  to  win  affection  and 

to   stir   admiration.     After   that   turn   in   his   affairs,   his 

character  appears  to  have  undergone  a  change  for  the 
worse,  such  a  change  as  we  have  observed  in  many  another 

wearer  of  the  imperial  purple. 

Respecting  his  conversion  to  Christianity,  it  is  probable 

that  he  embraced  the  new  religion  not  entirely  from  con- 
viction, but  partly  at  least  from  political  motives.     As  the 

historian  Hodgkin  puts  it, ''  fie  was  half  convinced  of  the 

truth  of  Christianity,  and  wholly  convinced  of  the  policy  of 
embracing  it."  If  his  course  was  dictated  by  considera- 
tions of  policy,  events  abundantly  justified  his  forecast. 
Christianity  was  the  most  vital  element  in  the  empire,  and 
the  government,  through  the  alliance  formed  with  the 
Church,  had  imparted  to  it  new  vitality  and  strength. 

In  any  event  Constantine's  personal  religion  was  a 
strange  mixture  of  the  old  and  the  new.  On  his  medals 
the  Christian  Cross  is  upheld  by  the  pagan  deity  Victory ; 
and   on   the  head   of    the  great   statue    of    the    sun-god 


404 


ROME    AS    AJV   EMPIRE. 


Apollo,  which  he  set  up  in  his  new  capital,  and   which 

was  probably  intended  to  represent  himself,  there   rested    a 

crown  the  rays  of  which  were  formed  of  the  nails  of  the 
sacred  Cross.  Bearing  these  things  in  mind,  it  need  not 
seem  strange  to  us  that  Constantine  should  have  desired 
that  he  should  be  worshipped  after  death,  nor  incongruous 
that  succeeding  Christian  emperors  should  have  gratified 
his  wish  in  allowing  the  people  to  offer  sacrifices  to  his 
Statue  along  with  those  of  the  pagan  emperors. 

Rkferknces.  FiNLAV    (O.),    I/istory    of    Greece,     vol.     1.     chap.    11., 

"  From  the  Conquest  of  Greece  to  the  Establishment  of  Constantinople 
as  Capital  of  the  Roman  Empire  (B.C.  146-A.D.  330)."  GiBBON  (E.), 
The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap,  xv.,  "  The  Progress 
of  the  Christian  Religion,  and  the  Sentiments,  Numbers,  and  Condition 
of  the  Primitive  Christians  "  ;  and  chap.  xvii.  on  the  founding  of  Con- 
stantinople and  the  form  of  the  government.  MlLMAN  (H.  H.),  The 
History  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  bk.  iii.  chaps,  i.-iv.  STANLEY  (A.  P.), 
*  Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  Eastern   Church,   Lees.   II.,   III.,  IV., 

and  v.,  for  the  history  of  the  Council  of  NiCcTa,  325  K.c;  and  Lee. 

VI.,  for  events  concerning  the  Church  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 

Constantine.  SEELEY  (J.  K.),  **  Koman  imperialism,  Eec.  III.  pp. 
65-95,  "The  Later  Empire."  Oman  (C.  W.  C),  The  Story  of  the 
Byzantine  Empire  (Story  of  the  Nations),  pp.  13-30,  "  The  Foundation 
of  Constantinople."  CARR  (A.),  The  Church  and  the  Roman  Empire 
(Epochs  of  Church  History),  chap.  iv.  pp.  27-40,  "Constantine";  and 
chap.  V.  pp.  40-47,  "The  Council  of  Nicaea  —  Athanasius."  Lanciani 
(R.),  Pagan  and  Christian  Rome,  chap.  i.  Newman  (J.  IE),  The  Arians 
of  the  Fourth  Century,  chap.  iii.  pp.  236-270,  "  The  Ecumenical  Council 
of  Nicaea." 


CHAPTER   XX. 


JULIAN   THE   APOSTATE   AND   THE    PAGAN 

RES7T)RATI0N. 

(A.D.  361-363.) 
253.     Events    betAveen    the    Death    of    Constantine    and    the 

Accession  of  Julian  (a.d.  337-361). — Constantine  transmitted 
his  authority  to  his  three  sons,  Constans,  Constantius,  and 
Constantine.  This  parcelling  out  of  the  empire  led  to  strife 
and  wars,  which  at  the  end  of  sixteen  years  left  Constantius 
master  of  the  whole.  He  reigned  as  sole  emperor  for  about 
eight  years,  engaged  in  ceaseless  warfare  with  German  tribes 

\\\  the  West  ana  with  the  Persians  ^  in  the  East.  Constan- 
tius was  followed  by  his  cousin  Julian,  called  the  Apostate, 
because   he   abandoned   Christianity   and   labored  to    restore 

the  pagan  faith. 

254.   The   State  of  the  Church  at   Julianas   Accession.  — 

When  Julian  came  to  the  throne,  in  the  year  a.d.  361,  Chris- 
tianity had  enjoyed  for  about  half  a  century  the  favor  of  the 
imperial  court,  while  during  the  same  time  the  practice  of 

the  heathen  cults  had  been  discouraged,  and  towards  the 

end   of   the  period  positively  prohibited.       In    many  districts 

2  The  great  Parthian  empire  .which  had  been  such  a  formidable 
antagonist  of  Rome  was,  after  an  existence  of  five  centuries,  over- 
thrown by  a  revolt  of  the  Persians  (a.d.  226),  and  the  New  Persian  or 
Sassanlan  monarchy  established.  This  empire  lasted  till  the  country 
was  overrun   by  the   Saracens  in   the   seventh  century   a.d. 

405 


4o6 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


JULIAN  THE  APOSTATE. 


407 


the  temples  had  been  abandoned  and  had  fallen  into  decay, 
or  had  been  turned  into  Christian  churches. 

But  the  imperial  patronage,  to  which  without  doubt  must 
be  attributed,  in  part  at  least,  this  quick  religious  revolu- 
tion, had  not  been  an  unmixed  blessing  to  the  Church.    The 

moment    the    mere    profession    of    the    new    faith    became    a 

passport  to  the  emperor's  favor  and  to  office,  that  moment 
hypocrisy  and  selfishness  took  the  place  of  that  sincerity 
and  self-devotion  which  had  marked  the  primitive  and  per- 
secuted Christians,  and  which  had  made  them   so  powerful 

a  factor  in  the  society  of  the  earlier  centuries  of  the  empire. 
Consequently,  beneath  the  surface  of  the  apparently  Chris- 
tianized society  of  the  empire,  there  was  a  great  unchanged 

mass  of  heathenisin.  Multitudes  who  called  themselves 
Christians  were  heathen  at  heart.  The  change  in  name  had 
had  no  effect  whatever  upon  their  disposition  or  conduct. 
The  imperial  court,  in  everything  save  its  professed  creed, 
was    in    no    way  different    from    the    immemorially    licentious 

courts  of  Asia  after  which  it  had  modelled  itself.  Through- 
out the  West,  the  majority  of  the  people  still  clung  to  their 
old  pagan  cults.     The  Roman  senate  was  still  a  stronghold 

of  the  ancestral  religion.  Very  few  of  the  senators  were 
even    professed    follow^ers    of   the    new    faith. 

The  Church  was  also  at  this  time  greatly  weakened  by 
internal  troubles.  Heresy  and  schism  had  destroyed  the 
primitive  unity  of  the  body  of  believers,  and  m  all  the  great 
cities  of  the  empire  the  various  sectaries  were  persecuting 
one  another  with  incredible  and  disgraceful  rancor.  Such 
was  the  religious  condition  of  the  empire  when  the  death  of 

Constantius  left  kis  rival  Julian  sole  ruler  of  me  Roman 
w^orld. 


255.   Julianas  Religion.  —  In  his  earlier  years  Julian  was 

carefully  nurtured  in  the  doctrines  of   the  new^  religion;    but 

later,  in  the  schools  of  Athens  and  of  other  cities  where  he 
pursued  his  studies,  he  came  under  the  influence  of  pagan 
teachers  and  his  faith  in  Christian  doctrines  was  undermined, 

while  at   the  same  time  he  conceived  a  great   enthusiasm  for 

the  teachings  of  the  Neoplatonists,  and  an  unbounded  admi- 
ration for  the  culture  of  ancient  Hellas.  For  ten  years, 
however,  he  dissembled  his  real 
religious  feelings  and  opinions,  and 
in  his  outer  and  public  conduct 
conformed  himself  unto  all  the 
requirements  of  the  Church. 

But  we  must  not  make    the    mis- 
take of  supposing  that  the  religion 

which  the  young  prince  professed 
to  himself  at  this  time  was  the  old 
official  Roinan  religion.      It  was  the 

renovated  religion  of  Greece,  in  the 
attractive  form  which  it  had  assumed 
in  the  hands  of  the  Neoplatonists. 

At    the    head    of    this    renovated    pagan    system    there    was 
placed    a    supreme    god,     the     source     and    fountain     of    all 

things.  Beneath  this  supreme  being  was  a  hierarchy  of 
intelligences  —  the  lesser  gods,  daemons,  heroes,  and  men. 
It  was  the  spirits  intermediate  between  the  supreme  god 
and  the  race  of  men  with  whom  these  came  into  relation 
through  sacrifices  and  the  various  rites  of  the  temple.  The 
bright  forms  of  these  gods,  Julian  believed,  often  appeared 

to  him  in  his  dreams. 

This  religious   system    seemed   to    Julian  to  afford  a  much 


Julian  the  Apostate. 


\  4 


.1 


4o8 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


JULIAN   THE   APOSTATE. 


409 


more  reasonable  view  of  the  world  of  spirits  than  that  pre- 
sented by  Christian  theology.     Besides,  this  whole  system 

rooted  itself  deep  In  the  past,  and  was  vitally  connected 
with  the   Hterature,  the  philosophy,  and  the  art  of   the  great 

days  of  Greece.  Christianity  had  broken  with  this  brilliant 
past,  and  had  created  a  vast  rift  in  the  life  of  the  Graeco- 

Roman  world.  It  had  destroyed  the  historic  unity  of  the 
empire  as  well  as  the  unity  of  existing  society.  It  was  this 
last  unity  which  Julian  labored  to  restore,  by  leading  the 

people  back  to  the  purified  religion  of  their  ancestors.^ 

256.  The  Means  adopted  by  Julian  to  effect  the  Pagan 
Restoration.  —  JuUan,  in  his  efforts  to  restore  paganism,  did 

not  resort  to  direct  persecution.  Several  things  stood  in 
the  way  of  his  doing  this.     First,  his  own  philosophic  and 

humane  disposition  forbade  him  in  such  a  controversy  to 
employ    force     as    a    means    of    persuasion.       Second,    the 

number  of  the  Christians  was  now  so  great  that  measures 

of  coercion  could  not  be  employed  without  creatinn  dan- 
gerous disorder  and  disaffection.  Third,  resort  could  not 
be  had  to  the  old  means  of  persuasion,  —  "  the  sword,  the 
fire,  the  lions,"  —  for  the  reason  that,  under  the  softening 

influences  of  the  very  faith  Julian  sought  to  extirpate,  the 

Roman  world  had  already  become  imbued  with  a  gentleness 
and  humanity  that  rendered  morally  impossible  the  renewal 
of  the  Neronian  and  Diocletian  persecutions. 

Julian's  first  act  in  the  pursuit  of  his  plans  was  to  annul 

all  laws  which  prohibited,  or  which  placed  at  a  disadvan- 

3  Ahhough  it  was  the  Hellenic  and  not  the  Roman  religion  that 
Julian  endeavored  to  revive,  still  the  Roman  worship  ^-as  to  find  a 
place  in  the  system,  which  in  its  essential  elements  was  the  religion  of 
the  whole  pagan  world. 


M 


tage,  the  old  cults,  and  to  publish  an  edict  granting  equal 

toleration  to  all  religions.  This  restored  the  situation  that 
existed  under  Constantine,  save  that   now  paganism   instead 

of  Christianity  was  the  religion  of  the  emperor,  and  conse- 
quently the  favored  worship  of  the  empire.  The  people 
were  enjoined  to  restore  the  temples  that  had  been  vio- 
lently destroyed,  turned  into  places  of  Christian  worship, 
or  allowed  through  neglect  to  fall  into  decay. 

Christians  had  been  given  precedence  in  the  filling  of  the 

various  magistracies  and  offices.  Pagans  were  now  pre- 
ferred in  all  the  imperial   appointments.       The    soldiers  were 

not  required  to  apostatize,  but  they  must  now  march  beneath 
the  restored  pagan  standards  in  place  of  the  Labarum  (par. 

245)  ;  and  m  order  to  qualify  themselves  for  receiving  the 
customary  imperial  gratuities,  they  were  required  to  cast  a 
grain  of  incense  into  the  fire  on  the  altar.  Most  did  this, 
but  some  refused  to  purchase  the  donation  by  such  an  act  of 
disloyalty  to  their  faith. 

Julian  further  discriminated  against  the  Christians  in 
connection  with  the    schools.      At   this   time   throughout  the 

empire  the  higher  education  of  the  youth  was  a  matter  of 
public  concern,  and  was  in  the  hands  of  teachers  who  were 

appointed  and  maintained  at  least  in  part  by  the  state,  and 
who  constituted  a  privileged  class  in  the  community  (par. 
311).     Julian  forbade  Christians  to  give  instruction  in  these 

public  schools. 

The  reason  assigned  for  this  prohibition  was  that  it  was 
unseemly  that  men  who  derided  the  divinities  of  Greece 
should  be  the  commentators  of  the  works  of  the  poets  and 

thinkers  who  under  the  inspiration  of  these  very  gods  had 

made  the  past  of  Hellas  so  great.     The  Christians,  instead 


4IO 


ROME    AS    AAT  BMriRE. 


of   insisting   upon    wrongly   interpreting  to    the   youth   the 

masterpieces  of  paganism,  should  confine  themselves  to 

their   own   writings,  —  the    Hebrew    Bible   and   the  gospels. 
Julian's    real    purpose     in     excluding    the    Christians    as 

instructors  from  the  schools  —  the    Christian   youth  might 

Still,  if  they  desired,  attend  the  classes  of  the  pagan  teachers 

—  was,  by  depriving  them  of  the  means  of  culture  afforded 

by  classical  studies,  to  render  them  narrow,  provincial,  and 
inefficient  as  teachers  ;  for  Julian  well  knew  that  the  great 

and  powerful  advocates  of  the  Church  in  the  past  were  men 

whose  minds  had  been  broadened,  and  whose  logical  skill 
and  acumen  had  been  acquired  by  the  study  of  this  very 
philosophy  and  literature  which  they  condemned  as  pagan 

and  immoral.    Julian  was  resolved  that  the  champions  of 

the  Church  should  no  longer  draw  their  weapons  from  the 
armory  of  paganism  itself. 

As  a  last  means  of  effecting  the  revival  of  paganism,  Julian 

labored  for  the  moral  renovation  of  the  ancient  religion. 
He  endeavored  to  make  it  what  no  pagan  cult  had  ever  been 
before,  namely,  a  means  of  instruction  and  of  moral  quicken- 
ing to  the  people.  He  here  borrowed  openly  from  Chris- 
tianity. He  enjoined  the  pagan  priests  to  imitate  the 
Christian  clergy,  to  become  preachers  and  pastors.  They 
were  to  teach  the  people  the  existence  of  the  gods,  the 
reality  of  their  superintending  providence,  and  the  great 
truth  of  immortality.  They  were  further,  in  their  own  lives, 
to  set  before  the  people  patterns  of  pure  and  devout  and 
holy  living.  They  should  not  attend  the  theatre  or  the 
circus,  nor  frequent  the  taverns.  They  should  have  no 
immoral  books  in  their  libraries.  They  were  not  only  to 
teach   but  to  practise  charity  and  benevolence.       They  were, 


JULIA  2^    THE    APOSTATE. 


411 


like  the  Christians,  to  found  hospitals  and  to  care  for  the 

needy  and  to  succor  the  distressed.    The  Christians  were 

not  to  be  allowed  to  boast  a  monopoly  of  these  virtues. 

As  we  have  just  intimated,  what  Julian  here  attempted  to 
do,  to  effect  a  union  of  the  temple  cult  and  morality,  had 

never  been  achieved  by  paganism.    The  business  of  the 

heathen  priest  had  been  to  see  that  all  the  temple  rites  and 

ceremonies  were  observed  in  accordance  with  the  traditional 
and  sacred  formulas.      He  had  never  been  the  instructor  of 

the  people  in  sacred  things,  nor  the  preacher  of  individual 

and  social  righteousness.     Julian,  in  endeavoring  to  make 

him  such,  was  trying  to  effect  a  revolution  opposed  not  only 
to  all  the  traditions  of  paganism,  but  opposed  also  to  the 

very  genius  of  the  most  of  heathen  cults.    These  had  little 

or  nothing  to  do  with  right  conduct.  And  so  this  part  of 
Julian's  reform  was  foredoomed  to  failure. 

257*  Julian's  Relations  to  the  Jews  :  Attempt  to  rebuild  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem.  —  Julian's  hostility  to  Christianity  did 
not  include  the  Jews.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  kindly  dis- 
posed towards  this  sect,  and  favored  them  in  every  way. 
One  bond  of  union  betw^een  the  emperor  and  the  Jews  was 
a  common  hatred  of  Christianity.     But  the  real  ground  of 

Julian's  favorable   disposition   towards   this   people   was  the 

fact  that  their  religion,  as  he  understood  it,  was  simply  a 
national  religion,  and  hence  stood  on  the  same  footing  as 
the  other  cults  of  the  empire.  Consequently  he  was  as 
ready  to  restore  the  temple  of  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem  as  that 

of  any  other  local  or  national  god. 

But  Julian  had  one  very  special  reason  for  rebuilding,  at 
Jerusalem,    the    temple    that    his    pagan    predecessors    had 

destroyed  (par.  227^.       He  wished  to  cast  discredit  upon  the 


412 


ROME   AS  AX  EMPIRE. 


JULIA  AT    THE    APOSTATE. 


413 


% 
k 


predictions  of  the  Scriptures  ;  for  the  Christians  contended 
that  the  temple  could  never  be   restored   because   of  the 

prophecies  against  it.  Julian  invited  the  Jews  dispersed 
throughout  the  empire  to  return  to  Jerusalem  and  to  aid  in 
rebuilding  the  ancient  shrine.  They  responded  to  the  invi- 
tation with  great  enthusiasm.  The  emperor  furthered  the 
enterprise  by  gifts  of  money  from  the  public  treasury. 
Excavations  were  actually  begun,  but  the  workmen  were 
driven  in  great  panic  from  the  spot  by  terrific  explosions 
and  bursts  of  flame.     The  Christians  regarded  the  occurrence 

as  miraculous  5    and  Julian   himself,  it   is   certain,  was  so  dis- 

maved  bv  it  that  he  desisted  from  the  undertaking.'* 

258.  Julian's  Campaigns  against  the  Persians.  —  At  the 
same  time  that  Julian  was  busied  with  his  religious  reforms, 
he  was  engaged  in  making  extensive  preparations  for  a  cam- 
paign against  the  Persians.  He  was  ambitious  of  the  honor 
of  inflicting  upon  this  formidable  enemy  a  crushing  blow, 
and  thereby  relieving  the  empire  of  the  constant  threat  of 

attack  on  its  eastern  frontier.      He  was,  furthermore,  prompted 
to  this  undertaking  by  a  burning  desire  to  emulate  the  deeds 

of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  perhaps  to  rival  his  achieve- 
ments in  the  lands  of  the  remote  East. 

Antioch  was  made  the  place  of  the  emperor's  residence 
while  the  preparations  for  the  Persian  expedition  w^ere  in 
progress.  It  was  in  this  city  that  the  followers  of  the  new 
faith   had    first   been    called    Christians.^     At    the    time    of 


*  The  explosions  which  so  terrified  the  workmen  of  Julian  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  caused  by  accumulations  of  gases  —  similar  to  those 
that  so  frequently  occasion  accidents  in  mines  —  in  the  subterranean 
chambers  of  the  Temple  foundations. 

^  Acts,  XI.   26. 


Julian's  visit,  there  seem  to  have  been  remaining  only  a 
very  few  zealous  adherents  of  the  pagan  worship.     On  the 

occasion  of  a  certain  heathen  festival  at  one  of  the  most 

famous  of  the  ancient  temples,  Julian  w^as  shocked  to  find 
that  the  sacrifices,  which  formerly  embraced  hecatombs  of 
victims,  had  dwindled  to  the  offering  of  a  single  goose. 

The  inhabitants  of  Antioch  treated  their  emperor,  on 

account  of  his  opposition  to  Christianity,  with  great  rudeness. 
Julian,  forgetting  the  dignity  of  the  imperial  office,  avenged 
himself  upon   the  Antiochians   by  wTiting  a  satire  entitled 

the  Misopo^on'  in  which  he  ridiculed  their  habits  and  their 

odious  vices. 

The  winter  having  been  spent  in  these  literary  diversions 
and  military  preparations,  with  the  opening  of  the  spring  of 

the  year  363,  Julian  set  out  at  the  head  of  a  large  army  on 

his  memorable  Persian  expedition.  A  long  march  through 
Mesopotamia  brought  him  to  the  well-defended  Persian 
capital  of  Ctesiphon,  on  the  Tigris.     Julian  seems  to  have 

been  minded,  leaving  this  strong  place  in  the  hands  of  the 

enemy,  to  push  on  eastward ;  but  his  soldiers,  like  those  of 
Alexander  in  India,  became  mutinous,  and  he  was  forced  to 
lead  them  in  retreat  towards  the  north. 

259.  The  Death  of  Julian  and  the  Restoration  of  the  Chris- 
tian Worship.  — The  Roman  troops  were  now  daily  harassed 
by  the  pursuing  enemy.  In  an  encounter  with  the  Persian 
cavalry,  Julian  received  a  fatal  wound  in  his  side  from   a 

flying  javelin.     His  last  hours  he  spent,  after  the  example 

of  Socrates,  in  edifying  and  philosophic  conversation  with 
his  friends  (a.d.  363). 

^  "  The  beard-hater."  The  people  had  made  contemptuous  remarks 
about  Julian's  unkempt  beard. 


414 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


Thus  deprived  of  their  commander  and  sovereign,  the 
army  at  once  elected  one  of  their  generals,  Jovian  by  name, 
as  emperor.  Jovian,  after  several  hard-fought  battles  with 
the  enemy,  concluded  with  the  Persian  king  Sapor  an 
humiliating  treaty,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Romans  gave 
up  their  possessions  east  of  the  Tigris. 

Jovian  was  a  Christian,  and  his  short  reign  (A,D.  ^6^-^64) 
was  marked  by  the  removal  of  many  of  the  disabilities  under 
which  Julian  had  placed  the  professors  of  the  new  worship. 
In  the  army  the  old  pagan  standards  were  replaced  by  the 
Labarum,  and  Christianity  was  again  made  the  religion  of 
the  imperial  court. 

References.  — *  Gardner  (A.),  fuiian  the  Philosopher,  and  the 
Last  Struggle  of  Paganism  against  Christianity  (Heroes  of  the  Nations). 
MiLMAN  (H.  H.),  The  History  of  Christianity^  vol.  11.  bk.  Ill  Chap,  VL, 

and  vol.  iii.  bk.  iii.  chap.  vi.  (continued).  GiBBON  (E.),  The  decline 
and  F'all  of  the  Roman  ^mpirey  chaps,  xix.  and  xxii.-xxiv.  Uhlhorn 
(G.),  **  Conjlict  0/  Christianity  -with  Ileathenism,  pp.  445-447.  Meri- 
VALE  (C),  General  History  of  Pome,  chap.  Ixxiii.  pp.  600-609.  Ali.ard 
(P.),  **Z^  Christianisme  et  V Empire  Pomain.  The  best  short  account 
or  the  pagan  reaction. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE    LAST    CENTURY    OF    THE    EMPIRE    IN    THE    WEST. 

(A.D.  376-476.) 

260.  Introductory. — Thus  far  in  the  history  of  the  em- 
pire we  have  made,  for  the  most  part,  the  reigns  of  the 
emperors  the    framework  of   our    narrative.     We   shall   no 

longer   follow    this    plan,  for    during   the    last    century  o£    the 

imperial  period  very  few  of  the  occupants  of  the  throne  were 
men  of  sufficient  character  or  force  to  exert  any  influence 
upon  the  movement   of  events.     To  subdivide  the   period 

according  to  the  length  of  their  reigns  would  be  an  arbitrary 
and  meaningless  proceeding. 

It  will  be  more  instructive  for  us  to  turn  our  eyes  away 
from  the  imperial  throne,  and  to  notice  what  were  the  actual 

forces  that  were  giving  the  events  of  the  period  their  shape 
and  course.  These  were  the  German  barbarians  and  Chris- 
tianity. These  were  the  two  most  vital  elements  in  the 
Graico- Roman  world  of  the  fifth  century.    They  had, centuries 

before  this,  as  we  have  seen,  come  into  certain  relations 
to  the  Roman  government  and  to  Roman  life  ;  but  during 
the   period   lying    immediately  before    us  they   assumed    an 

altogether  new  historical  interest  and  importance. 

The  two  main  matters,  then,  which  will  claim  Our  attention 
during  the  century  yet  remaining  for  our  study,  will  be  (i) 
the  struggle  between  the  dying  empire  and  the  young  Ger- 
man races  of  the  North  and  the  gradual  overrunning  of  the 

415 


4i6 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


Roman   provinces  by  these    barbarians ;   and  (2)    the  final 
triumph  of  Christianity,  through    the   aid  of    the   temporal 


power,    over    expiring    paganism, 


261.    The  Movements  of  the  Barbarians.  —  The  reigns  of 
the  co-emperors  Valentinian  I.  and  Valens^  were  signalized 


Germans  crossing  thk  Rhine. 

(After  a  drawing  by  Alphonse  de  Neuville.) 

by  threatening  movements  of  the  barbarian  tribes,  that  now, 
almost  at  the  same  moment,  began  to  press  with  redoubled 
energy  against  all  the  barriers  of  the  empire. 

"  Upon  the  death  of  Jovian  (a.d.  J64),  Valentinian,  the  Commander 

of  the  imperial  guard,  was  elected  emperor  by  a  council  of  the  generals 
of  the  army  and  the  ministers  of  the  court.  He  appointed  his  brother 
Valens  (a.d.  364-37CS)  as  his  associate  in  office,  and  assigned  to  him  the 
Eastern  provinces,  while  reserving  for  himself  the  Western.  He  set  up 
his  own  court  at  Milan,  while  his  brother  established  his  residence  at 
Constantinople. 


THE    LAST    CBN^TURY    OF    THB    EMPIRE.  417 

The  Alemanni  (Germans)  made  forays  across  the   Rhine 

into  the  Galhc  provinces,  —  sometimes  swarming  over  the 

river   on    the  winter  ice,  —  and,   before   pursuit   could   be 

made,  recrossed  the  river  and  escaped  with  their  booty 
into  the  depths  of  the  German  forests.      The  Saxons,  pirates 

of  the  northern  seas,  who  issued  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Elbe,  ravaged  the  coasts  of  Gaul  and  I]ritain,  even  pushing 
their  light  skiffs  far  up  the  rivers  and  creeks  of  those  coun- 
tries, and  carrying   away  spoils  from   the   inland   cities.      In 

Britain,  the  Picts  broke  through  the  Hadrian  Wall,  and 

wrested  almost  the  entire  island  from  the  hands  of  the 
Romans.  In  Africa,  the  Moorish  and  other  tribes,  issuing 
from  the  ravines  of  the  Atlas  Mountains  and  swarming  from 
the  deserts  of  the  south,  threatened  to  obliterate  the  last 
trace  of  Roman  civilization  occupying  the  narrow  belt  of 
fertile  territory  skirting  the  sea.^ 

The  barbarian  tide   of  invasion   seemed  thus  on  the  point 
of  overwhelmingj  the  empire  in  the  West ;  but  for  twelve 

years  Valentinian  defended  with  signal  ability  and  energy, 
not  only  his  own  territories,  but  aided  with  arms  and  counsel 
his  weaker  brother  Valens  in  the  defence  of  his.  Upon  the 
death   of    Valentinian,    his    son    Gratian    succeeded    to    his 

authority  (a.d.  375). 

262.   The  Goths  cross  the  Danube  (a.d.  376).  —  The  year 

*  The  frequent  inroads  of  the  barbarians  into  the  provinces  caused 

the  Uoman  towns  to  assume  a  new  aspect.  \\\  tke  time  of  tKe  Anto- 
nines  (par.  228)  they  were  in  many  ca.ses  without  walls,  and  presented 
a  straggling  and  country-like  appearance;  now  they  are  surrounded 
with  strong  walls,  and  the  houses  necessarily  are  crowded  together  on 
narrow,  ill-ventilated  streets.  These  are  the  prototypes  of  the  mediaeval 
towns.     See  Dill,  Roman  Society  in  the  Last   Century  of  the  Western 

Empire y   p.    147. 


4i8 


ROAIJS    AS    AJV   EMriRE. 


following  the  death  of  Valentinian,  an  event  of  the  greatest 
importance  occurred  in  the  East.  The  Visigoths  (Western 
Goths)  dwelling  north  of  the  Lower  Danube,  who  had  often 
in  hostile  bands  crossed  that  river  to  war  against  the  Roman 
emperors,  now  appeared  as  suppliants  in  vaSt  multitUdCS 
upon  its  banks.  They  said  that  a  terrible  race,  whom  they 
were  powerless  to  withstand,  had  invaded  their  territories, 
and  spared  neither  their  homes  nor  their  lives.     They  begged 


Roman  Sional-Toweks,  Sentries  and  Storehouse  on 

THE  Dan i; HE. 

(Relief  on  Trajan's  Column.) 

permission  of  the  Romans  to  cross  the  river  and  settle  in 
Thrace,  and  promised,  should  this  request  be  granted,  ever  to 
remain  the  grateful  and  firm  allies  of  the  Roman  state. 

Valens,  it  Is  said,  consented  to  grant  their  petition  on 
condition  that  they  should  surrender  their  arms,  give  up 
their  children  as  hostages,  and  all  be  baptized  in  the 
Christian   faith.^     Their   terror   and   despair   led  them   to 

^  It  is  somewhat  doubtful  whether  this  last  condition  was  really  a 
part  of  the  agreement. 


THE    LAST   CENTURY   OF    THE    EMPIRE. 


419 


assent  to  these  conditions.  So  the  entire  nation,  number- 
ing about  one  million  souls,  —  counting  men,  women,  and 

children,  —  were  allowed  to  cross  the  river.  Several  days 
and  nights  were  consumed  in  the  transport  of  the  vast  mul- 

titudes.   The  wnter5  of  the  times  liken  the  passage  to  that 

of  the  Hellespont  by  the  hosts  of  Xerxes. 

The  enemy  that  had  so  terrified  the  Goths  were  the  Huns, 
a  monstrous  race  of  fierce  nomadic  horsemen,  that  two 
centuries  and  more  before  the  Christian  era  were  roving  the 
deserts  north  of  the  Great  Wall  of  China."  Migrating  from 
that  region,  they  moved  slowly  to  the  West,  across  the 
great  plains   of   Central   Asia,   and,  after  wandering  several 

centuries,  appeared  in  Europe.  They  belonged  to  a  dif- 
ferent race  (the  Turanian)  from  all  the  other  European 
tribes  with  which  we  have  been  so  far  concerned.  Their 
features  were  hideous,  their  noses  being  flattened,  and  their 
cheeks  gashed,  to  render  their  appearance  more  frightful  as 
well  as  to  prevent  the  growth  of  a  beard.  Even  the  bar- 
barous Goths  called  them  "barbarians." 

Scarcely  had  the  fugitive  Visigoths  been  received  within 
the  limits  of  the  empire  before  a  large  company  of  their 
kinsmen,  the  Ostrogoths  (Eastern  Goths),  also  driven  from 
their  homes  by  the  same  terrible  Huns,  crowded  to  the 
banks  of  the  Danube,  and  pleaded  that  they  might  be 
allowed,  as  their  countrymen  had  been,  to  place  the  river 
between  themselves  and  their  dreaded  enemies.  But  Valens, 
becoming  alarmed  at  the  presence  of  so  many  barbarians 
within    his    dominions,   refused   their   request;    whereupon 

^  A  great  rampart  extending  for  about  fifteen  hundred  miles  along 

the  northern  frontier  of  China.  It  was  built  by  the  Chinese  towards 
the  end  of  the  third  century  B.C.  as  a  barrier  against  the  forays  of  the 
Huns  and  other  nomadic  tribes. 


420 


ROME    AS   AN  EMPIRE. 


they,  dreading  the  fierce   and  implacable  foe  behind  more 

than  the  wrath  of   the  Roman  emperor  in    front,  crossed    the 

river  with  arms  in  their  hands. 

It  now  came  to  light  that  the  cupidity  of  the  Roman 
officials  had  prevented  the  carrying  out  of  the  stipulations 
of   the    agreement   between    the    emperor   and    the   Visigoths 

respecting  the  relinquishment  of  their  arms.  The  barba- 
rians had  bribed  those  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  transport- 
ing them  across  the  river,  and  purchased  the  privilege  of 

retaining  their  weapons.  The  persons,  too,  detailed  to  pro- 
vide  the    multitude    with    food   till    they    could    be    assigned 

lands,  traded  on  the  hunger  of  their  wards,  and  doled  out 
the  vilest  provisions  at  the  most  extortionate  prices.     (We 

seem  here  to  be    listening    to    a    recital    of    the    unscrupulous 

conduct  of  our  own  Indian  agents.) 

As  was  natural,  the  injured  nation  rose  in  indignant 
revolt.     Joining  their  kinsmen  that  were  just  now  forcing 

the  passage  of  the  Danube,  they  coinmenced,  under  the 
lead  of  the  great  Fritigern,  to  overrun  and  ravage  the 
Danubian  provinces.  Valens  despatched  swift  messengers 
to  Gratian  in  the  West,  asking  for  assistance  against  the 

foe  he  had  so  unfortunately  admitted  within  the  limits  or 
the  empire.  Meanwhile,  he  rallied  all  his  forces,  and,  with- 
out awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Western  legions,  imprudently 
risked  a  battle  with  the  barbarians  near  Adrianople.     The 

Roman  army  was  almost  annihilatea.  Valens  himself, 
being  wounded,  sought  refuge  in  the  cabin  of  a  peasant  ; 
but  the  building  was  fired  by  the  savages,  and  the  emperor 
was  burned  alive  (a.d.  378).  The  Goths  now  rapidly  over- 
ran Thessaly,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace,  ravaging  the  country 
to  the  very  walls  of  Constantinople. 


THE   LAST  CENTURY  OF   THE   EMPIRE. 


421 


Gratian  was  hurrying  to  the  help  of  his  colleague  Valens 

when  new^s  of  his  defeat  and  death  at  the  hands  of  the  bar- 
barians was  brought  to  him.       He  at  once    appointed    as   his 

associate  Theodosius  (a.d.  379-395),  known  afterwards  as 
the  Great,  and  intrusted  him  with  the  government  of  the 

Eastern  provinces.  Theodosius,  by  wise  and  vigorous  meas- 
ures, quickly  reduced  the  Goths  to  submission.  Vast  multi- 
tudes of  the  Visigoths  were  settled  upon  the  waste  lands  of 
Thrace,  while  the  Ostrogoths  were  scattered  in  various  colonies 

in  different  regions  of  Asia  Minor.  The  Ooths  became  allies 
of  the  emperor  of  the  East,  and  inore  than  forty  thousand  of 
these  warlike  barbarians,  who  were  destined  to  be  the  sub- 

verters  of  the  empire,  were  enlisted  in  the  imperial  legions. 

263.  The  Removal  of  the  Statue  of  Victory  from  the  Senate 
Chamber  (a.d.  382).  —  The  conflict  between   the   empire    and 

the  German  barbarians,  which  marked  the  reigns  of  Gratian 
and  Theodosius,  was  a  matter  of  great  significance  in  the 

history  not  only  of  the  Roman  empire  Duf  also  or  civuiza- 
tion.  Of  even  greater  import,  if  not  for  Rome  itself,  yet 
certainly    for    the    general    progress    of    mankind,    was    the 

Struggle  going  on  during  this  same  period  between  the  now 

Christian  government  of  the  empire  and  paganism. 

Both  Gratian  and  Theodosius  were  zealous  champions  of 
the  orthodox  Church,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  edicts 
issued  during  their  joint  reign  had  for  aim  the  uprooting  of 
Keresy  or  the  suppression  of  tke  pagan  worship.     Cratian's 

first  act  upon  his  succession  (a.d.  375)  was  significant.  He 
refused  —  being  the  first  of  the  emperors  to  do  so  —  to 
receive  the  vestments  and  insignia  of  the  office  of  poniifex 

maximus,  saying  that  it  was  not  becoming  in  a  Christian 

ruler  to  have  anything  to  do  with  these  symbols  of  paganism. 


422 


J?OM£    AS    A  AT   £MriR£. 


An    act    of    greater    importance    was    Gratian's    removal 

(a.d.  382)  from  the  chamber  of  the  Roman  senate  of  the 

statue  and  altar  of  the  pagan  goddess  Victory.^  This  statue, 
since  the  struggle  between  Christianity  and  the  heathen 
cults  had  become  serious,  had  been  looked  upon  as  the  sym- 
bol of  the  pagan  empire  and  as  a  sort  of  palladium  of  the 

ancient  religion,  and  hence  had  naturally  become  a  special 

object  of  pagan  veneration  and  patriotism. 

The  majority  of   the   senate  were   probably  still    adherents 

of  the  pagan  faith ;  and  a  little  while  after  the  removal  of 
the  statue  —  Gratian  having  fallen  in  battle  —  they  peti- 
tioned the  ruling  emperor  (Valentinian  11.)  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  sacred  memorial.      The  leader  of  the  pagan  party 

was  the  celebrated  5ymmachu5,  and  he  became  their  spokes- 
man before  the  emperor.  His  address  is  noteworthy  as 
being  "  the  last  formal  and  public  protest  "  made  by  the 
votaries  of  the  ancient  cults  against  the  restriction  of  their 
worship.  "  Each  nation,"  so  the  address  runs,  "  has  its  own 
gods  and  peculiar  rites.  The  Great  Mystery  cannot  be 
approached  by  one  avenue  alone.  But  use  and  wont  count 
for  much  in  giving  authority  to  a  religion.  Leave  us  the 
symbol  on  which  our  oaths  of  allesriance  have  been  sworn 
for  so  many  generations.  Leave  us  the  system  which  has 
so  long  given  prosperity  to  the  state.  A  religion  should  be 
judged  by  its  utility  to  the  men  who  hold  it.  Years  of 
famine  have  been  the  punishment  of  sacrilege.  The  treasury 
should  not  be  replenished  by  the  wealth  of  the  sacred  col- 
leges, but  by  the  spoils  of  the  enemy.'"* 

3  They  had  been  removed  before  this  by  the  emperor  Constantine, 

but  had  been  replaced  by  Julian. 

*  Dill,  Homatt  Society  in  the  Z,ast  Century  o^ the  IVestern  £mi)ire^  p.  26. 


THE    LAST   CEATTURY    OE    THE    KM^IRE.  423 

264.    The  Disestablishment  of  the  Sacred  Colleges  ;  the  Sep- 
aration of  State  and  Temple.  —  The  allusion  at  the  end  of 

the  foregoing  speech  is  to  the  act  of  Gratian  whereby  at 
his  accession  he  had  taken  away  from  the  sacred  colleges  at 
Rome  (par.  24)  their  endowments  and  caused  to  cease  the 

payment  of  salaries  to  the  members  of  these  bodies.    As 

places  in  these  associations  were  held  by  the  senators,  the 

confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  colleges  dealt  paganism  a 
heavy  blow  by   bringing   it   about    that    the  pagan   party   in 

the  senate  should  no  longer  have  a  personal  and  material 

interest  in  maintaining  the  ancient  religion. 

This  disestablishhient  of  these  ancient  colleges  marked 
the  separation  of  State  and  Temple,  which  from  the  very 

first  had  been  united  at  Rome,  as  everywhere  else  in  an- 
tiquity.   The  twelve  centuries  that  had  passed  since  the 

founding  of  Rome  under  the  auspices  of  the  gods  had 
witnessed  a  vast  revolution  in  the  feelings  and  beliefs  of 
men  to  render  possible  such  a  separation  of  the  things  of 
Caesar  and  the  things  of  God. 

265.  The  Prohibition  of  the  Pagan  Cults.  —  Speaking  gen- 
erally, from  the  accession  of  Constantine  down  to  the  time 
which  we  have  now  reached,  the  pagans  had  been  allowed 
full  toleration  of  worship.  There  was,  during  this  period, 
what  we  call  religious  liberty,  but  not  perfect  religious 
equality ;  for  some  of  the  Christian  emperors  favored  their 
own  faith  in  their  legislation  and  in  their  appointments 
to  office.  Occasionally,  however,  there  were  laws  issued 
against  the  practice  of  pagan  rites.  Thus,  in  the  year 
A.D.  341,  the  sons  of  Constantine  —  Constans  and  Constan- 
tius  — had  promulgated  an  edict  which  declared  that  "the 

heathen    superstition    must    cease,    the    madness  of    offering 


424 


ROME    AS    AN-   EMPIRE. 


sacrifices  must  be  extirpated."*  But  such  laws  were  cer- 
tainly not  long  in  force.    Although  placed  at  a  disadvan- 

tage  in  the  state,  still  the  pagans  were  generally  protected 
in  the  right  of  the  public  exercise  of  their  religion.  Eut 
before  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Theodosius,  their  position  in 
the  state  was  wholly  changed.  Paganism,  from  being  a 
tolerated,  became  a  proscribed,  religion. 

It  was  Theodosius  the  Great  who,  by  his  effective  meas- 
ures against  heathenism,  earned  the  title  of  "the  Destroyer 
of  Paganism."  At  lirst  he  simply  placed  the  pagans  under 
many  disabilities  \  then  he  forbade  them  to  practise  the 
art  of  divining  through  the  examination  of  the  entrails  of 
sacrificial  victims  (par.  23);  and,  finally,  he  prohibited  sac- 
rifices altogether,  and  made  it  a  crime  for  any  one  to  prac- 
tise any  pagan  cult,  or  even  to  enter  a  temple.  In  the  year 
A.D.  392  even  the  private  worship  of  the  Lares  and  Penates 
was  prohibited.  Interdiction  of  the  heathen  worship  was 
accompanied  by  the  destruction  or  the  confiscation  of  the 

ancient  temples  and  their  endowments. 

Paganism  did  not  yield  without  a  struggle.  The  pagan 
party  set  up  as  emperor  Eugenius,  and  attempted  to  restore 
the  old  faith.  Theodosius  defeated  Eugenius  in  the  battle 
of  Aquileia  (a.d.  394)  and  then  secured  the  official  abolish- 
ment of  the  pagan  worship  by  a  vote  of  the  Roman  senate 
itself.*^  The  struggle  between  Christianity  and  heathenism 
was    now    virtually    ended."      And    the    "Galileans"    had 

conquered. 


5 

6 


U  hi  horn,  Conjlict  of  Christianity  with  Heathenism,  p.  452. 
Allard,  Le  Christianisme  et  T Empire  Remain,  p.  277. 
■^  The  debate  between  the  Christian  Fathers  and  the  pagan  philoso- 
phers as  to  the  respective  claims  of  the  rival  religions  still  went  on.     iSee 

par.  274. 


THE    LAST   CENTURY   OE    THE    EMPIRE.  425 

A  quarter  of  a  century  later  (in  a.d.  423)  Theodosius  II. 

in  one  of  his  edicts  says  that  he  believes  there  are  no  longer 

any  pagans.  But  "  there  were  pagans  still,  although  there 
was  no  paganism."^  The  pagan  rites  were  practised 
secretly  long  after  this.  Especially  did  the  old  home  cults 
of  the  Lares  and  Jenates  linger  on  in  the  country  districts, 
from  which  circumstances  the  term  "pagan  "  {ix<dmp(V^anus, 
the  dweller  in  a  pa^us  or  ''  village  ")  came  to  indicate  a 
follower  of  the  ancient  idolatry. 

266.  Theodosius  the  Great  and  Bishop  Ambrose  of  Milan 
(A.r>.  390-391).  —  A  memorable  incident,  illustrative  Of  the 
influence  of  the  new  religion  that  was  now  fast  taking  the 
place  of  paganism,  marks  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great. 
In  a  sedition  caused  by  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  a 
favorite  charioteer,  the  people  of  Thessalonica,  in  Mace- 
donia, had  murdered  the  general  and  several  officers  of  the 
imperial  garrison  in  that  place  (a.d.  390).  When  intelli- 
gence of  the  event  reached  Theodosius,  who  was  at  Milan, 

his    hasty   temper   broke  through    aU    restraint,    and,   moved 

by  a  spirit  of  savage  vengeance,  he  ordered  an  indiscrimi- 
nate slaughter  of  the  inhabitants  of  Thessalonica.  In 
obedience  to  the  imperial  commands,  the  people  were 
unsuspectingly    summoned,  as   though    to    attend    the  usual 

games,  to  the  great  circus,  and  there  were  set  upon  by  the 
barbarian  Gothic  soldiers  and  cut  down  without  regard  to 
age  or  sex.     At  least  seven  thousand  persons  perished. 

Shortly  after  the  massacre,  the  emperor,  as  he  was  enter- 
ing the  door  of  the  cathedral  at  Milan,  where  he  was 
wont  to  worship,  was  met  at  the  threshold  by  the  pious 
bishop  Ambrose,  who,  in  the  name  of  the  God  of  justice 

8  AUard,  le  Christianisnie  et  l^Emj^ire  Romain,  p.  286. 


426 


ROME    AS    AN   EMriRE. 


and  mercy,  forbade  him  to  enter  the  sacred  place  until  he 

had  done  public  penance  for  his  awful  crime.  The  com- 
mander of  all  the  Roman  legions  was  constrained  to  obey 
the    unarmed    pastor.      In    penitential    garb    and    attitude 

Theodosius  made  public  confession  of  his  sin  and  humbly 

underwent  the  penance  imposed  by  the  Church. 

This  passage  of  history  is  noteworthy  as  marking  a  sta- 
dium in  the  moral  progress  of  humanity.  It  made  manifest 
how  with  Christianity  a  new  moral  force  had  entered  the 
world,  how  a  sort  of  new  and  universal  tribunician  authority 
had  arisen  in  society  to  interpose,  in  the  name  of  justice 
and  humanity,  between  the  weak  and  the  defenceless  and 

their  self-willed  and  arbitrary  rulers. 

2C7.  Final  Division  ot  the  Empire  (a.u.  395)' —'^^^  Roman 
world  was  united  for  the  last  time  under  Theodosius  the 
Great.  From  a.d.  392  to  395  he  ruled  as  sole  emperor.'' 
Just  before  his  death,  Theodosius  divided  the  empire 
between  his  two  sons,  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  assigning 
the  former,  who  was  only  eighteen  years  of  age,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  East,  and  giving  the  latter,  a  mere  child  of 
eleven,  the  sovereignty  of  the  West.  This  was  the  final 
partition  of  the  Roman  empire  — the  issue  of  that  growing 
tendency  which  we  have  observed  in  its  immoderately 
extended  dominions  to  break  apart.  The  separate  histories 
of  the  East  and  the  West  now  begin. 

The  story  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Empire  in  the  East  need 
not  detain  us  long  at  thi.>  point  of  our  history.  This 
monarchy  lasted  over  a  thousand  years  —  from  the  acces- 
sion to  power  of  Arcadius,  a.d.  ^c^j,  to  the  capture  of  Con- 

9  The  insurrection  under  Eu^enius  (par.  265)  can  hardly  be  regarded 
as  effecting  a  division  of  the  imperial  authority. 


THE    LAST    CSNTURV    OF^    THE    EMPIRE.  ^2 J 

stantinopie  by  the  Turks,  A.D.  1453.  It  will  thus  be  seen 
that  the  greater  part  of  its  history  belongs  to  the  mediaeval 

period.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire  of 
the  West,  the  sovereigns  of  the  East  were  engaged  almost 
incessantly  in  suppressing  upri5ing5  Of  thCir  GOthiC  alliCS  OF 
mercenaries,  or  in  repelling  invasions  of  the  Huns,  Vandals, 
and  other  barbarian  tribes.  Frequently  during  this  period, 
in  order  to  save  their  own  territories,  the  Eastern  emperors, 
by  dishonorable  inducements,  persuaded  the  barbarians  to 
direct  their  ravaging  expeditions  against  the  provinces  of 
the  West. 

268.    First  Invasion  of  Italy  by  Alaric.  —  Only  a  few  years 
had  elapsed  after  the  death  of  the  great  Theodosius,  before 

the   barbarians    were    trooping    in    vast    hordCS    thlOUgh    all 

parts  of  the  empire.  First,  from  Thrace  and  Moesia  came 
the  Visigoths,  led  by  the  great  Alaric.  They  poured 
through  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae,  and  devastated  almost 
the  entire  peninsula  of  Greece  5  but  being  driven  from  that 
country  by  Stilicho,  the  renowned  Vandal  general  of  Ho- 
norius, they  crossed  the  Julian  Alps,  and  spread  terror 
throughout  all  Italy.  Stilicho  followed  the  barbarians 
cautiously,  and,  attacking  them  at  a  favorable  momeut, 
inflicted  a  terrible  and  double  defeat  upon  them  at  Pollentia 
and  Verona  (a.d.  402-403 ).  The  captured  camp  was  found 
tilled  with  the  spoils  of  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Sparta.  Gather- 
ing the  remnants  of  his  shattered  army,  Alaric  forced  his  way 

with  difficulty  through  the  defiles  of  the  Alps,  and  escaped. 

^  Hodgkin  makes  the  following   suggestive  comparison  :    ''  Stilicho 

[and  others  like  him]  were  tke  prototypes   of   tke   German   and  Engllsk 

Officers  who  in  our  own  day  have  reorganized  the  armies  or  commanded 
the  fleets  of  the  Sultan,  and  led  the  expeditions  of  the  Khedive." 


428 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


269.    Last   Triumph   at   Rome    (a.d.    404)-  —  A   terrible 

danger  had  been  averted.  All  Italy  burst  forth  In  expres- 
sions of  gratitude  and  joy.  The  days  of  the  Cimbri  and 
Teutones  were  recalled,  and  the  name  of  Stilicho  was  pro- 
nounced along  with  that  of  Marius  (par.  159).  A  mag- 
nificent triumph  at  Rome  celebrated  the  victory  and  the 
deliverance.    The  youthful  Honorius  and  his  faithful  general 

Stilicho  rode  side  by  side  in  the  imperial  chariot.    It  was 

the  last   triumph    that    Rome   ever  saw.      Three  hundred 

times such  is  asserted  to  be  the   number  —  the  Imperial 

City  had  witnessed  the  triumphal   procession  of  her   victo- 
rious generals,  celebrating  conquests  in  all  quarters  of  the 

world. 

270.    Last  Gladiatorial  Combat  of  the  Amphitheatre.  —  The 
same  year  that  marks  the  last  military  triumph  at  Rome 

also  signalizes  the  last  gladiatorial  combat  in  the  Roman 

amphitheatre.  It  is  to  Christianity  that  the  credit  of  the 
suppression  of  the  inhuman  exhibitions  of  the  amphitheatre 
is  entirely,  or  almost  entirely,  due.  The  pagan  philoso- 
phers usually  regarded  them  with  indifference,  often  with 
favor.  Thus  Pliny  commends  a  friend  for  giving  a  gladia- 
torial entertainment  at  the  funeral  of  his  wife.  And  when 
the  pagan  moralists  did  condemn  the  spectacles,  it  was 
rather  for  other  reasons  than  that  they  regarded  them  as 
inhuman    and   absolutely   contrary    to    the   rules    of    ethics. 

They  were  defended  on  the  ground  that  they  fostered  a 
martial  spirit  among  the  people  and  inured  the  soldiers  to 
the  sights  of  the  battlefield.  Hence  gladiatorial  games 
were  sometimes  actually  exhibited  to  the  legions  before 
they  set  out  on  their  campaigns.  Indeed,  all  classes 
appear  to  have  viewed  the  matter  in  much  the  same  light, 


THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.        429 


and  with  exactly  the  same  absence  of  moral  disapprobation, 

that  we  ourselves  regard  the  slaughter  of  animals  for  food. 
But   the   Christian   Fathers    denounced    the    combats    as 

absolutely  immoral,  and  labored  in  every  possible  way  to 
create  a  public  opinion  against  them.  The  members  of 
their  own  body  who  attended  the  spectacles  were  excom- 
municated.     At  length,  in  a.d.  325,  the  first  imperial  edict 

against  them  was  issued  by  Constantine.    This  decree 

appears  to  have  been  very  little  regarded  ;  nevertheless, 
from  this  time  forward  the  exhibitions  were  under  some- 
thing of  a  ban,  until  their  final  abolition  was  brought  about 
by  an  incident  of  the  games  that  closed  the  triumph  of 
Honorius.  In  the  midst  of  the  exhibition  a  Christian 
monk,  named  Telemachus,  descending  into  the  arena, 
rushed  between  the  combatants,  but  was  instantly  killed 
by  a  shower  of  missiles  thrown  by  the  people,  who  were 
angered  by  his  interruption  of  their  sports.  The  people, 
however,  soon  repented  of  their  act ;  and  Honorius  himself, 
who  was  present,  was  moved  by  the  scene.  Christianity  had 
awakened  the  conscience  and  touched  the  heart  of  Rome. 
The  martyrdom  of  the  monk  led  to  an  imperial  edict  "which 
abolished  forever  the  human  sacrifices  of  the  amphitheatre." 
271.  Invasion  of  Italy  by  Various  German  Tribes  under 
Radagaisus  (a.d.  405-406).  — While  Italy  was  celebrating  her 

triumph  over  the  Goths,  another  and  more  formidable  inva- 
sion was  preparing  in  the  North.  The  tribes  beyond  the 
Rhine,  — the  Vandals,  the  Suevi,  the  Burgundians,  and  other 
peoples,  —  driven  onward  by  some  unknown  cause,  poured 
in  impetuous  streams  from  the  forests  and  morasses  of   C^er- 

many,  and,  breaking  through  the  barriers  of  the  Alps,  over- 
spread the    plains    of    Italy.     The    alarm  caused   by  them 


430 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


among  the  Italians  was  even  greater  than  that  inspired  by 

the  Gothic  invasion  ;  for  Alaric  was  a  Christian,  while  Rada- 
£raisu5,  the  leader  of  the  new  hordes,  was  a  superstitious 
savage,  who  paid  worship  to  gods  that  required  the  bloody 
sacrifice  of  captive  enemies. 

By  such  efforts  as  Rome  put  forth  in  the  younger  and 
more  vigorous  days  of  the  republic  when  Hannibal  was  at 
her  gates,  an  army  was  now  equipped  and  placed  under 
the  command  of  Stilicho.  Meanwhile  the  barbarians  had 
advanced  as  far  as  Florence,  and  were  now  besieging  that 
place.     Stilicho  here  surrounded  the  vast  host  —  variously 

estimated  from  two  hundred   to  four  hundred   thousand  men 

—  and  starved  them  into  a  surrender.  Their  chief,  Rada- 
gaisus,  was  put  to  death,  and  great  numbers  of  the  barba- 
rians that  the  sword  and  famine  had  spared  were  sold  as 

slaves  (a.d.  406). 

272.  The  Ransom  of  Rome  (a.d.  409).  — Shortly  after  the 
victory  of  Stilicho  over  the  German  barbarians,  he  came 
under  the  suspicion  of  the  weak  and  jealous  Honorius,  and 

was  executed.  Thus  fell  the  great  general  whose  sword 
and    counsel    had    twice    saved    Rome    from    the    barbarians, 

and  who  might  again  have  averted  similar  dangers  that  were 
now  at  hand.     Listening  to  the  rash  counsel  of  his  unworthy 

advisers,  Honorius  provoked  to  revolt  the  thirty  thousand 
Gothic  mercenaries  in  the  Roman  legions  by  a  massacre  of 
their  wives  and  children,  who  were  held  as  hostages  in  the 
different  cities  of  Italy.     The  Goths  beyond  the  Alps  joined 

with  their  kinsmen  to  avenge  the  perfidious  act.  AlariC 
again  crossed  the  mountains,  and  pillaging  the  cities  In  his 
wav,  led  his  hosts  to  the  very  gates   of   Rome.      Not   since 

the  time  of  the  dread  Hannibal  (par.  115)  — more  than  six 


T//£  LAST  CENTURY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.        43  I 

hundred  years  before  this  —  had  Rome  been  insulted  by  the 
presence  of  a  foreign  foe  beneath  her  walls. 

The    barbarians   by  their   vast   number  were   enabled   to 
completely   surround    the    city,    and    thus    cut    it  off   from    its 

supplies  of  food.  Famine  soon  forced  the  Romans  to  sue 
for  terms  of  surrender.  The  ambassadors  of  the  senate, 
when  they  came  before  Alaric,  began,  in  lofty  and  unbe- 
coming language,  to  warn  him  not  to  render  the  Romans 
desperate  by  hard  or  dishonorable  terms  :  their  fury  when 
driven  to  despair,  they  represented,  was  terrible,  and  their 
number  enormous.     -  The   thicker  the  grass,  the  easier  to 

mow  it,  was  Alarlc's  derisive  reply.  The  barbarian  chief- 
tain at  length    named  the  ransom   that   he  would  accept  and 

spare  the  city  :  "  All  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  city,  whether 
it  were  the  property  of  individuals  or  of  the  state  ;  all  the 
rich  and  precious  movables  ;  and  all  the  slaves  that  could 
prove  their  title  to  the  name  of  barbarian."  The  amazed 
commissioners,  in  deprecating  tones,  asked :  ''  If  such,  O 
king,  are  your  demands,  what  do  you  intend  to  leave  us  .>  " 

''Your  lives,"  responded  the  conqueror. 

The    ransom    was     afterwards     considerably    modified    and 
reduced.       It   was   fixed    at  "five    thousand    pounds    of   gold, 

thirty  thousand  of  silver,  four  thousand  silken  robes,  three 

thousand  pieces  of  scarlet  cloth,  and  three  thousand  pounds 
of  pepper."  The  last-named  article  was  much  used  in 
Roman  cookery,  and  was  very  expensive,  being  imported 
from  India.     Merivale,  in  contrasting  the  condition  of  Rome 

at  this  time  with  her  ancient  wealth  and  grandeur,  estimates 

that  the  gilding  of  the  roof  of  the  Capitoline  temple  far 
exceeded  the  entire  ransom,  and  that  it  was  four  hundred 
times  less  than   that  (five   milliards  of  francs)  demanded  of 


432 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


France  by  the  Prussians  in  187  i.  Small  as  it  comparatively 
was,  the  Romans  were  able  to  raise  it  only  by  the  most 
extraordinary  measures.  The  images  of  the  gods  were  first 
stripped  of  their  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones, 
and  finally  the  statues  themselves  were  melted  down. 

273.    Sack  of  Rome  by  Alaric  (a.d.  410).  —  Upon  retiring 
from  Rome,  Alaric  established  his  camp  in   Etruria.     Here 

he  was  joined  by  great  numbers  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  by 
fresh  accessions  of  barbarians  from  beyond  the  Alps.  The 
chieftain  now  demanded  for  his  followers  lands  of  Honorius, 
who,  with  his  court,  was  safe  behind  the  marshes  of  Ra- 
venna; but  the  emperor  treated  all  the  proposals  of  the 
barbarian   with  foolish   insolence. 

Rome  paid   the   penalty.     Alaric   turned   upon    the   city, 
resolved  upon  its  sack  and  plunder.     The  barbarians  broke 

Into  the  capital  by  night,  ^' and  the  inhabitants  were  awak- 
ened by  the  tremendous  sound  of  the  Gothic  trumpet." 
Precisely  eight  hundred  years  had  passed  since  its  sack  by 
the  Gauls  (par.  68).  During  that  time  the  Imperial  City 
had  carried  Its  victorious  standards  over  three  continents, 

and  had  gathered  within  the  temples  of  its  gods  and  the 
palaces  of  its  nobles  the  plunder  of  the  world.  Now  it  was 
given  over  for  a  spoil  to  the  fierce  tribes  from  beyond  the 

Danube. 

Alaric  commanded  his  soldiers  to  respect  the  lives  of  the 
people,  and  to  leave  untouched  the  treasures  of  the  Chris- 
tian churches  ;  but  the  wealth  of  the  citizens  he  permitted 
them  to   make  their  own.     For  six  days  and  nights  the 

rough  barbarians  trooped  through  the  streets  of  the  city  on 
their  mission  of  pillage.  Their  wagons  were  heaped  with 
the  costly  furniture,  the  rich  plate,  and  the  silken  garments 


THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF  THE  EMPIRE,        433 

stripped  from  the  palace  of  the  Caesars  and  the  residences 
of  the  wealthy  patricians.  Amidst  the  license  of  the  sack, 
the  barbarian  instincts  of  the  robbers  broke  loose  from  all 
restraint,  and  the  streets  of  the  city  were  wet  with  blood, 
while  the  nights  were  lighted  by  burning  buildings. 

274.  Effects  of  the  Disaster  upon  Paganism.  —  The  over- 
whelming   disaster    that   had    befallen    the     Imperial   City 

produced  a  profound  Impression  upon  both  pagans  and 
Christians  throughout  the  Roman  world.  The  pagans 
asserted  that  these  unutterable  calamities  had  overtaken 
the  Roman  people  because  of  their  abandonment  of  the 
worship  of  the  gods  of  their  forefathers,  under  whose  protec- 
tion and  favor  Rome  had  become  the  mistress  of  the  world. 
The  Christians,  on  the  other  hand,  saw  in  the  fall  of  the 
Eternal  City  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  of  their  Scrip- 
tures against  the  Babylon  of  tlie  Apocalypse.  It  was  this 
interpretation  of  the  appalling  calamity  that  gained  credit 
amidst  the  panic  and  despair  of    the  times.      "  Henceforth," 

says  the  historian  Merivale,  ''the  power  of  paganism  was 
entirely  broken,  and  the  indications  which  occasionally  meet 

us  of  its  continued  existence  are  rare  and  trifling.  Chris- 
tianity stepped  into  its  deserted  inheritance." 

275.  The  Death  of  Alaric. —After  withdrawing  his  war- 

riors  from  Rome,  Alaric  led  them  southward.    As  they 

moved  slowly  on,  they  piled  still  higher  the  wagons  of  their 
long  trains  with  the  rich  spoils  of  the  cities  and  villas  of 
Campania   and   other   districts  of   Southern   Italy.      In    the 

villas  of  the  Roman  nobles  the  barbarians  spread  rare  ban- 
quets from  the  stores  of  their  well-filled  cellars,  and  drank 
from  jewelled  cups  the  famed  Falernian  wine. 

Alaric  led  his  soldiers  to  the  extreme  southern  point  of 


434 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


Italy,  intending  to  cross  the  straits  of  Messina  into  Sicily, 
and,  after  subduing  that  island,  to  carry  his  conquests  into 
the  provinces   of   Africa.      His  designs   were   frustrated   by 

his  death,  which  occurred  a.d.  410.    With  religious  care  his 

followers  secured  the  body  of  their  hero  against  molestation 
by  his  enemies.  The  little  river  Busentinus,  in  Northern 
Bruttium,  was  turned  from  its  course  with  great  labor,  and 
in  the  bed  of  the  stream  was  constructed  a  tomb,  in  which 
was  placed  the  body  of  the  king,  with  his  jewels  and  tro- 
phies. The  river  was  then  restored  to  its  old  channel,  and, 
that  the  exact  spot  might  never  be  known,  the  prisoners  who 

had  been  forced  to  do  the  work  were  all  put  to  death. ^ 

276.     The  Disintegration  of  the  Empire  and   the  Beginnings 

of  the  Barbarian  Kingdoms  (a.d.  410-451).^— We  must  now 
turn  our  eyes  from  Rome  and  Italy  in  order  to  watch  the 
movement  of  events  in  the  western  provinces  of  the  empire. 
During  the  forty  years  following  the  sack  of  Rome  by 
Alaric,  the  German  tribes  seized  the  greater  part  of  these 
provinces  and  established  in  them  what  are  known  as  the 
"  Barbarian  Kingdoms." 

The  Goths    who    had    pillaged    Rome    and    Italy,   after  the 

death  of  their  great  chieftain  Alaric  (par.  275),  under  the 
lead  of  his  successors,  Ataulf '  and  Wallia,  recrossed  the  Alps, 

and  establishing  their  camps  In  the  south  of  Gaul  and  the 
north    of    Spain,     set    up    finally    in    those    regions    what    Is 

known  as  the  Kingdom  of  the  Visigoths  or  West  Goths  (see 
accompanying  map). 

2  For  later  movements  of  the  Visigoths,  see  par.  276. 

3  We  choose  these  dates  for  the  reason  that  they  set  off  the  interval 
between  two  great  events,  namely,  the  sack  of  Rome  by  Alaric  (par. 
273)  and  the  battle  of   Chalons  (par.  277). 

4  Adolf,  Adolphiis,  are  other  forms  of  the  name. 


THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF   THE  EMPIRE. 


435 


. 


While  the  Goths  were  making  these  migrations  and  set- 
tlements, a  kindred  but  less  civilized  tribe,  the  Vandals, 
moving  from  their  seat  in  Pannonia,  traversed  Gaul,  crossed 
the  Pyrenees  into  Spain,  and  there  occupied  for  a  time  a 

large  tract  of  country,  which  in  its  present  name  of  An- 
dalusia preserves  the  memory  of  its  barbarian  settlers. 
Through  the  treachery  of  Count  Boniface,  the  Roman  gov- 
ernor of  Africa,  that  land  was  opened  to  their  conquests. 

They  crossed  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  overthrew  the  Roman 

authority  in   all   Northern  Africa,  and  made   Carthage   the 

seat  of  a  short-lived  but  dreaded  Corsair  empire^  (a.d.  439). 

About  this  same  time  the   Burgundians,   who,   like  the 

Vandals,  were  close  kin  of  the  Goths,  partly  by  negotiations 

with  the  Romans  and  partly  by  force  of  arms,  established 
themselves  in  Southeastern  Gaul  and  laid  there  the  basis  of 
what  is  called  the  Kingdom  of  the  Burgundians.^  A  por- 
tion of  the  region  occupied  by  these  German  settlers  still 

retains  from  them  the  name  of  Burgmuiy. 

Meanwhile  the  Franks,  who  about  a  century  before  the 
sack  of   Rome  by  Alaric  had  made  their  first  settlement  in 

Roman  territory  west  of  the  Rhine,  were  increasing  in 

numbers  and  in  authority,  and  were  laying  the  basis  of  what 

after  the  fall  of  Rome  was  to  become  known  as  the  King- 
dom of  the  Franks  —  the  beginning  of  the  French  nation  of 

to-day."^ 

But  the  most  important  of  all  the  settlements  of  the  bar- 
barians was  being  made  in  the  remote  province  of  Britain. 

^  See  par.  279. 

6  They  began  their  settlements  within  the  empire  about  A.D.  443. 
"^  The  first  great  king   of  the  Franks  was   Clovis    (A.D.  486-511),  but 
his  reign  lies  beyond  the  limit  we  have  set  for  the  present  work. 


Tl 


436 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


437 


In  his  efforts  to  defend  Italy  against  her  barbarian  invaders, 

Stilicho  (par.  271)  had  withdrawn  the  last  legion  from  Brit- 
ain, and  had  thus  left  unguarded  the  Hadrian  Wall  in  the 
North  (par.  227)  and  the  long  coast-line  facing  the  continent. 

The  Picts  of  Caledonia,  taking  advantage  of  the  withdrawal 
of  the  guardians  of  the  province,  swarmed  over  the  unsenti- 
nelled  rampart  and  pillaged  the  fields  and  towns  of  the  South. 
The  half- Romanized  and  effeminate  provincials — no  match 

for  their  hardy  kinsmen  who  had  never  bowed  their  necks 
to  the  yoke  of  Rome  —  were  driven  to  despair  by  the  rav- 
ao-es  of  their  relentless  enemies,  and,  in  their  helplessness, 
invited  to  their  aid  the  Angles  and  Saxons  from  the  shores 
of  the  North  Sea.  These  people  came  in  their  rude  boats, 
drove  back  the  invaders,  and,  being  pleased  with  the  soil 
and  climate  of  the  island,  took  possession  of  the  country  for 
themselves  and  became  the  ancestors  of  the  English  people. 
277.   Invasion  of  the  Huns;  Battle  of  Chalons  (a.d.  451). 

The  barbarians  that  were  thus  overrunning  and  parceRing 

out  the  inheritance  of  the  dying  empire  were  now,  in  turn, 
pressed  upon  and  terrified  by  a  foe  more  hideous  and  dread- 
ful in  their  eyes  than  were  they  in  the  sight  of  the  peoples 
among  whom  they  had  thrust  themselves.  These  were  the 
non-Aryan  Huns,  of  whom  we  have  already  caught  a  glimpse 
as  they  drove  the  panic-stricken  Goths  across  the  Danube 
(par.  262).  At  this  time  their  leader  was  Attila,  whom  the 
affrighted    inhabitants    of    Europe    caHed    the    "  Scourge    of 

God."  It  was  declared  that  the  grass  never  grew  again 
where  once  the  hoof  of  Attila's  horse  had  trod. 

Attila  defeated  the  armies  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  and 
exacted  tribute  from  the  court  of  Constantinople.  Finally 
he  turned  westward,  and,  at  the  head  of  a  host  numbering. 


it  is  asserted,  seven  hundred  thousand  warriors,  crossed  the 

Rhine  into  Gaul,  purposing  first  to  ravage  that  province, 
and  then  to  traverse  Italy  with  fire  and  sword,  in  order  to 
destroy  the  last  vestige  of  the  Roman  power. 

The  Romans  and  their  German  conquerors  laid  aside  their 

mutual  animosities,  and  made  common  cause  against  a  com- 
mon enemy.  The  Visigoths  were  rallied  by  their  king, 
Theodoric ;    the    Italians,    the    Franks,    the     Burgundians 

flocked  to  the  standard  of  the  able  Roman  general  Aetius.^ 

Attila  drew  up  his  mighty  hosts  upon  the  plain  of  Chalons, 
in  the  north  of  Gaul,  and  there  awaited  the  onset  of  the 
Romans  and  their  allies.  The  conflict  was  long  and  ter- 
rible. Theodoric  was  slain;  but  at  last  fortune  turned 
against  the  barbarians.  The  loss  of  the  Huns  is  variously 
estimated  at  from  one  hundred  to  three  hundred  thousand 
warriors.      Attila    succeeded    in    escaping    from    the    field, 

and  retreated  with  his  shattered  hosts  across  the  Rhine 

(A.D.  451). 

This  great  victory  is  placed  among  the  significant  events 
of  history  ;   for  it  decided   that   the   Christian   German  folk, 

and  not  the  pagan  Scythic  Huns,  should  inherit  the  domin- 
ions of  the  expiring  Roman  empire  and  control  the  destinies 
of  Europe. 

278.    The  Death  of  Attila  (a.d.  453  ?).  —  The  year  after  his 

defeat  at  Chalons,  Attila  crossed  the  Alps,  and  burned  or 
plundered  all  the  important  cities  of  Northern  Italy.  The 
Veneti  tied  for  safety  to  the  morasses  at  the  head  of  the 
Adriatic  (a.d.  452).      Upon  .the  islets  where  they  built  their 

*  Aetius  has  been  called  "  the  last  of  the  Romans."  For  twenty 
years  previous  to  this  time  he  had  been  the  upholder  of  the  imperial 
authority  in  Gaul. 


43^ 


ROME    AS    AAT  EMPIRE. 


rude  dwellings,  there  grew  up  in  time  the  city  of  Venice, 
the  ''  eldest  daughter  of  the  Roman  empire,"  the  "  Carthage 
of  the  Middle  Ages." 

The  Conqueror  threatened  Rome ;  but  Leo  the  Great, 
bishop  of  the  capital,  went  with  an  embassy  to  the  camp 
of  Attila  and  pleaded  for  the  city.  He  recalled  to  the 
mind  of  Attila  how  death  had  overtaken  the  impious  Alaric 
'  soon  after  he  had  given  the  Imperial  City  as  a  spoil  to  his 
warriors,  and  warned  him  not  to  call  down  upon  himself  the 
like  judgment  of  Heaven  (par.  275).  To  these  admonitions 
of  the  Christian  bishop  was  added  the  persuasion  of  a 
golden  bribe  from  the  emperor,  Valentinian  ;  and  Attila  was 
induced  to  spare  Southern  Italy,  and  to  lead  his  warriors 
back  beyond    the    Alps.       Shortly    after   he    had    crossed    the 

Danube,  he  died  suddenly  in  his  camp,  and,  like  Alaric,  was 
buried  secretly.  His  followers  gradually  withdrew  from 
Europe  into  the  wilds  of  their  native  Scythia,  or  were 
absorbed   by  the   peoples   they   had   conquered.^ 

279.    Sack  of   Rome  by  the  Vandals  (a.d.  455).  —  Rome 
had  been  saved  a  visitation  from  the  spoiler  of  the  North, 

^  There  is  much  uncertainty  respecting  the  part  which  the  warriors 

of  Attila  may  have  taken  in  the  formation  of  the  later  Hungarian  state 
in  Europe.  That  appears  to  have  owed  its  origin  to  another  invading 
band  of  the  same  people,  that  entered  Europe  several  centuries  later. 
"  It  is  at  least  certain,"  says  Creasy,  "  that  the  Magyars  of  Arpad,  who 
are  the  immediate  ancestors  of  the  bulk  of  the  modern  Hungarians,  and 
who  conquered  the  country  which  bears  the  name  of  Hungary  in 
A.D.  889,  were  of  the  same  stock  of  mankind  as  the  Huns  of  Attila, 
if  they  did  not  belong  to  the  same  subdivision  of  that  stock.  Nor  is 
there  any  improbability  in  the  tradition  that  after  Attila's  death  many 
of  his  warriors  remained  in  Hungary,  and  that  their  descendants  after- 
wards joined  the  Huns  of  Arpad  in  their  career  of  conquest.    It  i.s 

certain  that  Attila  made  Hungary  the  seat  of  his  empire."  —  Oecisi-ve 
Battles. 


THE   LAST  CENTURY  OF    THE   EMPIRE.         439 

but  a  new  destruction  was  about  to  burst  upon  it  by  way  of 
the  sea  from  the  South.  Africa  sent  out  another  enemy 
whose  greed  for  plunder  proved  more  fatal  to  Rome  than 
the  eternal  hate  of  Hannibal.  The  kings  of  the  Vandal 
empire  in  Northern  Africa  (par.  276)  had  acquired  as  per- 
fect a  supremacy  in  the  Western  Mediterranean  as  Carthage 
ever  enjoyed  in  the  days  of  her  commercial  pride.  Vandal 
corsairs  swept  the  seas  and  harassed  the  coasts  of  Sicily 
and  Italy,  and  even  plundered  the  maritime  towns  of  the 
provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  East.  In  the  year 
455  a  Vandal  fleet,  led  by  the  dread  Geiseric  (Genseric), 
sailed  up  the  Tiber. 

These    barbarians    had    been    exhorted    by    the    Roman 

empress  Eudoxia  to  come  and  avenge  the  murder  of  her 
husband  Valentinian  and  her  forced  alliance  with  a  senator 
named  Maximus,  who,  being  invested  with  the  purple,  had 
forced  the  widowed  queen  to  accept  the  hand  stained,  as 
many  believed,   with   the   blood   of   her  own   husband. 

Panic  seized  the  people,  for  the  name  Vandal  was  pro- 
nounced with  terror  throughout  the  world  Again  the  great 
Leo,  who  had  once  before  saved  his  flock  from  the  fury  of 

an  Attila  (par.  278),  went  forth  to  Intercede  in  the  name  of 
Christ  for  the  Imperial  City.  Geiseric  granted  to  the  pious 
bishop  the  lives  of  the  citizens,  but  said  that  the  movable 
property  of  the  capital  belonged  to  his  warriors.  For  four- 
teen days  and  nights  the  city  was  given  over  to  the  ruthless 
barbarians.  The  ships  of  the  Vandals,  which  almost  hid 
with  their  number  the  waters  of  the  Tiber,  were  piled,  as 
had  been  the  wagons  of  the  Goths  before  them  (par.  273), 

with  the  rich  and  weighty  spoils  of  the  capital.    Palaces 

were    stripped    of   their    ornaments    and   furniture,    and    the 


440 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


walls  of  tke  temples  denuded  of  the  trophies  of  a  hundred 
Roman  victories.^  From  the  Capitoline  sanctuary  were  borne 
off  the  golden  candlestick  and  other  sacred  articles  that 
Titus  had  stolen  from  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (par.  222). 

The  greed  of  the  barbarians  was  sated  at  last,  and  they 
were  ready  to  withdraw.  The  Vandal  lieet  sailed  for  Car- 
thage,^ bearing,  besides  the  plunder  of  the  city,  more  than 
thirty  thousand  of    the    inhabitants    as    slaves.     Carthage, 

through  her  own  barbarian  conquerors,  was  at  last  avenged 

upon  her  hated  rival.  The  mournful  presentiment  of  Scipio 
had  fallen  true  (par.  141).  The  cruel  fate  of  Carthage  might 
have  been  read  again  in  the  pillaged  city  that  the  Vandals 

left  behind  them. 

280.  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West  (a.d.  476).  — 
Only  the  shadow  of  the  Empire  in  the  West  now  remained. 
All    the    provinces  —  lUyricum,   Gaul,   Britain,    Spain,    and 

Africa  — were  in  the  hands  of  the  Goths,  the  Vandals,  the 

Franks,  the  Burgundians,  the  Angles  and  Saxons,  and  vari- 
ous other  intruding  tribes.  Italy,  as  well  as  Rome  herself, 
had   become    again   and   again   the   spoil   of  the  barbarians. 

The  story  of  the  twenty  years  following  the  sack  of  the 

capital  by  Geiseric  affords  only  a  repetition  of  the  events 
we   have   been   narrating. 

1  It  would  seem  that,  in  some  instances  at  least,  after  the  closing  of 

the  temples  to  the  pagan  worship,  many  of  the  sacred  things,  such  as  war 

trophies,  were  left  undisturbed  in  the  edifices  where  they  had  been 
placed  during  pagan   times. 

2  The  fleet  was  overtaken  by  a  storm  and  suffered  some  damage,  but 
the  most  precious  of  the  relics  it  bore  escaped  harm.  "  The  golden 
candlestick  reached  the  African  capital,  was  recovered  a  century  later, 
and  lodged  in  Constantinople  by  Justinian,  and  by  him  replaced,  from 
superstitious  motives,  in  Jerusalem.  From  that  time  its  history  is  lost." 
—  Merivale. 


THE   LAST  CENTURY  OF   THE   EMPIRE.         44 1 

Dunng  the  years  from  a.d.  45^  to  472,  the  real  ruler  In 
Italy  was  a  Sueve,  called  Count  Ricimer.  He  set  up  four 
emperors.  Upon  his  death  a  Pannonian  by  the  name  of 
Orestes  deposed  the  emperor  then  on  the  throne  and  placed 
the  imperial  crown  upon  the  head  of  his  own  son,  a  child  of 
only  six  years. 

By  what  has  been  called  a  freak  of  fortune  this  boy- 
sovereign  bore  the  name  of  Romulus  Augustus,  thus  uniting 

in  the  nanie  of  the  last  Roman  emperor  of  the  West  the 
names  of  the  founder  of  Rome  and  the  establisher  of  the 
empire.  Not  so  much  on  account  of  his  youth  as  from  con- 
tempt excited  by  the  imperial  farce  he  was  forced  to  play, 
this  emperor  became  known  as  Augustulus  — "  the  little 

Augustus."  He  reigned  only  one  year,  when  Odovaker 
(Odoacer),  the  leader  of  the  Heruli,  a  small  but  formidable 
German  tribe,  having  demanded  one-third  of  the  lands  of 

Italy  to  divide  among  his  followers  for  services  rendered 

the  empire,  and  having  been  refused,  put  Orestes  to  death 
and  dethroned  the  chlld-emperor. 

The   Roman  senate  now  sent  an   embassy  to   Constanti- 
nople, with  the  royal  vestments  and  the  insignia  of  the 

imperial  office,  to  represent  to  the  Eastern  emperor  Zeno 
that  the  West  was  willing  to  give  up  its  claims  to  an  emperor 
of  its  own,  and  to  request  that  the  German  chief,  with  the 

title  of  "patrician,"  might  rule  Italy  as  his  viceroy.    This 

was  granted;  and  Italy  now  became  in  effect  a  province  of 
the  Empire  in  the  East  (a.d.  476). 

281.    The  Import  of  the  Fall  of  Rome.  —  The  destruction 

of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  West  by  the  German  barba- 
rians is  one  of  the  most  momentous  events  in  history.  It 
marks  a  turning  point  in  the  fortunes  of  mankind. 


442 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


The  revolution  brought  it  about  that  for  a  long  time  the 
lamp  of  culture  burned  with  lessened  light.  It  brought  in 
the  so-called  Dark  Ages.     During  this  period  the  new  race 

were  slowly  lifting  tliemselves^to  the  level  of  culture  that 

the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  attained. 

But  the  revolution  meant  much  besides  disaster  and 
loss.  It  meant  the  enrichment  of  civilization  through  the 
incoming  of  a  new  and  splendidly  endowed  race.     Within 

the  empire  during  several  centuries  three  of  the  most  vital 
elements  of  civilization,  the  Greek,  the  Roman,  and  the 
Hebrew-Christian,  had  been  gradually  blending.     Now  was 

added  a  fourth  factor,  the  Germanic.    It  is  this  element 

which  has  had  very  much  to  do  in  making  modern 
civilization  richer,  more  myriad-sided,  and  more  progressive 
than  any  preceding  one. 

The  downfall  of  the  Roman  imperial  government  in  the 

West  was,  further,  an  event  of  immense  significance  in  the 
political  world,  for  the  reason  that  it  rendered  possible 
the  growth  in  Western   Europe  of  several  nations  or  states 

in  place  of  the  single  empire.    This  was  a  revolution  of  as 

great  import  for  the  history  of  Europe  as  the  impending 
break-up  of  the  Chinese  empire  and  the  distribution  of  its 
territories  among  the  European  powers  promises  to  be  for 

the  history  of  Eastern  Asia. 

Another  consequence  of  the  fall  of  the  Roman  power  in 
the  West  was  the  development  of  the  Papacy.  In  Dante's 
phrase  —  used  in  connection  with  the  removal  by  Constan- 

tine  of  the  imperial  government  to  the  Bosporus  —  it  "gave 
the  Pastor*  room."  In  the  absence  of  an  emperor  in  the 
West  the  popes  rapidly  gained  influence  and  power,  and 

3  The  Roman  bishop. 


r\ 


-L 


CHAPTER    XXII. 


-Nummary  of  the  causes  of  the  fale  of 

THE    empire. 

282.  Introductory.  —  The  preceding  narrative  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  Roman  empire  during  the  last  two  centuries  of 
its  existence  cannot  have  failed  to  reveal  to  the  reader  at 
least  the  main  causes  of  its  decline  and  fall ;  but  a  review 
and  summary  of  these  agencies  will  serve  to  impress  more 
deeply  upon  the  mind  the  essential  phases  of  this  memorable 
revolution. 

The  agencies  actively  concerned  in  effecting  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  society  and  government  of  imperial  Rome  may 
be  conveniently  enumerated  as  economic,  military,  political 
or  social,  religious  and  moral. 

283.  Economic  Causes.  —  Foremost  among  the  economic 
causes  of  the  fall  of  Rome  must  be  placed  the  institution  of 
slavery.  It  is  indeed  true  that  before  the  end  of  the  empire 
the  hard  lot  of  the  slave  had  been  greatly  bettered  by  the 
influences  of  the  stoical  philosophy  and  of  Christianity,  and 
that  in  wide  districts  of  the  empire  the  system  had  been 
transformed,  or  was  being  transformed,  into  the  milder  ser- 
vitude of  serfdom.  But  notwithstanding  these  changes  in 
the  system,  it  was  still,  as  in  the  later  days  of  the  republic, 
the   source  of   many  of  the  evils  that  afflicted  society.      It 

prevented  the  normal  increase    of    population.       It    degraded 
labor,    and    thus    made    impossible    the    development    of   a 

445 


446 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


healthy  industrial  life.     It  also  reacted  disastrously  upon 

the  morals  of  both  master  and  slave,  indurating  the  feehngs 

of  the  one,  and  destroying  the  manhood  of  the  other.  In 
aU  these   ways   the   slave   system   tended   to    undermine   the 

very  foundations  of  the  state. 
A  second  economic  cause  of  the  decline  of  Roman  society 

was  the  monopolization  of  the  land  by  a  comparatively  few 
persons.  All  the  efforts  that  had  been  made  by  the  states- 
men of  the  later  republic  and  by  the  emperors  to  remedy 

this  evil  and  to  create  in  the  various  provinces  of  the 

empire  a  body  of  free  peasant  proprietors,  had  effected 
very  little.  In  the  fifth  century  after  Christ,  as  in  the  time 
of  the  Gracchi  (par.  148),  the  great  masses  who  turned  the 

soil  had  not  a  clod  that  they  could  call  their  own.    This 

condition  of  things  foreboded  disaster  to  the  state.  Any 
society  in  which  the  soil,  nature's  free  and  equal  gift  to  all, 
is  allowed  to  become  the  possession  of  a  few  and  thereby 

the  means  of  enslaving  the  many,  must  inevitably  decay  and 

perish. 

A  third  economic  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  empire  was 
fiscal  oppression.      We   have   seen    what   a   crushing   burden 

the  imperial  taxes  laid  upon  the  people  (par.  240).  The 
condition  of  France  just  before  the  Revolution  of  1789,  or 
that  of  the  Turkish  empire  at  the  present  time,  affords  an 
illustration  of  the  wretched  condition   to   which   the   Roman 

world  had  been  reduced  by  the  exactions  and  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  imperial  government. 

StiU  another  economic  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  empire  was 
the  decline  in  population.  The  historian  Seeley  says  that 
the  empire  perished  for  lack  of  men.^     This  failure  in  popu- 

*  Roman  Imperialism ^  P-  54- 


CAUSES    OF    THE   FALL    OF    THE    EMPIRE.       447 

lation  resulted  in  part  from  slavery,  crushing  taxation,  and 

the  practice  of  celibacy,  and  in  part  from  the  waste  of  life 

caused  by  constant  wars,  by  plagues,  and  by  the  mere  con- 
tact of  civilization  with  barbarism.^ 

No  other  industrial  system  depletes  population  so  rapidly 

as  does  slavery.     It  undermines  the  family,  and  at  the  same 

time  wears  out  men  with  a  rapidity  and  ruthlessness  not 
exceeded  even  by  the  military  system  in  times  of  war.  In 
these  direct,  and  in  many  other  indirect  ways,  slavery  helped 

to  thin  the  population  of  the  empire,  and  to  lay  it  open  to 

the  invasions  of  the  barbarians. 

After  slavery,  the  intolerable  burden  of  imperial   taxation 
was  perhaps  the  most  prominent  cause   of  the   depopulation 

of  the  empire.  Thousands  of  the  oppressed  provincials  tied 
across  the  frontiers  and  sought  an  asylum  among  the  bar- 
barians. Life  outside  the  pale  of  civilization  had  become 
preferable  to  life  within. 

Another  cause  of  the  decline  in  population  was  the  singu- 
lar aversion  that  the  better  class  of  the  Romans  evinced  to 
marriage.  We  meet  during  the  period  of  the  empire  with  a 
crowd  of  imperial  edicts  dealing  with  this  subject.  Penalties 
and  bounties,  deprivations  and  privileges,  entreaties  and 
expostulations  are  in  turn  resorted  to  by  the  perplexed 
emperors,  in  order  to  discourage  celibacy  and  to  foster  a 
pure  and  healthy  family  life.  But  all  was  in  vain.  The 
marriage  state  continued  to  be  held  in  great  disesteem 
(par.  313).  And  Christianity  instead  of  correcting  the 
evil,  rather  made  matters  worse;  for  just  now  the  teachings 
of  the  monks  were  persuading  vast  multitudes  of  the  supe- 
rior sanctity  of  the  solitary  or  the  monastic  life,  and  thereby 

6  Ibid.,  p.  58. 


448 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


filling  the  deserts  of  Egypt  and  the  monasteries  of  all  lands 
with  men  who  believed  that  they  could  best  live  the  higher 
life  by  freeing  themselves  of  all  family  and  social  cares  and 
duties. 

To  these  various  agencies  of  depopulation  must  be  added 
that  of  domestic  and  foreign  wars.  The  many  bloody 
struggles   between    the    numerous   aspirants  for   the    imperial 

dignity,  and  the  constant  fighting  of  the  legions  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  frontiers,  had  an  exhausting  effect  upon  the 
empire.  The  flower  of  the  Roman  race  was  swept  away 
by  the  accidents  of  war,  and  the  gaps  in  the  ranks  of  the 
legions  could  be  filled  only  by  recruits  from  among  the 
barbarians. 

Furthermore,   during  the   later   centuries  of  the  empire, 

plagues  of  extraordinary  virulence  desolated  its  provinces. 
These  visitations  can  be  compared  to  nothing  in  the  follow- 
ing centuries  save  the  terrible  pestilence  of  the  Black  Death, 
which  in  the  fourteenth  century  destroyed  from  a  third  to  a 
half  of  the  population  of  Europe.  What  made  these  earlier 
visitations  so  much  more  fatal  to  society  was  the  fact 
that  the  springs  of  recuperation  had  then  been  fatally 
impaired. 

What  part  In  this  process  of  depopulation  may  be  ?.s- 
signed  to  the  last  of  the  causes  we  have  enumerated, 
namely,  the  contact  of  civilization  with  barbarism,  it  would 
be  difficult  to  say.  It  is  a  fact  that  there  are  races  to-day, 
like  the  American  Indians  and  the  South  Sea  Islanders, 
that  are  melting  away  from  mere  contact  with  a  civiliza- 
tion which  they  cannot  or  will  not  assimilate.  In  the  same 
way,  Seeley  maintains,  in  Spain,  in  Gaul,  in  Britain,  and  in 

the  Danubian  provinces  of  the  empire,  the  barbarian  races 


CAUSBS    O/'^    THK    I^ALL     OF    TH£    KMPIRE.         449 


wasted  away  in  the  presence  of  the  superior  Roman  culture 

which  they  could  not  at  once  make  their  own. 

The  signs  of  the  growing  depopulation  of  the  empire  were 
to  be  seen  on  every  side  in  the  ruin-strewn  sites  of  once 
populous     and     flourishing    cities    like    Carthage,    Corinth, 

Megalopolis,  the  Bceotian  Thebes  and  Palmyra.  Vast  ter- 
ritories formerly  astir  with  life  and  carefully  tilled  had 
reverted  to  a  condition  of  primitive  wildness. 

The  policies  of  the  emperors,  such  as  bounties  on  mar- 
riage, irifts  of  land  in  waste  districts  to  men  of  families,  the 
wholesale  settlement  of  barbarian  tribes  in  the  empty  prov- 
inces, and  similar  measures,  bear  pathetic  testimony  to  the 
alarming  condition  of  the  empire  and  the  unremitting  efforts 
of  the   emperors   to   arrest    the    downward   movement  of 

society. 

284.   Military  Causes.  —  An  empire  acquired  by  the  sword 

must  be  maintained  by  the  sword.  But  even  before  the 
frontiers  of  the  Roman  empire  had  been  pushed  out  to  their 
greatest  extent,  the  military  spirit  that  animated  the  early 
Romans  had  become  extinct,  and  all  enthusiasm  for  the 
military  life  and  the  military  virtues  had  been  lost.  Under 
the  later  empire,  service  in  the  army  grew  so  unpopular  and 
even  odious  that  many  cut  off  the   fingers  of  the  right   hand 

in  order  to  escape  military  duty,  ^rhe  government  was 
forced  to  impose  severe  penalties  for  such  acts.  In  some 
cases  it  even  punished  such  conduct  by  the  infliction  of 
death  by  burning.  Christianity  with  its  Quaker  teachings 
coming  in  at  just  this  time  contributed  also  to  render  more 
general  the  disesteem  in  which  the  military  life  was  coming 
to    be    held.      In    the    earlier    period    of    the    empire,    any 

Christian     who     voluntarily    entered     the    army    was    cut    off 


li 


450 


ROME  AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


from  the  Church.  If  any  were  compelled  to  enter  the 
legions,  such  were  enjoined  to  "  fight  backwardly."  ^ 

The  result  of  this  decline  in  the  military  spirit  among  tke 
Romans  was,  as  we   have   seen,    that   the   recruiting  ground 

of  the  legions  became  the  barbarian  lands  outside  the 
empire.  The  ranks  of  the  army  were  filled  with  barba- 
rians ;  and  able  men  from  among  them,  like  Stllicho  and 
Ricimer,"  usurped  as  commanders  the  places  once  held  by 
the  Fabii  and  the  Scipios. 

This  loss  of  the  military  spirit  in  a  military  age,  and  this 

transformation  in  the  armies  of  Rome  could  of  course  nave 
no  other  outcome  than  such  as  we  have  seen  to  be  the  issue 
of  it  all  —  the  entrance  into  the  army  of  a  non-Roman  spirit, 
and  the  final  overthrow  of  the  imperial  government  by  the 

revolt  of  the  mutinous  legions. 

285.  Political  or  Social  Causes.  — Chief  among  the  causes 
contributory  to  the  fall  of  the  empire  that  may  be  gathered 
under  this  head,  is  the  lack  of  unity  in  the  state.     Modern 

statesmen  predict  the  dissolution  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
monarchy  for  the  reason  that  it  is  formed  of  such  a  mixture 
of  races.      Now  the  old  Roman  empire  was  in  this  respect 

like  this  modern  state. 

There  was  one  very  distinct  line  of  cleavage  which  divided 
the  empire  into  an  Eastern  and  a  Western  half.  We  may  very 
properly  characterize  the  empire  as  Graico-Roman.  Rome 
had  Romanized  the  West,  and  a  large  part  of  it  remains 

Latin  to  this  day ;  but  she  could  not  Romanize  the  East. 

It  remained  essentially  Greek  to  the  last.      The  building  of 

6  The  government  generally  allowed  the  Christians  to  provide  substi- 
tutes or  to  pay  a  sum  of  money  in  lieu  of  personal  service. 
"^  See  pars.  268  and  280. 


\ 


CAUSES  OF   THE  FALL    OF   THE   EMPIRE.       45 1 

the  new  Rome  by  Constantine  on  the  Bosporus,  and  the 
final  division  of  the  empire  by  Theodosius  the  Great  (par. 

267),  were,  viewed  from  one  side,  simply  formal  recogni- 
tions of  the  fact  that  the  two  halves  of  the  empire  could 
not  be  made  alike. 

Besides  this  great  rift  in  the  empire  separating  the  Latin 
West  from  the  Hellenic  East,  there  were  other  lines  of 
cleavage  which  followed,  in  the  main,  the  old  boundaries 
of  the  tribes  or  nations  that  Rome  had  subjugated.  It  was 
the  still  unsubdued  national  spirit  in  Spain  and  Gaul  and 

Britain,  and  among  the  Germans  and  the  Jews,  that,  for 
one  thing,  made  necessary  the   change  of  the  republic  into 

the  military  empire.  This  national  spirit  was  not  so  strong 
in  the  later  days  of  the  empire  as  it  was  in  the  earlier ;  yet 

it  was  by  no  means  everywhere  dead.  Even  where  it  had 
practically  died  out,  there  had  not  yet  sprung  up  to  take 
its  place  a  feeling  of  attachment  for  the  empire.  Thus,  for 
instance,  as  the  historian  Stephens  says,  *'Gaul  ceased  to 

be  a  nation  without  becoming  in  sentiment  or  spirit  an 
integral  member  of  the  empire.  .  .  .       Gaul  therefore  fell  an 

easy  prey  to  her  German  invaders."^ 

As  it  was  with  the  larger  territorial  divisions  of  the 
empire,  so  was  it  with  the  cities.  The  empire  was  made 
up  of  hundreds  of  cities  ;  but  the  citizens  of  these  towns, 
with  very  few  exceptions,  took  neither  pride  nor  interest 
in  imperial  affairs.  We  may  say  that  Rome  destroyed  city 
patriotism  In  antiquity,  hut  without  calhng  into  existence 

any  broader  sentiment  or.  feeling.  Men  were  no  longer 
willing    to    die   or    to    live  either  for   their  city  or  for    the 

empire.     It  was  this  lack  of  spiritual  ties,  binding  in  a  vital 

®  Lectures  on  the  History  of  France,  p.  680. 


452 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


union  the  cities  and  communities  of  the  empire,  that  the 
statesman-historian  Guizot  maintains  was  a  chief  cause  of 
its  dissolution.'-^      With  the  tirst  blows  of  the  barbarians  it 

fell  to  pieces. 

Besides  all  these  divisions  in  the  empire,  resulting  from 

the  great  number  of  different  races  and  primitive  city- 
states  which,  during  centuries  of  conquest,  Rome  had 
brousrht  under  her  dominion,  there  were  those  divisions  of 
the  population  into  orders  or  classes,  —  the  rich  and  the 
poor,  the  free  and  the  bond,  the  titled  and  the  untitled, — 
which  destroyed  the  homogeneousness  of  society,  and  ren- 
dered impossible  the  establishment  of  a  strong  unified  state. 
The  great  majority  of  the  people  living  under  the  Roman 
government  had  no  interest  whatsoever  In  helping  to  defend 

and  uphold  it.  The  oppressed  classes  in  the  provinces 
everywhere   welcomed    the    barbarians    as   deliverers. 

Finally,  among  the  political  causes'of  the  fall  of  Rome 
must  be  named  the  lack  of  a  rule  or  principle  of  succession 

to  the  throne.  The  imperial  crown,  during  the  five  centu- 
ries with  which  we  have  had  to  do,  never  became  hereditary 
or  regularly  elective.     Almost  from  first  to  last,  as  we  have 

seen,  the  emperor  generally  reached  the  throne  by  irregular 

and  violent  means.  The  strength  of  the  empire  was  wasted 
in  constantly  recurring  wars  of  succession.  Could  a  dynasty 
have  been  established  in  the  first  century,  and  had  there 

grown  up  among  the  people  a  feeling  of  loyalty  towards  the 
imperial  family,  like  that,  for  instance,  of  the  Scotch  to  the 
House  of  Stuart,  this  sentiment  would  have  given  security 
and  stability  to  the  throne,  and  the  history  of  the  empire 

might  have  been  wholly  different  from  what  it  was. 

9  History  of  Civilization  in  Europe,  Lee.  II. 


CAUSES    OF-    THE    EALL    OE    7^HE    EMPIRE. 


453 


286.    Religious  and  Moral  Causes.  —  No  state  has  ever  yet 

existed  without  religion  as  a  basis.    The  decay  of  the  old 

Roman  religion,  then,  on  which  the  ancient  city  constitu- 
tion rested,  must  be  assigned  as  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
failure   and  fall   of   the  Roman  empire.     Diocletian    and 

Julian,  as  we  have  seen,  both  recognized  the  necessity  of 

basing  the  government  on  religion,  and  both  strove  to 
bring  about  a  pagan  revival.  But  it  was  impossible  to 
reawaken  a  real,  vital  faith  in  the  ancestral  gods  and  the 

ancient  worship.     There  was  promise  in  Stoicism,  for  the 

Stoics  gave  a  prominent  place  to  the  civic  virtues,  and 
exalted  patriotism  ;  but  their  doctrines  were  too  cold  and 
abstract  to  become  the  creed  of  the  multitude. 

Christianity  did  not  at  once  fill  the  place  made  vacant 

by  the  decay  of  polytheism,  for  the  reason  that  it  at  first 

drew  the  attention  of  men  away  from  earthly  matters,  and 
caused  an  undue  absorption  of  their  thoughts  in  the  con- 
cerns of  the  unseen  world.     "  Nothing  is  more  foreign  to 

us,"  declared  Tertullian,  speaking  for  the  Christians,  <' than 
public  affairs."  We  have  already  seen  how  the  early 
Christians    refused    to    serve    in    the    legions   (par.    284). 

Monasticism,  moreover,  drew  away  into  the  desert,  or 

within  the  doors  of  the  cloisters,  a  considerable  part  of 
the  talent  and  the  moral  earnestness  of  the  times.  And 
thus  Christianity,  as  has  been  truly  observed,  hastened, 
though  at  the  same  time  it  softened,  the  fall  of  the 
empire. 

Especially  did  religious  discord  and  the  persecution  of 
one  sect  of  Christians  by  another,  after  the  time  of  Con- 
stantine,  paralyze  the  energies  of  the  state,  waste  its  strength, 
and  open  the  gates  of  the  empire  to  the  invasions  of  the 


454 


ROME   AS  AN  EMPIRE. 


nortkern  tarbarlans,  just  aS  tke  Same  CaUSeS,  tWO  CentUHeS 
later,     facilitated     the     conquests     of     the     Mohammedan 

Arabs. 

How  greatly  the  decay  of  the  old   Roman  virtues  and 

the  general  decline  in  the  standard  of  morality  in  the  later 

empire  contributed  to  the  final  catastrophe  has  been  made 
plain  by  our  narrative  of  the  transactions  and  revolutions 
of  the  imperial  period.     As  in  the  time  of  the  later  republic, 

so  now,  the  universal  moral  decadence  formed  a  sort  of 

quicksand  that  refused  support  to  social  institutions  of  every 
kind,  and  rendered  futile  all  efforts  to  stay  the  downward 
tendency  of  things. 

287.  The  Advance  of  the  German  Tribes  in  Political  Organi- 
zation and  Military  Discipline.  —  rhe  real  causes  of  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Roman  empire  must  of  course  be  sought  within 
the  empire  itself.      Fhe  saying  of  Emerson    is    ever  true, 

that  a  thing  cannot  be  crushed  by  a  blow  from  without 

until  ready  to  perish  from  decay  within.  Though  we  may 
not,  therefore,  look  for  the  primary  causes  of  the  fall  of 
Rome  anywhere  outside  the  empire,  still  we  may  look  for 

secondary  causes  of  the  disaster  in  the  condition  of  the 
German  barbarian  world. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  failing  civilization  of 
the  Mediterranean  world  was  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 

barbarian  enemies,  still,  as  the  event  proved,  the  only  reaiiy 

dangerous  area  of  barbarism  in  the  fifth  century  lay  on  the 
northern  frontiers  of  the  empire.     Here  were  the  German 

folk. 

Since  the  campaigns  of  Julius  Caesar  (par.  191),  these 
people  had  gained  much  in  political  experience,  and  had 
formed  powerful  confederacies.     By  the  Romans,  too,  they 


CAUSES   OF   THE   FALL    OF   THE   EMPIRE.       455 

had  been  taught  the  art  of  war.    Thus  ancient  civilization 

armed  barbarism  against  itself.^ 

What  part  these  northern  tribes  played  in   the  closing 
scenes  of   the  drama  of   the  fall  of    the  empire,   we  have 

already  seen.  They  were  the  immediate  or  proximate 
cause  of  the  break-up  of  the  imperial  government  in  the 
West.       / 

References.  —  Hodgkin  (T.),   The  Invaders  of  Italy,  vol.  ii.  pp. 

532-613,  "Causes  of  the  Fall  of  the  Western  Empire."   Seeiey  . 

(J.  K.),  ** Roman  Imperialism,  Lee.  II.  pp.  37-64,  "The  Proximate  V^ 
Causes  of  the  FaU  of  the  Roman  Empire."  Bury  (J.  B.),  ^*  A  History 
0/  the  Later  Koman  Empire,  vol.  i.  chap.  iii.  pp.  25-36,  "  Elements  of 
Disintegration  in  the  Roman  E^mpire."  The  author  makes  slavery, 
oppressive  taxation,  the  importation  of  barbarians,  and  Christianity  the 
four  chief  causes  of  the  weakness  and  failure  of  the  empire.  Fowler 
(W.  W.),  *  The  City-State,  chap.  xi.  pp.  306—332,  "Dissolution  of  the 
City-State:  the  Roman  Empire."  Merivale  (C),  History  of  the 
Romans  under  the  Empire,  vol.  vii.,  last  few  pages.  MoNTE.SQUlEU, 
The    Grandeur  and  Decadence  of  the  Romans,  chap.  xix.     Andrews 

(E.  R.),  Institutes  0/  General  History,  pp.  99— iii.  Sheppard  (J.  G.), 
The  Fall  of  Rome  and  the  Rise  of  the  A'eiv  Nationalities,  Lee.  II.  pp. 
61-106.  FiNLAY  (G.),  History  of  Greece,  vol.  i.  chap.  ii.  J^  10,  on  "  Declin- 
ing Condition  of  the  Greek  Population  in  the  European  Provinces  of  the 
Eastern  Empire." 


^Modern  civilization  has  done  the  same  thing;  but  fortunately  not 
any  of  the  really  barbarian  and  war-loving  races  that  we  have  armed 
and  taught  the  art  of  modern  warfare  are  formidable  in  numbers. 


A  R  CHI  TE  C  7  URE. 


457 


Part  IV.— Architecture,  Literature, 

Law,  and  Social  Life. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

ARCHITECTURE. 

288.    Introductory.  —  We  purpose  in  the  present  chapter 

to  say  something  further  respecting  the  great  architectural 

works  of  the  ancient  KomanS;  any  extended  description  of 
which  before  this  time  would  have  broken  the  continuity 
of  our  narrative.  An  examination  of  these  as  they  stood 
before  time  and  violence  laid  defacing  hands  upon  them, 
or  as  they  appear  now  after  the  decay  and  spoliation  of 
many  centuries,  will  tend  to  render  more  real,  and  to 
impress  more  deeply  upon  our  minds,  the  story  we  have 

been  following  (see  I'yoNtis^iece^. 

280.  Greek  Origin  of  Roman  Architecture ;  the  Arch.  — 
The  architecture  of  the  Romans  was,  in  the  main,  an  imi- 
tation of  Greek  models.  But  the  Romans  were  not  mere 
servile  imitators.  They  not  only  modified  the  architec- 
tural forms  they  borrowed,  but  they  gave  their  structures 
a  distinct  character  by  the  prominent  use  of  the  arch,  which 
the  Greek  and  the  oriental  builders  seldom  employed,  though 

they  were  acquainted  with  its  properties.  By  means  of  it 
the  Roman  builders  vaulted  the  roofs  of  the  largest  build- 
ings, carried  stupendous  aqueducts  across  the  deepest  val- 

456 


leys,  and  spanned   the  broadest  streams  with  bridges  that 
have  resisted   all   the   assaults   of   time    and   flood  to   the 
present  day. 
290.    Sacred  Edifices.  —  The  temples  of  the  Romans  were 

in   general   so    like    those    of    the    Oreeks    that    we   need  not 
here  take  time  and  space  to  enter  into  a  particular  descrip- 


1  HE    Pantukon,    Interior. 
(From  an  old  engraving.) 

tion  of  them."^  Mention,  however,  should  be  made  of  their 
circular  vaulted  temples,  as  this  was  a  style  of  building 

^  The  most  celebrated  of  Roman  temples  was  the  Capitoline,  which 
crowned  the  Capitoline  hill  at  Rome.  At  the  close  of  the  Punic  wars 
the  roof  of  the  central  portion  of  the  building  was  covered  with  gilded 
tiles  at  an  almost  fabulous  expense  —  $20,000,000  according  to  some 
authorities.     The  brazen  doors  pf  the  temple  were  also  adorned  with 

solid  plates  of  gold.  The  interior  decorations  were  of  marble  and 
Sliver.  The  walls  were  crowded  with  the  trophies  of  war.  We  have 
already  learned  of  the  fate  of  the  treasures  of  the  sanctuary  at  the 
hands  of  the  barbarian  Vandals  (par.  279). 


458  ARCHITECTURE.   LITERATURE.   LAW. 

almost  exclusively  Italian.  The  best  representative  of  tKiS 
class  Of  sacred  edifices  is  the  Pantheon  «  at  Rome,  which 
has  come  down  to  our  own  times  in  a  state  of  wonderful 

preservation.  This  structure  is  about  one  hundred  and 
forty  feet  in  diameter.  The  immense  concrete  dome  which 
vaults  the  building  is  one  of  the  boldest  pieces  of  masonry 
executed  by  the  master-builders  of  the  world.  The  temple 
is  fronted  by  a  splendid  portico,  forming  a  thick  grove  of 

columns,  through  which  entrance  Is  given  to  the  shfine 
(par.  215).  The  doors  were  of  bronze,  and  still  remain  m 
place.  It  was  built  about  25  b.c.  by  the  consul  M.  Agrippa, 
son-in-law  of  Augustus.     The  edifice  is  now  a  Christian 

sanctuary. 

291.  Circuses,  Theatres,  and  Amphitheatres.  —  The  cir- 
cuses of  the  Romans  were  what  we  should  call  race  courses. 
There  were  several  at  Rome,  the  most  celebrated  being  the 

Circs  Ma.i^us,  which  was  first  laid  Out  in  the  time  of  tlie 

Tarquins  (par.  34),  and  afterwards  enlarged  as  the  popula- 
tion Of  the  capital  increased,  until  finally,  at  the  time  of 
Constantine  the  Great,  who  made  the  last  e.xtension,  it  was 
capable  of  holding  probably  two  or  three  hundred  thousand 
spectators.*    It  was  oblong  in  shape,  being  about  eighteen 

hundred  feet  long  and  six  hundred  feet  wide.  From  the 
course,  or  track,  the  seats  rose  in  tiers,  the  same  as  m  a 
theatre.  Prom  the  uppermost  tOW  Of  SCatS  1056  high 
buildings  with  several  stories  of  balconies,  like  the  bOXeS 
overhanging  the  modern  stage.  The  sloping  sides  of  a 
convenient  valley  were  taken  advantage  of  in   the  forma- 

3  From  two  Greeks  words,  pan,  all.  and  th.ion,  divine  (or  th,<.s  a  god). 

4  Authorities  differ,  ranging   from   .50,000  to  380.000.      Pl.ny  says 

250,000. 


ARCHITECTURE. 


459 


tion  of  the  seats.  The  only  remaining  trace  of  this 
stupendous  structure  Is  the  terraced  appearance  of  the 
low   encircling   hills. 

The  Romans  borrowed  the  plan  of  their  theatres  from 
the  Greeks.  The  form  was  that  of  a  semicircle,  with  ris- 
ing tiers  of  seats.  The  Greeks,  in  the  construction  of 
their  theatres,  usually  took  advantage  of  some  hillside  ;  but 
the  Romans,  when  they  set  themselves  to  theatre-building, 
erected  the  entire  structure  upon  level  ground,  raising  a 

great  supporting  wall 
or  framework  in  place 
of  the  hill  with  its 
favoring  slopes.      All 

of  the  theatres  built 
at  Rome  previous  to 
the  year  55   RC.  were 

of  wood.    In  that  year 

Pompey  the  Great  re- 
turned from  his  cam- 
paigns in  the  East,  where  he  had  seen  the  Greek  theatre  at 

Mitylene,  and  immediately  set  to  work  to  erect,  in  imitation 
of  it,  a  stone  theatre  at  Rome  that  should  seat  forty  thousand 
spectators.  This  structure  and  two  others,  one  of  which  was 
built  by  Augustus,  were  the  only  theatres  at  the  capital 

The  first  Roman  amphitheatre  seems  to  have  been  the 

outgrowth  of  the  rivalry  between  Pompey  and  CcTsar  (par. 

194).  The  liberality  of  the  former  in  the  erection  of  his 
stone  theatre  had  so  won  for  him  the  affections  of  the  peo- 

pie  that  the  latter  saw  he  must  do  something  to  surpass 
his  rival,  or  see  himself  entirely  distanced  in  the  race  for 
popular  favor.     Caisar  was    at    this    time    away  in   Gaul, 


RlITNS    OF    TllHATRE    AT    A.Sl'ENDOS. 


460 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


whence  he  sent  immense  sums  of  money,  gained  by  his 
successful  wars,  to  his  friend  Curio,  then  tribune  at  Rome, 
who  was  enjoined  to  erect,  with  the  means  thus  put  in  his 
hands,    a    structure   that    should    cast    Pompey's    into    the 

shade.    Fliny  tells  us  that  Curio  built  two  wooden  theatres 

side  by  side,  in  which  two  separate  audiences  might  be 

entertained  at  the  same  time.  With  things  thus  arranged, 
and  with  the  people  in  good-humor  from  the  farcical  repre- 
sentations that  had  been  given,  all  was  ready  for  the 
master-stroke  that  was  to  win  the  applause  of  the  giddy 
multitude.  At  a  given  signal,  one  of  the  theatres,  which 
had  been  constructed  so  as  to  admit  of   such  a  movement, 

was  swung  round  and  brought  face  to  face  with  the  other, 
in  such  a  way  as  to  form  a  vast  amphitheatre,  where,  from 
a  central  space  called  the  arena  and  designed  for  the  exhi- 
bitions, the  seats  rose  in  receding  tiers  on  every  side. 

The  first  stone  amphitheatre  was  erected  during  the  reign 
of  Augustus.  But  the  one  which  threw  all  other  edifices 
of  this  kind  far  into  the  background,  and  which  in  some 
respects  surpasses  any  other  monument  ever  reared  by 
man^  was  the  structure  commenced  bv  Flavius  Vespasian, 
and  often  caUed,  after  him,  the  Flavian  Amphitheatre,  but 

better  known  as  the  Colosseum.  The  edifice  is  five  hun- 
dred and  seventy-four  feet  in  its  greatest  diameter,  and 
was  capable  of  seating  eighty-seven  thousand  spectators. 
The   encircling   wall    rises   in  four   stories  to   the  height  of 

one  hundred  and  fifty-six  feet.  Within,  the  seats  rose 
from  the  arena  in  retreating  steps  to  the  magnificent  por- 
tico that  crowned  the  upper  circle.      Beneath  the  arena  and 

seats  were  large  chambers  which  served  as  dens  for  the  \vild 

animals  needed  in  the  shows.      Sockets  in  the  upper  stone- 


ARCHITECTURE. 


461 


work  held  pillars  to  which  were  fastened  the  ropes  by 
means  of  which  an  immense  awning  was  stretched  over 
the  heads  of  the  spectators  to  keep  out  the  sun  and  rain. 
Fountain  jets  filled  the  air  with  perfumed  spray;  pieces 

of    statuary,    placed    at    advantageous    points,    relieved    the 


i^^^i^m'isw*' 


THK     CoLOSStUM. 

(From  a  photograph.) 
monotony  of  the  endless  circle  of  seats  ;  and  bright-colored 

silken  decorations  lent  a  festive  appearance  to  the  vast 
auditorium. 

The  enormous  proportions  of  the  Colosseum  have  enabled 
it  to  resist  all  the  agencies  of  destruction  which  have  been 

at  work  upon  it  through  so  many  centuries.    The  crowning 

colonnade  was  destroyed  by  fire  ;  the  immense  walls  were 
made  a  quarry  by  the  builders  of  Rome   for  a   thousand 


462 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


years,  and  from  them  was  taken  material  for  the  building 

of  a  multitude  of  castles,  towers,  and  palaces  erected  in 
the  capital  during  the  Middle  Ages  ;  and  for  seventeen 
hundred  years  the  tooth  of  time  has  been  busy  upon  every 

part  of  the  gigantic  structure.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all 
these  concurring  agencies  of  ruin,  the  Colosseum  still 
stands  grand  and  impressive  as  at  first,  even  more  impres- 
sive because  of  these  marks  that  it  bears  of  violence  and 

of  age.    It  rises  before  us  as  ^^the  embodiment  of  the 

power  and  splendor  of  the  empire." 

Many  of  the  most  important  cities  of  Italy  and  of  the 
provinces  were   provided  with   amphitheatres,  similar  in  all 

essential  respects  to  the  Colosseum  at  the  capital,  only 
much  inferior  in  size,  save  the  one  at  Capua,  w^hich  was 
nearly  as  large  as  the  Flavian  structure. 

292.    Military  Roads.  —  Foremost  among    the    works    of 

Utility  executed  by  the  Romans,  and  the  most  expressive 

of  the  practical  genius  of  the  people,  were  their  military 
roads.  Radiating  from  the  capital,  they  lengthened  with 
the  growing  empire,  until  all  the  countries  about  the  Medi- 
terranean and  beyond  the  Alps  were  united  to  Rome  and 
to  one  another  by  a  perfect  network  of  highways  of  such 
admirable  construction  that  even  now,  in  their  ruined 
state,  they  excite  the  wonder  of  modern  engineers. 

The  most  noted  of  all  the  Roman  roads  was  the  Via 
Appia^  called  by  the  ancients  themselves  the  "Queen  of 
Roads,"  which  connected  Rome  with  Capua.  As  we  have 
already  seen  (par.  78),  it  was  built  by  Appius  Claudius  at 
the  close  of  the  second  Samnite  war  (312  B.C.).  Afterwards 
it  was  carried  from  Capua  across  the  peninsula  to  Brundi- 

sium,  an  important  seaport  on  the  coast  of  Calabria,  whence 


ARCHITECTURE. 


463 


expeditions  were  embarked  for  operations  in  the  East.  The 
great    Flaminian    Way    ran    from    the    capital    to    Ariminum 

on  the  Adriatic,  and  thence  was  extended,  under  another 
name,  northward  into  the  valley  of  the  Po  (par.  99,  n.  3). 

Several  other  roads,  reaching  out  from  Rome  in  different 
directions,  completed  the  communication  of  the  capital 
with  the  various  cities  and  regions  of  the  peninsula.  As 
the  limits  of  the  Roman  authority  extended,  new   roads 

were     built     in     the     conquered      provinces  in     Sicily,     in 

Northern  Africa,  in  Spain,  over  the  Alps,  along  the  Rhine 
and  the  Danube,  throughout  Gaul,  Britain,  Greece,  and  all 
the  East. 

These  military  roads,  with  characteristic  Roman  energy 
and  disregard  of  obstacles,  were  carried  forward,  as  nearly 
as  possible,  in  straight  lines  and  on  a  level,  mountains 
being  pierced  with  tunnels,^  and  valleys  crossed  by  means 

S  In  boring  tunnels,  the  Roman  engineers  worked  simultaneously 
from  both  sides  of  the  mountain,  in  the  same  way  that  modern  engi- 
neers do.  In  i860  an  inscription  was  discovered  which  contains  a  curi- 
ous report  of  an  engineer  who  had  in  charge  the  construction  of  an 
aqueduct  tunnel  for  the  town  of  Saklae,  in  Algeria.  During  his  absence 
the  boring  went  awry,  and  the  ends  of  the  sections  could  not  be  brought 
together.  The  engineer  was  sent  for.  His  report  says:  "I  found 
everybody  sad  and  despondent ;  they  had  given  up  all  hopes  that  the 
two  opposite  sections  of  the  tunnel  would  meet,  because  each  section 
had  already  been  excavated  beyond  the  middle  of  the  mountain,  and 

the  junction  had  not  yet  been  effected.    As  always  happens  in  these 

cases,  the  fault  was  attributed  to  the  engineer,  as  though  he  had  not 
taken  all  precautions  to  insure  the  success  of  the  work.  \Yhat  could  I 
have  done  better  .^  I  began  by  surveying  and  taking  the  levels  of  the 
mountain  ;  T  marked  most  carefully  the  axis  of  the  tunnel  across  the 
ridge  ;  T  drew  plans  and  sections  of  the  whole  work,  which  plans  I 
handed  over  to  Petronius  Celer,  then  governor  of  Mauritania  ;  and  to 
take  extra  precaution,  I  summoned  the  contractor  and  his  workmen, 
and  began  the  excavation  in  their  presence.  .  .  .      Well,  during  the  four 


464 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


of  massive  viaducts.     Near  Naples  may  be  seen  one  of  these 

old  tunnels  still  in  use,  called  the  Grotto  of  Posilipo,  which 

is  nearly  half  a  mile  in  length. 
It  leads  the  ancient  Appian 

Way  through   a  promontory 

that  at  this  point  opposes  an 
obstacle  to  its  course. 

The    usual     width     of     the 

roadway  was  from  four  to 
five  yards,  though  in  some 
instances  this  breadth  was 
greatly    exceeded.      The    bed 

was  formed  of  cement  and 

broken  rock,  upon  which  was 
sometimes  laid,  as  in  the  case 
of     the      Via    Appia,     a     solid 

pavement    of    stone.      Foot- 
paths   often    ran    along    the 
sides  of   the   main    roadway ; 
nileposts    told    the    distance 

from  the  capital;  and  upon 

the  best  appointed  roads  seats 

were  found  disposed  at  proper 

intervals  for  the   convenience 
Grotto  of  Posilipo. 

(Drawn  from  an  old  engraving.)  years  I  \%-as  absent  at  I.ambjese,  ex- 

pecting every  day  to  hear  the  good 
tidings  of  the  arrival  of  the  waters  at  Saldce,  the  contractor  and  the 
assistant  had  committed  blunder  upon  blunder ;  in  each  section  of 
the  tunnel  they  had  diverged  from  the  straight  line,  each  towards  his 

right,  and,  had  I  \vaited  a  little  longer  before  coming,  Saldae  would  Have 
possessed  two  tunnels  Instead  of  one."  —  Lanciani's  Ancient  Rome  in 
the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries^  p.  6l. 


ARCHITECTURE. 


465 


of  travellers.  In  the  great  forum  at  Rome  was  a  gilded 
post,  from  which  distances  on  all  the  roads  of  the  peninsula 
were  measured. 

293.    Aqueducts.  —  To  secure  for  a  great  city  an  abundant 

supply  of  wholesome  water  is  a  matter  of  no  less  difficulty 

than  importance.  The  waterworks  of  the  great  cities  of 
modern  times  are  among  the  most  expensive  of  their  under- 


-^  B  ^  iv. — -tJ:^ 


/- 


1  HK   PoNT   DIJ   GaRD,   NEAR  Ni.mes« 
(Present  condition.) 

^  rom  Schreiber's  Atlas  0/  Classical  Antiquities,  which  gives  the  fol- 
lowing description  of  the  structure  :  «  A  bridge  which  carries  the  aque- 
fhict  of  Nimes  across  the  river  Garden.  The  height  above  the  water 
of  the  lowest  row  of  arches  is  65  feet,  of  the  middle  row  130,  and  of  the 
top  158  feet.     The  middle  one  has  been  repaired  to  carry  a  carriage 

[Oad.       The   Channd  (s/^eeu^)  of    the    aqueduct  was    in    the    top    row.       It 

^rought  the  water  a  distance  of  twenty-one  miles."     This  aqueduct  was 
built  by  the  emperor  Antoninus  Pius. 


466 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


takings.  The  aqueducts  of  Rome  must  be  placed  among 
'  the  most  stupendous  constructions  of  the  Roman  builders. 
The  water  system  of  Rome  was  commenced  by  Appius 
Claudius  (about  313  b.c),  who  secured  the  building  of  an 
aqueduct  which  led  water  into  the  city  from  the  Sabine 
hills,  through  a  subterranean  channel  eleven  miles  in 
length.  From  the  spoils  obtained  in  the  war  with  Pyrrhus 
(par.  82)  was  built  the  Anio  Aqueduct,  so  named  because 

it  brought  water  from  the  Anio  River.      A  second  aqueduct 

running  from  the  same  stream,  and  called  the  Anio  Nova^ 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  older  conduit,  was  about  tifty-six 
miles  in  length.  It  ran  beneath  the  ground  until  within 
about  six  miles  of  the  city,  when  it  was  taken  up  on  arches 
and  thus  carried  over  the  depressions  of  the  Campagna 
into  the  capital.  In  places  this  aqueduct  was  held  up  more 
than  a  hundred  feet  above  the  plain.     During  the  republic 

four    aqueducts   wxre    completed  ^     under    the    emperors    the 

number  was  increased  to  fourteen.  Several  of  these  are  in 
use  at  the  present  day. 

The  Romans  carried  their  aqueducts  across  depressions 
and  valleys  on  high  arches  of  masonry,  not  because  they  were 
ignorant  of  the  principle  that  water  seeks  a  level,  but  for  the 
reason  that  they  could  not  make  large  pipes  strong  enough 
to  resist  the  very  great  pressure  to  which  they  would  be 

subiected."       In  some  instances  the  principle  of  the  inverted 
siphon    was    put    in    practice,    and    pipes    (usually   lead    or 

7  "  As  to  the  main  aqueducts,  which  supplied  Rome  with  a  daily 
volume  of  54,000,000  cubic  feet  of  water,  it  would  have  been  impossible 
to  substitute  metal  pipes  for  channels  of  masonry,  because  the  Romans 
did  not  know  cast-iron,  and  no  pipe  except  of  cast-iron  could  have  sup- 
ported such  enormous  pressure."  — Lanciani's  Ancient  Rome  in  tin 
Light  of  Recent  Discoveries,  p.  60. 


ARCHITECTURE. 


467 


earthen)  were    laid    down    one    side    of    a   valley  and   up   the 

opposite  slope.  But  their  liability  to  accident,  when  the 
pressure  was  heavy,  as  we  have  intimated,  led  usually  to 
the  adoption  of  the  other  method,     'llie  lofty  arches  of  the 

ruined   aqueducts    that   run   in    long   broken   lines  over  the 


Thk  Ct.audian  Aqiikduct. 

(Drawn  from  a  photograph.) 

plains  beyond  the  walls  of  Rome  are  described  by  all  visit- 
ors to  the  old  capital  as  the  most  striking  feature  of  the 
desolate  Campagna. 

294.     Thermae,    or   Baths.  —  The    greatest    demand    upon 

the  streams  of  water  poured  into  Rome  by  the  aqueducts 
was  made  by  the  thermae,   or  baths.^     Among  the   ancient 

^  Vast  quantities  of  water  were   also  absorbed  by  the  fountains,  of 
which  Rome  is  said   to  have  had  a  larger  number  than  any  other  city 


468 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,  LAW. 


Romans,  bathing,  regarded  at  first  simply  as  a  troublesome 
necessity,  became  in  time  a  luxurious  art.  During  the 
republic,  bathing-houses  were  erected  in  considerable  num- 
bers, the   use  of    which   could  be   purchased  by  a   small 

entrance  fee  equivalent  to  about  one  cent  ot  our  money. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  republic,  when  bathing  had  already 
come    to    be    regarded    as    a    luxury,    ambitious    politicians, 

anxious  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  masses,  would  secure  a 

free  day  for  them  at  the  baths. 

But  it  was  during  the  imperial  period  that  those  mag- 
nificent structures  to  which  the  name  Thermce  properly 
attaches  were  erected.     Nero,  Titus,  Trajan,  Commodus, 

Caracalla,  Declus,  Consfantine,  and  Diocletian  all  erected 
splendid  thermae,  which,  as  they  were  Intended  to  exhibit 
the  liberality  of  their  builders,  were  thrown  open  to  the 
public  free  of   charge.      These  edifices  were  very  different 

affairs  from  the  bathing-houses  of   the  republican  era. 

Those  raised  by  the  emperors  were  among  the  most  elabo- 
rate and  expensive  of  the  imperial  works.  They  contained 
chambers  for   cold,   tepid,    hot,    sudatory,    and   swimming 

bath^ ;  dressing-rooms  and  gymnasia ;  museums  and  libr:i- 

rles  ;  covered  colonnades  for  loitering  and  conversation  ; 
extensive  grounds  filled  with  statues  and  traversed  by 
pleasant  walks  ;   and  every  other  adjunct  that  could  add  to 

the  sense  of  luxury  and  relaxation.'-'  The  pavements  were 
frequently  set  with  the  richest  mosaics.     The  *' Thermae  of 

of  the  world  in  any  age.  M.  Agrippa,  the  builder  of  the  Pantheon,  is 
credited  with  having  set  up  one  hundred  and  five,  and  his  example  found 
many  imitators. 

®  I^anciani  calls  these  imperial  thermae  "gigantic  clubhouses,  whithi 

the  voluptuary  and  the  elegant  youth  repaired  for  pastime  and  enjoy 
ment." 


A  R  CHITE  C  TURE. 


469 


Diocletian  "  contained  over  three  thousand  of  these  stone 
pictures.  "  Caracalla's  Baths  "  had  over  sixteen  hundred 
marble  seats ;  granite  pillars  from  Egypt  decorated  the 
colonnades ;  green  marble  panellings,  cut  in  Numidia,  lined 

many    of   the     channbers  j     the    fixtures    of     the    baths    were 

plated,   and   in  some  of  the  rooms  were  of  solid  silver. 


(iREAT  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian.     (Now  used  as  a  church.) 

(From  an  old  engraving.) 


Some  conception  of  the  stupendous  size  of  this  structure 
may  be  gained  from  the  fact  that  the  entrance  hall,  or 
rotunda,  of  the  building  was  almost  as  large  as  the  cele- 
brated Pantheon,  which  it*  resembled  in  form. 

It  was  not  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  alone  that  had 
converted  bathing  into  a  luxury  and  an  art.  There  was  no 
town  of   any  considerable   size    anywhere  within  the  limits 


470 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


of  the  empire  that  was  not  provided  with  its  thermre  ;  and 
wherever  springs  possessing  medicinal  qualities  broke  from 
the  ground,  there  arose   magnificent  baths,  and  such  spots 

became  the  favorite  watering-places  of  the  Romans.     Thus 

Baden-Baden  was  a  noted  and  luxurious  resort  of  the 
wealthy  Romans  centuries  before  it  became  the  great  sum- 
mer haunt  of  the  Germans.      Baice,  near  Naples,  on  account 

of  its  warm  sulphur  springs  and  the  beauty  of  its  sur- 
roundings,   became    crowded    with 

the  pleasure-seekers  of  the  capital. 
These  bathing-towns,  as  was  almost 

inevitable,  acquired  an  unenviable 
reputation  as  hotbeds  of  vice  and 
shameless  indulgence. 

The  Roman  therma.',  after  suffer- 
ing repeated  spoliation  at  the  hands 

of  successive  robbers,  have,  for  the 
most  part,  sunk  into  heaps  of  rub- 
bish.   Many  of  their  beautiful  marbles 

were  carried  off  by  different  Greek  emperors  to  Gonstan- 
tinople.  Charlemagne  decorated  his  palace  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  with  columns  torn  from  these  imperial  structures, 
which    were    then    falling    into    dilapidation.      The    popes 

built  others  into  .St.  Peter's  Cathedral ;  and  the  masons  of 

Rome,  like  the  brick-hunters  of  Babylon  and  Nineveh,  for 
centuries  mined  amidst  the  vast  heaps  of  the  ruined 
structures  for  marble  blocks  and  statues  to  be  burned 
into  lime  for  making  cement.  Modern  excavators  have 
recovered  from  the  mounds  of  rubbish  some  of  the  most 
famous  of  the  sculptures  that  enrich  the  museums  of 
Europe. 


Baihinc,  Chair. 
(Louvre.) 


ARCHITECTURE. 


471 


295.  Palaces  and  Villas.  —  The  residences  of  the  wealthy 
Romans  when  built  within  the  city  walls  were  called  man- 
sions or  palaces,  but  when  located  in  the  country  were 
usually  designated  as  villas.  The  Palatine  was  the  aristo- 
cratic quarter  of  Rome,  being  occupied  by  the  homes  of 
the  wealthy  class.     After  the  Great  Fire,  Nero  erected  here 


Fkristyle  of  a  Pompeian  House. 
(From  a  photograph.) 

his  Golden  House  (par.  220),  whose  various  buildings, 
courts,  gardens,  vineyards,  fish  ponds,  and  other  innumer- 
able appendages  spread  over  much  of  the  burnt  district. 
It  was  "the  most  stupendoa.is  dwelling-place  ever  built  for 
a  mortal  man."  The  central  building  upon  the  Palatine, 
shorn  of  its  extensive  grounds  and  useless  adjuncts,  be- 
came the  residence  of  most  of  the  emperors  who  held  the 


472 


ARCHITECTURE,  LITERATURE,  LAW. 


throne  after  the  death  of  Nero.    The  palaces  of  the  wealthy 
citizens    vied   in    costly   magnificence    with    those    of    the 

CcEsars.     "Never,  perhaps,"  says  the  historian  Inge,  "ex- 
cept in  the  palaces  of  the  Incas,  has  gold  been  so  freely 


1 


^;^'t   ^ 


--'-n 


I  /-^/ 


-*--k„,; 


/^o"^-A-«  .-;;, 


,  .-i^.^^i^'^S^R*^ 


Ruins  of  the  Palace  of  the  C.esars. 

(From  an  old  drawing.) 

used  in  the  decoration  of  walls  and  ceilings  as  at  Rome : 
never,  certainly,  have  marbles  and  ivory  been  so  lavishly 

employed."  ^ 

Among  the  sumptuous  villas  mentioned  by  the  old  writers 

are  those  of  Metellus,  Lucullus,  Cicero,  Hortensius,  Pliny 

1  Society  in  Rome  under  the  Ccesars,  p.  253. 


ARCHITECTURE. 


473 


the  Younger,  Horace,  Vergil,  Hadrian,  and  Diocletian. 
But  to  attempt  enumeration  would  be  misleading.      Every 

wealthy  Roman  possessed  his  villa,  and  many  affected  to 

keep  up  several  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  l^hese  country 
residences,  while  retaining  all  the  conveniences  of  the  city 
palace,  such  as  baths,  museums,  and  libraries,  added  to 
these  such  adjuncts  as  were  denied  a  place  by  the  restricted 
room  of  the  capital,  —  extensive  gardens,  aviaries,  fish 
ponds,  vineyards,  olive  orchards,  shaded  walks,  and  well- 
kept  drives. 

Perhaps  the  most  noted  of  Roman  villas  was  that  Of 
Hadrian  at  Tibur,  now  Tivoli.  It  was  intended  to  be  a 
miniature  representation  of  the  world  —  both  the  upper 
and  the  lower.  In  one  part  of  the  grounds  were  repro- 
duced the  Thessalian  Vale  of  Tempe  and  other  celebrated 
bits  of  scenery.  Subterranean  labyrinths  enabled  the  vis- 
itor to  descend  into  Hades  and  to  behold  the  fabled  scenes 
of  that  dolorous  region.^ 

The  ruined  enclosure  of  the  villa  of  Diocletian  —  the 
emperor  who  gave  up  imperial  cares  to  raise  vegetables  at 
Salona,  on  the  Adriatic  (par.  243) — affords  space  for  the 
buildings  of  the  modern  village  of  Spalato. 

296.  Triumphal  Columns  and  Arches.  —  The  first  histor- 
ical   commemorative    column   raised    by   the    Romans    was 

erected  in  the  year  260  B.C.  as  a  memorial  of  their  first 
naval  victory,  gained  by  Duillius  over  the  Carthaginian 
fleet.     Of  this  monument,  as  well  as  of  Trajan's  Column, 

built  to  cominemorate  the  IJ)acian  victories   of   the  emperor 

whose  name  it  bears,  we  have  already  spoken  (pars.  90,  226). 
The  triumphal  arches  of  the  Romans  were  modelled  after 

Guhl  and  Koner,  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  p.  372. 


474         ARCHITECTURE,  LITERATURE,  LAW, 


the  city  gates,  being  constructed  with  single  and  with  triple 
archways.  Two  of  the  most  noted  monuments  of  this 
character,  and  the  most  interesting  because  of  their  histor- 
ical connections,  are  the  Arch  of  Titus  and  the  Arch  of 
Constantine,  both  of  which  are  still  standing.  Upon  the 
former  are  represented  the  articles  brought  from  Jerusalem 
by  Titus  as  the  spoils  of  the  war  against  the  Jews  (par. 

222).  The  Arch  of  Constantine  was  Intended  to  commem- 
orate the  victory  of  that  emperor  over  Maxentius,  which 
event   established  Christianity  as  the   favored    religion  ol 

the  empire  (par.  245). 

297.  Sepulchral  Monuments. — The  komans  in  the  ear- 
liest times  seem  usually  to  have  disposed  of  their  dead  by 
burial  ;  but  towards  the  close  of  the  republican  period 
cremation,  or  burning,  became  common.  When  Christian- 
ity took  possession  of  the  empire,  the  doctrine  which  it 
taught  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body  caused  inhumation, 
or  burying,  again  to  become  the  prevalent  mode. 

The  favorite  burying  place  among  the  Romans  was  along 
the  highways  ;  *'for  the  dead  were  thought  of  as  ever  turn- 
in<y  towards  this  life.  ...  It  was  the  custom  for  those 
who  went  by  a  grave  to  say:  'The  earth  be  light  upon 
thee.'  "^     The  Appian  Way,  for  a  distance  of  several  miles 

from  the  gates  of  the  capital,  was  lined  With  gepulchrnl 
monuments.  Many  of  these  are  still  standing.  These  memo- 
rial structures  were  as  varied  in  design  as  are  the  mon- 
uments in  our  modern  cemeteries.  Shafts,  broken  columns, 
altars,  pyramids,  and  chapels  were  favorite  forms. 

Two  sepulchral  edifices  of  the  imperial  era  deserve  special 
notice.      One   of  these  was  raised  by  Augustus  as  a  tomb 
sUhlhorn,  Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Heathenism,  p.  67. 


APCUITECTUI^^:. 


475 


and  monument  for  himself  and  his  successors.  It  stood 
close  to  the   banks  of  the   Tiber,  and   consisted  of  an  enor- 

mous  circular  tower  raised  upon  a  massive  square  substruc- 
ture. A  century  later,  this  sepulchre  having  become  filled, 
Hadrian  constructed  a  similar  monument,  which  was  richer, 
however,  in  marbles  and  sculptures,  upon  the  opposite  bank 


Mausoleum  of  Hadrian,  built  by  himself  at  Rome. 

^Now  tne  Castle  of  St.  Angelo.      From  a  photograpli.) 

of  the  Tiber.  This  structure  was  called,  after  the  emperor, 
the  Mole,  or  Mausoleum,  of  Hadrian  (par.  227).  It  is  now 
used  as  a  military  fortress  under  the  name  of  the  Castle 
of  St.  Angelo.  The  massive  structure,  battered  by  many 
sieges  and  assaults  and  decayed  through  lapse  of  time, 
presents,  next  after  the  Colosseum,  the  most  imposing 
appearance  of  any  of  the  monuments  of  ancient  Rome. 


4/6 


ARCHITECTL/RE,    LIl'ERATURE,    LAW. 


References.  —  Fergusson  (J.),  History  of  Ancient  and  Modern 
Architecture  zx^di  IIa?idbook  of  Architecture.  Consult  Indexes.  Boissier 
(G.),  *  Rome  and  Pompeii^  chap,  i.,  on  tbe  Forum;  chap,  ii.,  on  the 
Palatine  ;  and  chap,  iv.,  on  Hadrian's  Villa.  Lanciani  (R.),  **  Ancient 
Rome  in  the  Li^ht  of  Recent  Discoveries^  **  The  Ruins  and  Excavations 

oj"  ATtciertt  J^otrie,  and  7"/ie  II>estrz*ctioft  oj'  Ancient  J^ome,  earlier  chapters. 
Inge  (\V.  R.),  **  Social  Life  in  Rome  under  the  Ccrsars,  chap.  v.  pp.  103— 
118.  Thomas  (E.),  Roman  Life  tinder  the  Ccesars,  chap.  iii.  §  i ,  pp-  63— 
69,  "  The  Palatine";  §  3,  "  Country  houses."  Guhl  (E.)  and  Koner 
(W.),  The  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  (Translated  from  the  Ger- 
man.) Consult  Index.  On  the  military  roads  of  the  Romans,  the  stu- 
dent will  find  in  The  N'ation  for  September  14,  1S99,  p.  204  (vol.  Ixix. 
No.  1785),  a  fresh  and  scholarly  article  entitled  "Roman  Roads  and 
Milestones  in  Asia  Minor,"  by  J.  R.  S.  Sterrett. 


CHAITER  XXIY. 


LITERATURE,    FHILOSOPHY,    ANi:>    EAW. 

298.  Literature    among    the    Romans.  —  The    literary    or 

purely  intellectual  life  of  the  Romans  was  in  every  way 

far  inferior  to  that  of  the  Greeks.  The  old  conquerors  of 
the  world  were  too  practical  a  race,  were  too  much  absorbed 
in  the  business  of  war  and  government,  to  find  much  time 

to  pay  devotion  to  the  Muses,  or  to  pursue  with  much 

earnestness  those  philosophical  speculations  which  were  so 
congenial  to  the  Attic  intellect.  Their  very  amusements 
tended  to  the  same  end  as  did  their  more  serious  employ- 
ments. The  real  tragedies  of  the  amphitheatre  rendered 
tame  the  mock  tragedies  of  the  stage.  The  inspiration  and 
encouragement  of  popular  appreciation  and  applause,  which 
helped  to  raise  the  tragic  drama  to  such  lofty  excellence  at 

Athens,  were  almost  wholly  wanting  at  Rome. 

Therefore,  in  the  brief  examination  which  we  now  pur- 
pose to  make  of  Latin  literature,  we  must  not  expect  to 
discover  such  worth  and  genius  as  distinguish  the  intellec- 
tual productions  of  the  Hellenic  race ;  still  we  shall  find 
the  literary  memorials  of  the  Roman  people  possessing  so 
much  merit  that  we  shall  acknowledge  they  are  justly 
assigned    a    prominent,    though    not    the    foremost,    place 

among  the  literary  treasures  of  the  world. 

299.  The  Period  of  Literary  Activity.  —  It  was  only  the 
last  two  centuries  of  the  republic  and  the  first  of  the  empire 

477 


478 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


that  were  marked  by  the  literary  activity  and  productive- 
ness   of    the   Latin  intellect.     The   first   five   centuries   of 

Roman    history  are    almost    barren    of    literary    monuments. 

But  in  the  third  century  B.C.,  under  the  fostering  influences 
of  the  republic,  literature  began  to  spring  up  and  to  flour- 
ish, and,  by  the  time  of  the  establishment  of  the  empire, 

had  reached  its  fullest  development  ;  then,  upon  the  fall  of 
the  republic,  it  soon  began  to  languish,  and  survived  the 
death  of  freedom  barely  a  single  century.  The  last  four 
hundred  years  of  the  imperial  era  produced  very  few  writers 

or  vigor  and  originality. 

We  here  learn  how  depressing  and  withering  are  the 
influences  of  a  capricious  and  irresponsible  despotism, 
which  forbids  all  freedom  and  truthfulness,  upon  the  intel- 
lectual and  literary  life  of  a  people.  Literature  Is  a  plant 
that  thrives  best  In  the  free  air  of  a  republic.  It  is  true, 
indeed,  that  some  of  the  choicest  fruit  of  the  Latin  intellect 
ripened  during  the  first  years  of  the  empire ;  but  this  had 

been  long  maturing  under  the    influences  of    the  republican 
period,  and  should  properly  be  credited  to  that  era. 

300.  Relation  of  Roman  to  Greek  Literature. —  Latin  liter- 
ature was  almost  wholly  imitative  or  borrowed,  beino-  a 
reproduction  of  Greek  models;  still  it  performed  a  most 
important  service  for  civilization  ;  It  was  the  medium  for 
the  dissemination  throughout  the  world  of  the  rich  literary 
treasures  of  Greece. 

In  order  to  realize  the  greatness  of  its  work  and  in/luence, 
we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  spread  of  the  Latin  speech, 
as  a  literary  language,  was  coextensive  with  the  conquests 
of  Rome.      In  those  countries  where  the  subjected  peoples 

were  inferior  in  civilization  to  the  Romans,  —  which  was 


LITERATURE,    PHILOSOPHY    AND   LAW.         479 
the  condition  of  all  the  nations  In  the  West,  — -the  language 

of  the  conquerors  came  to  be  the  dominant  speech.  Italy, 
Spain,  Gaul,  and  Northern  Africa  became  so  thoroughly 
Romanized  before  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  that  the 
Latin  tongue,  much  changed,  of  course,  from  the  classical 
forms  of  the  capital,  came  into  general  use  among  all 
classes. 

It  was  different  in  the  East,  where  the  Hellenic  language 
and  culture  had  been  spread.  The  speech  of  Rome  never 
succeeded  in  crowding  out  the  Greek  language  as  it  pushed 
aside  and  displaced  the  various  rude  and  barbarous  dialects 
of  the  tribes  of  Western  Europe.  Yet  throughout  all  the 
Eastern  provinces  the  Roman  tongue  became  the  speech 
of  the  riding  class,  and  was  understood  and  very  generally 
employed  by  men  of  education  and  social  position. 

We  see,  then,  how  very  extended  was  the  audience 
addressed  by  the  Roman  writers.  The  works  of  the  Latin 
poets  and  historians  were  read  everywhere  within  the  limits 

of  the  Roman  empire,  and  that  is  equivalent  to  saving  that 

they  circulated  throughout  the  civilized  world.  And  wher- 
ever Latin  literature  found  its  way,  there  were  scattered 
broadcast  the  seeds  of  Greek  culture,  science,  and  phi- 
losophy. The  relation  of  Rome  to  Greece  was  exactly  the 
same  as  that  of  Phoenicia  to  Egypt,  as  expressed  by  Lenor- 
mant :  Greece  was  the  mother  of  modern  civilization ; 
Rome  was  its  missionary. 

301.     Lays  and  Ballads  of  the  Legendary  Age.  The  period 

embraced  between  the  eighth  and  fourth  centuries  b.c.  may 

properly  be  called  the  Heroic  Age  of  Rome.  It  corre- 
sponds exactly,  in  its  literary  products,  to  the  similarly 

designated   period   In   Grecian    history.      During  this  early 


480 


ARCIIlTECTLrJ^f:,    JLIT^ER^  Tl/RE,    I. A  IV. 


age  there  sprang  up  a  great  number  of  hymns,  ballads,  or 
lays,  of  which  the  merest  fragments  survived  the  varying 

fortunes  of  the  state,  and  which  were  preserved  in  the 

works  of  the  later  writers  of  the  republic.  "  The  fabulous 
birth  of  Romulus,  the  rape  of  the  Sabine  women,  the  most 
poetical  combat  of  the  Horatii  and  Curiatii,  the  pride  of 

Tarquln,  the  misfortunes  and  dedth  of  LuCretla,  thC  CStab- 
lishment  of  liberty  by  the  elder  Brutus,  the  wonderful  war 
with  Porsenna,  the  steadfastness  of  Scaevola,  the  banish- 
ment of   Coriolanus,  the  war  which  he  kindled  against  his 

country,  the  subsequent  struggle  of  his  feelings,  and  the 

final  triumph  of  his  patriotism  at  the  all-powerful  inter- 
cession of  his  mother  — these  and  the  like  circumstances, 
if  they  be  examined  from  the  proper  point  of  view,  cannot 

kil  to  be  considered  as  relics  and  fragments  of  the  ancient 

heroic  traditions  and  heroic  poems  of  the  Romans.'" 

These  stories  must  be  placed  along  with  the  Grecian 
tales  of  Cadmus  and  Theseus,  of  the  Argonautic  Expedition 
and  the  Trojan  War.  They  belong  to  the  literary,  and  not 
to  the  historical,  annals  of  the  Roman  people.  They  may 
be  made  use  of  for  historical  purposes,  but  only  in  the 
same  way  that  the  poems  of  Homer  are  used.  The  refer- 
ences and  allusions  they  contain  throw  light  upon  the 
manners,  customs,  and  modes  of  thinking  of  the  remote 
times  in  which  they  grew  up.  The  few  threads  of  fact 
that  may  be  drawn  from  them  have  been  woven  into  the 
picture  which,  in  the  first  part  of  our  book,  we  tried  to 
form  of  the  early  Roman  state. 

302.    The  Roman  Dramatists.— From   the  earliest  times 

*  Schlegel,  in  Lectures  on  Literature,  as  quoted  by  Dunlop,  History 

o/Rman  Literature,  vol.  i.  p.  4i' 


z,z2-z^/^A T-c^A'z-,  r/iiJLosorHY^  AND  LAW.         481 

Rome  was  under  the  influence  of  Grecian  civilization,  as  is 
shown  in  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables;  but  the  conquest 
of  the  Hellenic  cities  of  Southern  Italy  as  the  outcome  of 
the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  and  the  acquisition  of  Sicily  as  the 
result  of  the  First  Punic  War,  brought  the  Romans  into 
much  closer  relations  than  had  hitherto  existed  with  the 

arts  and  culture  of  the  Creeks.  The  Romans  now  be-an 
to  study  with  much  appreciation,  and  not  without  profit, 
the  rich  stores  of  Greek  literature  opened  to  them.  Amono" 
the  leading  families  of  Rome  it  became  the  fashion  to 
commit  the  education  of  children  to  Greek  slaves.  The 
conqueror  bowed  at  the  feet  of  the  conquered.  The  debt 
incurred  by  the  Romans  in  all  intellectual  and  literarv 
matters  to  the  Greeks  has  been  declared  to  be  but  faintly 

paralleled  by  that  incurred  by  the  KnglisK  in  theology, 

philosophy,  and  music  to  Germany.^  ^'  Their  [the  Romans'] 
genms,  I  believe,"  says  Dunlop,  ''would  have  remained 
unproductive   and   cold   half   a   century   longer,    had   it   not 

been  kindled  by  contact  with  a  warm,  polished,  and  ani- 
mated nation,  whose  compositions  could  not  be  read  with- 
out enthusiasm  or  imitated  without  advantage."  ^ 

It  was  the  dramatic  productions   of   the    Greeks   which 

were  first  copied  and  studied  by  the  Romans.  Transla- 
tions for  the  stage,  particularly  those  of  a  comic  character, 

were  received  with  great  favor,  and  the  theatre  became  the 
popular    resort    of   all    classes.      For   nearly  two   centuries, 

from  240  to  78  H.c,  dramatic  literature  was  almost  the 
only  form  of  composition  'cultivated  at  Rome.  During 
tins  epoch  appeared  all  the  great  dramatists  ever  produced 

^  Cruttwell,  History  of  Roman  Literatitrc,  p.  ^Jo. 

^  Dunlop,  History  of  Roman  Litmitur^,  vol.  i.  p.  55. 


482 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


\ 


by  the   Latin-speaking  race.     Of  these  we  may  name,  for 

trief  mention,  Livlus  AnJronicus,  Nrt'Vmf^,  EnniuS,  PkutuS, 
and  Terence.  All  of  these  writers  were  close  imitators  of 
Greek  authors,  and  most  of  their  works  were  simply  adap- 
tations   or    translations   of   the  masterpieces   of  the   Greek 

dramatists. 

Livius  Andronicus,  who  lived  about  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  B.C.,  was  probably  a  Greek  prisoner  carried 
to  Rome  from  some  city  of    Magna  Gn^cia.      He  was  the 

father  of  the  Roman  drama.    He  transformed  the  mimic 

dances,  which  had  been  introduced  at  Rome  by  Etruscan 
actors  about  a  century  before  his  time  (in  364  v,.c),  into  a 
real  dramatic  representation,  by  adding  to  the  performance 

dialogues  to  be  recited  by  the  actors.  He  was  the  per- 
former of  his  own  pieces,  and  was  so  often  recalled  by  his 
admirers  that  he  overtaxed  and  lost  his  voice.  After  this 
misfortune  befell  him,  he  employed  a  boy  to  declaim   those 

parts  of  the  dialogue  which  required  to  be  rendered  in  a 

high  tone,  while  he  himself  played  the  flute,  recited  the 
less  declamatory  passages,  and  accompanied  the  whole 
with  the  proper  gesticulation.  This  mode  of  representa- 
tion, which  Livius  had  been  constrained  to  adopt  through 
accident,  afterwards  became  the  fashion  in  the  Roman 
theatres  ;  and  the  plays  were  usually  presented  by  two 
persons,  one  reciting  the  words  and  the  other  accom- 
panying them  with  the  appropriate  gestures. 

Na^vius,  who  wrote  about  the  close  of  the  third  century 
B.C.,  was  the  first  native-born  Roman  poet  of  eminence. 
His  plays  were  chiefly  translations  from  various  Greek 
dramatists.  He  imitated  Aristophanes  ;  and  as  the  latter 
lashed  the  corrupt  politicians  of  Athens,  so  did  the  former 


LITERATURE,    rillLOSOPHY,    AND   LAW.  483 

expose  to  ridicule  and  contempt  different  members  of  the 

leading  patrician  families  at  Rome.  He  did  not  escape 
with  Impunity,  for  he  was  once  In  prison,  and  finally  died 
an  exile  at  Utica  or  Carthage  (about  204  n.c).  Naivius 
bore  part  as  a  soldier  in  the  First  Punic  War,  and  he  found 

solace  during  the  years  of  his  exile  in  writing  in  epic  verse 

the  events  of  that  stirring  time. 

Ennius,  a  contemporary  of  Na^vius,  was  an  epic  as  well  as 
a  dramatic  writer.      The  greatest  work  from  his  prolific  pen 

was  the  Anm^h,  an  epic  poem  recounting  In  graceful  and 

vigorous  verse  the  story  of  Rome  from  the  times  of  the 
kings  to  his  own  day.  Had  Vergil  never  lived,  Ennius 
must    always   have   been   named   as   the   greatest  epic   poet 

produced  by  the  Roman  race.  For  two  centuries,  until 
the  advent  of  the  Augustan  poets,  the  works  of  Ennius 
held  almost  supreme  sway  over  the  Roman  mind.  His 
verses  were  constantly  rehearsed  in  the  theatres;  they  were 

committed  to  memory  by  the  Roman  youth,  were  quoted 

by  the  orator,  and  borrowed  by  the  poet.  Vergil  acknowl- 
edged Ennius  as  his  master  by  becoming  a  diligent  student 
of   his    works,    and    by   transcribing    word    for    word    many 

of  his  most  beautiful  passages. 

Plautus  (about  254-184  B.C.)  and  Terence  (about  196-161 
H.C. )  were  writers  of  comedy,  who  won  a  fame  that  has  not 
yet  perished.      Plautus  adapted  various  Greek  plays  to  the 

Roman  stage,  corrupting  all  the  pieces  he  touched  with 

low  wit  and  drollery,  in  order  to  catch  the  ear  of  the  lower 
classes  that  thronged  the  theatres.  His  plays  reproduced 
before  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  the  corrupt  life  of  the 
r^ast,  whose  debasing  Influences  were  at  this  time  begin- 
ning to  effect  a  lowering  of  the  tone  of  society  at  Rome. 


484 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


Terence  wrote  more  for  the  cultured  classes,  and  did  not 

stoop  to  employ  those  means  by  which  Plautus  secured  the 
applause  of  his  audiences.  All  of  the  six  comedies  which 
Terence  wrote  were  either  translations  or  adaptations  from 

the  Greek.    As  Plautus  and  Terence  borrowed  from  the 

Greek  stage,  so  have  all  modern  writers  of  comedy  — 
Italian,  French,  and  English  —  drawn  freely  from  these 
their  great    Roman   predecessors.^ 

303.  Poets  of  the  Later  Republican  Era.  —  In  the  year  146 

B.C.,  Corinth  in  Greece  was  destroyed,  the  treasures  of  its 
museums  and  the  rolls  of  its  libraries  were  carried  to  Italy, 
and  Roman  authority  became  supreme  throughout  Greece. 

The  impulse  that  had  been  given  to  the  study  of  Greek 

models  by  the  conquest  of  Magna  Gra:;cia  more  than  one 

hundred  years  before  was  now  intensified  and  strengthened. 
But  with  the  introduction  of  the  learning  and  refinement 
of  the  conquered  peoples  came  also  the  luxuries  and  vices 

"  "'The  earliest  writers,'  as  has  jusUy  been  remarked,  'took  posses- 
sion of  the  most  striking  objects  for  description,  and  the  most  probable 
occurrences   for   fiction,  and   left  nothing  to  those  that  followed   but 

transcriptions  of  the  same  events,  and  new  combinations  of  the  same 

images'  \Rasselas'}^.  The  great  author  from  whom  these  reflections  arc- 
quoted  had  at  one  time  actually  projected  a  work  to  show  how  small  a 
quantity  of  invention  there  is  in  the  world,  and  that  the  same  images 
and  incidents,  with  little  variation,  have  served  all  the  authors  who  have 
ever  written.  Had  he  prosecuted  his  intention,  he  would  have  found 
the  notion  he  entertained  fully  confirmed  by  the  history  both  of  dra- 
matic and  romantic  fiction  ;  he  would  have  perceived  the  incapacity  of 
the  most  active  and  fertile  imagination  greatly  to  diversify  the  common 
characters  and  incidents  of  life,  which,  on  a  superficial  view,  one  might 
suppose  to  be  susceptible   of   infinite   coml)inations  ;   he  would   ha\>' 

found  that  while   Plautus  ana   Terence  servilely  copied  from   the  dree!^ 

dramatists,  even  Ariosto  scarcely  diverged  in  his  comedies  from  the  paths 
of  Flautus."  —  UUNLOP,  History  of  Roman  Literature,  Preface,  p.  xi.x 


LITERATURE,   PHILOSOPHY,    AND   LAW.  485 

of  the  East.     Just  at  this  time,  evoked,  it  would  seem,  by 

the  shameless  extravagances  and  corruptions  that  invited 
rebuke,  appeared  Lucilius  (born  about  148  b.c),  one  of  the 
greatest  of  Roman  satirists.  The  later  satirists  of  the  cor- 
rupt imperial  era  were  the  imitators  of  the  republican  poet. 

Besides  Lucilius,  there  appeared  during  the  later  repub- 
lican  era   only  two   other   poets   of   distinguished    merit, 

Lucretius  and  Catullus.      Both  were  born   early  in  the  last 

century   f,.c.     Lucretius    studied    at    Athens,  where   he 

became  deeply  imbued  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Epicu- 
rean philosophy,  which  at  that  time  was  in  the  ascendant 
at  the  Attic  capital.      He  left    behind  him    but    a    sinL^le 

work,  entitled  Dt  Kcrim  Miturn -^  ('' On  the  Nature  of 

Things").     Lucretius   was   a   thorough  evolutionist,  and 

in  his  great  poem  we  find  anticipated  many  of  the  conclu- 
sions of   modern  scientists.      He  pictures  Chaos  with  more 

than  Miltonic  power ;  tells  how  the  worlds  were  formed  by 
a  "fortuitous  concourse  of  atoms  "  ;  relates  how  the  genera- 
tions of  life  were  evolved  from  the  teeming  earth  ;  ridicules 
the  superstitions  of    his    countrymen,   declaring    that    the 

gods  do  not  trouble  themselves  about  earthly  affairs,  but 

that  storms,  lightning,  volcanoes,  and  pestilences  are  pro- 
duced by  natural  causes,  and  not  by  the  anger  of  the  celes- 
tials ;  and  finally  reaches  the  conclusion  that  death  ends 
all  for  the  human  soul.  Lucretius  is  studied  more  by  mod- 
ern scholars,  whose  discoveries  and  theories  he  so  marvel- 
lously anticipated,  than  he  was  by  the  Romans  of  his  own 
time. 

Catullus  was  a  lyric  poet  the  beauty  and  sweetness  of 
whose  verses  are  winning  to  their  study  at  the  present  day 

many  ardent  admirers.     He  was  born  about  87  B.C.,  and 


I 


486 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,    LAW. 


died  at  the  age  of  about  forty.  He  complains  of  poverty, 
yet  he  kept  two  villas,  and  found  means  to  indulge  in  all 
the  expensive  and  licentious  pleasures  of  the  capital.  He 
has  been  called  the  Roman  Burns,  as  well  on  account  of  the 
waywardness  of  his  life  as  from  the  sweetness  of  his  song. 
The  name  of  Catullus  closes  the  short  list  of  the  prominent 
poets  of  the  republican  period  of  the  Golden  Age. 

30^.  Poets  of  the  Augustan  Age.  —  Three  poets  have  cast 
an  unfading  lustre  over  the  period  covered  by  the  reign  of 
Augustus,  —  Vergil,  Horace,  and  Ovid.  So  distinguished 
have  these  writers  rendered  the  age  in  w^hich  they  lived, 
that  any  period  in  a  people's  literature  signalized  by  excep- 
tional literary  taste  and  refinement  is  called,  in  allusion  to 
the  Roman  era,  an  Augustan  Age.  After  the  terrific  com- 
motion that  marked  the  decline  and  overthrow  of  the 
republic,  the  long  and  firm  and  peaceful  reign  of  Augustus 
brought  welcome  relief  and  rest  to  the  Roman  world.      In 

narrating  the  political  history  of  this  period,  we  spoke  of 
the  effect  of  the  fall  of  the  republic  upon  the  develop- 
ment of  Latin   literature    (par.    213).     Many  who,  if  the 

republican  institutions  had  continued,  \vould  have  been 
absorbed  in  the  affairs  of  the  state,  were  led,  by  the  change 
of  government,  to  seek  solace  for  their  disappointed  hopes, 
and  employment  for  their  enforced  leisure,  in  the  graceful 

labors  of    elegant    composition.       Augustus   encouraged  this 

disposition,  thinking  thus  to  turn  the  thoughts  of  ambitious 
minds  from  broodings  over  the  lost  cause.  By  his  princely 
patronage  of  letters  he  opened  a  new  and  worthy  field  for 

the  efforts  and  competitions  of  the  active  and  the  aspiring. 
His  minister  Maicenas,  in  whose  veins   flowed  royal  Etrus 

can  blood,  vied  with  his  master  in  the  bestowal  of  munifi- 


LITERATURE,   rillLOSOPIIY,   AND   LAW. 


487 


cent  rewards  upon  friends,  and  in  the  extension  of  a  helpful 

and  inspiring  patronage  to  literary  merit,  and  thus  did 
much  towards  creating  the  enthusiasm  for  letters  that  dis- 
tinguishes this  period. 

rhe  vastness  of  the  audience  they  addressed  also  reacted 
upon  the  writers  of  this  era,  and  encouraged  the  greatest 
painstaking  in  all  their  productions.  Never  before  had 
literary  men  spoken  to  so  extended  an  audience  —  to  so 
much  of  the  world.  The  works  of  Vergil,  of  Horace,  and 
of  Ovid  were  read  and  admired  in  the  camps  of  Gaul  and 
in  the  capitals  of  Greece  and  Syria.  Political  tranquillity, 
elegant  leisure,  imperial  patronage,  the  inspirations  of 
Cireek  genius,  the  encouragement  of  appreciation  and  wide 
attention,  —  everything  conspired  to  create  an  epoch  in  the 
world  of  literature. 

And  yet  we  must  not  look  for  vigor,  strength,  originalitv, 
nervous  energy    in    the   productions   of   the  writers   of   this 

period.  These  qualities  belong  to  times  of  great  public 
excitement ;  to  periods  of  activity,  change,  revolution ;  to 
those  eras  that  signalize  the  crises  and  grand  struggles  of 

a  people's  life.  They  mark  creative,  Shakespearean  epochs 
in  literature.  Elegance,  grace,  refinement,  polish,  taste, 
beauty  are  the  characteristics  of  the  Augustan  writers. 

Of  the  three  poets  whom  we  have  named  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  poetry  of  the  Augustan  period,  Vergil 
doubtless  has  been  the  most  widely  read  and  admired.     He 

was  born  70  B.C.  in  the  little  village  of  Andes,  not  far  from 
Mantua,  in  the  district  of  the  Po.     Upon  his  father's  farm 

he  learned  to  love  nature  and  the  freedom  of  a  country  life. 

Through  the  diligent  study  of  the  philosophy  and  literature 

of  Greece,  he  came  to  feel  the  inspiration  of  the  great  poets 


488 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


of  Hellas.     During  the  disorders  of  the  Second  Triumvirate 

the  Mantuan  farm  was  confiscated  and  allotted  to  one  of 
the  veterans  of  the  triumvirs.  It  was  afterwards  restored 
to  the  poet  by  the  young  Octavius.  Vergil  was  laboring 
upon  his  greatest  work,  the  y^neid,  when  death  came  to 

him,     in     the     fifty-second 
year    of    his    age. 

VhQ  three  great  works 
of  Vergil  are  his  Ech\^iics, 
the  G corgtis,  and  the 
.Aificid.  The  ILi/ogiies  are 
a  series  of  pastorals,which 
are  very  close  imitations 

r    the  poems   of  the   Sici- 


Vek(;il. 

(From  an  old  engraving  ) 


Han    Theocritus.       Vergil, 


however,  never    borrowed 

without  adorning  that 

which  he  appropriated  by 
the'  inimitable  touches  of 
his  own    graceful  genius. 
It  is  the  rare  sweetness  and  melody  of  the  versification,  and 

the  Arcadian  simplicity  of  these  pieces,  that  have  won  for 
them  so  many  admirers. 

In  the  Gcorgics  Vergil  extols  and  dignifies  the  husband- 
man and  his  labor.  This  work  has  been  pronounced  the 
most  finished  poem  in  the  entire  range  of  Latin  literature. 

It  was  written  at  the  suggestion  of  Maecenas,  who  hoped 
by  means  of  the  poet's  verse  to  allure  his  countrymen  back 
to  that  love  for  the  art  of  husbandry  which  animated  the 

fathers  of  the  early  Roman  state.    Throughout  the  work 

Vergil  follows   very  closely   the    Works    and  Days  of    the 


LITERATURE,   PHILOSOPHY,   AND  LAW.         489 
Greek  poet  Hesiod.     The  poet  treats  of  all  the  labors  and 

cares  of  the  farm  —  gives  valuable  precepts  respecting  the 
keeping  of  bees  and  cattle,  the  sowing  and  tillage  of  crops, 
the  dressing  of  vineyards  and  orchards,  and  embellishes 
the  whole  with  innumerable  passages  containing  beautiful 

descriptions  of  natural  scenery,  or  inculcating  some  philo- 
sophical   truth,    or    teaching    some    moral    lesson.       Without 

the  Gcorgics  we  should  never  have  had  the  Seasons  of 
Thomson;  for  this  work  of  the  English  poet  is  in  a  large 
measure  a  direct  translation  of  the  verses  of  Vercril. 

The  ^rieid  stands  next  to  the  Iliad  as  the  greatest  epic 
poem  of  all  literatures.  It  tells  the  story  of  the  wander- 
ings of  .'Eneas  with  his  companions  up  and  down  the  Medi- 
terranean after  the  downfall  of  Troy,  his  settlement  in 
Italy,  and  the  struggles  of  his  descendants  with  the  native 
inhabitants  of  the  land.      Through  .^:neas,  the  hero  of   the 

poem,  Vergil  doubtless  intends  to  represent  and  compli- 
ment his  patron  Augustus.  In  this,  his  greatest  work, 
Vergil  was  a  close  student  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Olyssey, 
and  to  them  he  is  indebted  for  very  many  of  his  finest 
metaphors,  similes,  and  descriptive  passages,  as  well  as  for 

the  general  plan  and  structure  of  the  entire  work  To 
Knnius  is  he  also  Indebted  for  many  a  verse.  Homer  was 
Vergil's    superior    in    energy    and    originality,    and    in    the 

martial  grandeur  of  his  lines;  while  the  latter  surpassed 

his  master  in  the  grace,  melody,  elegance,  and  harmony 
of  his  versification. 

Vergil    enjoyed    for    his    work    that    reward   which    many 
another  great  poet  has  been  denied  —  the  appreciation  of 

his  genius  during  his  own  lifetime.  The  poet,  in  accord- 
ance with  a  custom  that  in  his  day  was  common,  read  or 


490 


ARCHITECTURE,  LITERATURE,  LAW. 


recited  his  poems  in  the  presence  of  select  friends,  and  also 
in  public.      On  one  occasion  he  repeated  the  sixth  book  of 

his  ifjicid  before  his  imperial  patron  Augustus  and  his 
sister  Octavia,  who  was  then  mourning  the  recent  death 
of  her  son  Marcellus,  the  special  favorite  and  adopted 
child  of  the  emperor  (par.  216).  In  the  part  of  the  poem 
rehearsed  by  Vergil  occurs  the  well-known  passage  that 
mourns  with  the  tenderest  pathos  the  too  early  death  of 
the  favorite  prince.     The  closing  lines  run  thus: 

'•  Ah,  dear  lamented  boy,  canst  thou  but  break 

The  Stern  decrees  of  fate,  then  wih  thou  be 

Our  own  Marcellus  !  — Give  me  liUes,  brought 
In  heaping  handfuls.     Let  me  scatter  here 
Dead  purple  flowers  ;  these  offerings  at  least 
To  my  descendant's  shade  I  fain  would  pay. 


Though  now,  alas  !  an  unavailing  rite 


''  s 


It  is  said  that  as  Vergil  read  these  verses  Octavia  was 
so  overcome  by  her  feelings  that  she  fainted,  and  that  the 
poet  was  afterwards  presented  with  10,000  sesterces  (about 
^400 )  for  each  of  the  twenty-five  lines  of  the  passage. 

Horace,  the  second  great  poet  of  the  Augustan  Age, 
was  born  in  the  year  65  B.C.,  only  five  years  later  than 
Vergil,  whom  he  outlived  by  about  a  single  decade.  He 
studied  at  Athens,  fought  with*  the  repubUcans  at  Philippi, 
gained  no  glory  —  for  he  tells  us  himself  how  he  ran  away 
from  the  field  —  but  lost  his  paternal  estate  at  Venusia, 
which  was  confiscated,  and  under  the  imperial  govern- 
ment commenced  life  anew  as  a  clerk  at  Rome.  Through 
his  friend  Vergil  he  secured  the  favor  of  Maecenas  and 
gained  an  introduction  to  Augustus,  and  thenceforth  led 

8  Aineidy  bk.  vi.  [C ranch's  Trans.J. 


I 


LITERATURE,    PniLOSOri/y,    A.Vn    /.A  IV.  491 

the  life  of  a  courtier,  dividing  his  time  between  the  pleas- 
ures of  the   capital   and  the   scenes   of  his   pleasant   farm 

near  the  village  of  Tibur.    The  latter  years  of  hi§  life 

were  shadowed  by  the  deaths  of  his  poet-friends  Vergil 

and  Tibullus,  and  that  of  his  generous  patron  Maicenas, 
whom  he  survived  only  a  few  weeks.  Horace's  Oths,  Sat- 
ires, and  Epistles  have  all  helped  win  for  him  his  wide- 
spread fame;  but  the  first  best  exhibit  his  genius  and  his 
subtle  grace  of  expression. 

Ovid   (43  B.c.-A.i).   18)    is   the   third   name   in   the  trium- 

virate  of  poets  that  ruled  the  Augustan  Age.    He  was  the 

most  learned  of  the  three,  seeming  indeed  to  be  acquainted 

with  the  whole  round  of  Greek  and  Latin  literature  and 
speculation.      For  some  fault   or   misdemeanor,  the  precise 

nature  of  which  remains  a  profound  secret  to  this  day, 
Augustus,  his  former  friend  and  patron,  banished  the  poet 
to  a  small  town  away  on  the  frontiers  of  the  empire  —  on 
the  bleak  shores  of  the  Euxine.      There  he  spent  the  last 

years  of  his  life,  bewailing  his  hard  lot  in  the  mournful 

verses  of  his  Tristia.  His  most  celebrated  work  is  his 
Metamorphoses,  the  preservation  of  which  we  owe  to  the 
merest  good-fortune.  When  the  emperor's  decree  was 
brought  to  him,  he  was  at  work  revising  the  manuscript, 
which,  in  despair  or  anger,  he  flung  into  the  fire.  Fortu- 
nately some  friend  had  previously  made  a  copy  of  the 
work,  and  thus  this  literary  treasure  was  saved  to  the 
world.  The  poem  opens  with  the  sublime  description 
of  Chaos  and  the  creation- of  the  world;  then  tells  of  the 
production  of  monstrous  creatures  by  the  prolific  earth, 
and  of  the  changing  races  of  men  and  giants  ;  after  which 
the  poet  proceeds  to  describe,  through  fifteen  books,  be- 


49: 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


tween  two  and  three  hundred  metamorphoses,  or  transforma- 
tions—  such  as  the  change  of  the  companions  of  Ulysses 
into  swine,  of  Cadmus  into  a  serpent,  and  of  Arethusa  into 
a  fountain  —  suffered  by  various  persons,  gods,  heroes,  and 
goddesses,  as  related  in  the  innumerable  fables  of  the 
Greek   and   Roman   mythologies. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  Tibullus  as  the  friend  of 
Vergil  and  Horace.     His  graceful  elegies  entitle  his  name 

to  a  prominent  place  among  the  poets  of  the  Augustan 
Age.  Propertius,  too,  was  another  honored  and  beloved 
member  of  the  brilliant  coterie  of  poets  that  have  rendered 
the  reign  of  Augustus  ever  memorable  in  the  literary  history 
of  the  world. 

305.  Satire  and  Satirists.  —  Satire  thrives  best  in  the 
reeking  soil  and  tainted  atmosphere  of  an  age  of  selfish- 
ness, immorality,  and  vice.     Such  an  age  was  that  which 

followea  the  Augustan  Era  at  Home.  The  throne  was  held 
by  such  imperial  monsters  as  Tiberius,  Caligula,  Nero,  and 
Domitian.  The  profligacy  of  fashionable  life  at  the  capi- 
tal and  the  various  watering-places  of  the  empire  was  open 
and  shameless.  The  degradation  of  the  court ;  the  cor- 
rupt and  dissolute  life  of  the  upper  classes  ;  the  imbruted 
life  of  the  masses,  fed  by  largesses  of  corn  and  entertained 
with  the  bloody  shows  of  the  amphitheatre  ;  the  decay  of 

the  ancient  religion ;  the  utter  loss  of  the  simplicity  and 

virtue  of  the  early  Roman  fathers  ;  and  the  almost  com- 
plete degradation  of  the  intellect,  —  all  this  gave  venom 
and  point  to  the  shafts  of  those  who  were  goaded  by  the 

spectacle  into  attacking  the  immoralities  and  vices  which 

were  silently  yet  rapidly  sapping  the  foundations  of  both 
society  and    state.      Hence   arose  a  succession  of    writers 


LITERATURE,    PHILOSOPHY,    AND   LAW. 


493 


whose    mastery    of    sharp    and    stinging    satire    haS     CaUSCd 

their  productions  to  become  the  models  of  all  subsequent 
attempts  in  the  same  species  of  literature. 

Three  names  stand  out  in  special  prominence,  —  Persius, 
Juvenal,  and  Martial,-' — all  of  whom  lived  and  wrote  dur- 
ing the  last  half  of  the  first  and  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  a.d.^'^  Their  writings  possess  an  historical 
value  and  interest,  as  it  is  through  them  that  we  gain  an 

Insight    such    as  we    could    obtain    in    no  other  way  into    the 

venal  and  corrupt  life  of  the  capital  during  the  early  por- 
tion of  the  imperial  period. 

The  indignant  protest  of  Persius,  Juvenal,  and  Martial 
against  the  vice  and  degradation  of  their  time  is  almost  the 
last  utterance  of  the  Latin  Muse.  From  this  time  forward 
the  decay  of  the  intellectual  life  of  Rome  was  swift  and 
certain.  While  the  Greek  intellect  survived  by  many  cen- 
turies the  destruction  of  the  political  life  of  Oreece,  the 
Latin  intellect   sank   into   decrepitude  centuries   before  the 

final  fall  of  the  empire.  The  political  fabric —  so  admi- 
rably consolidated  had  it  become  through  the  growth  of 
many  centuries  —  remained  standlnsr,  Hke  an  as-ed  oak 
long  after  its  heart  had  been  eaten  away.  But  the  stem 
put  forth  no  new  shoots.  After  the  death  of  Juvenal 
(about  A.I).  120)  the  Roman  world  produced  not  a  single 
poet  of  preeminent  merit. 

^Martial  was  an  epigrammatist,  but  almost  all  his  epigrams  were 
pressed  into  the  service  of  satire. 

^''  There  are  two  other  poets  belonging  to  this  age  whose  names  must 
'^ot  be  passed  unmentioned,  -  Lucan  (a.d.  38-65)  and  Statins  (about 
A.I).  61-95).  Lucan's  only  extant  work  is  his  Pharsalia,  an  epic  poem 
on  the  civil  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompey.  Statins  wrote  two  epics, 
the  Thebaid  and  the  Achilleid,  the  latter  being  left  incomplete. 


494 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


306.  Oratory  among  the  Romans.  —  "  Public  oratory,"  as 

has  been  truly  said,  ''  is  the  child  of  political  freedom, 
and  cannot  exist  without  it."  All  the  great  orators  of 
Rome  arose  under  the  republic.     As  during    this    period 

almost  the  entire  intellectual  force  of  the  nation  was 

directed  towards  legal  and  political  studies,  it  was  natural 

that  the  miost  famous  orators  of  the  era  should  appear  as 
statesmen  or  as  advocates.      Theology,  science,  and  belles- 

lettres  did  not  then,  as  they  have  come  to  do  among  our- 
selves, suggest  inviting  and  popular  themes  for  the  best 
efforts  of  the   public  speaker. 

Roman    oratory    was    senatorial,   popular,  and  judicial. 

These  different  styles  of  eloquence  were  represented  by 

the  grave  and  dignified  debates  of  the  senate,  the  impas- 
sioned and  often  noisy  and  inelegant  harangues  of  the 
forum,  and   the   learned   pleadings  or   ingenious   appeals  of 

the  courts.  Junius  Brutus,  Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  the 
Scipios,  Cato  the  Censor,  Gains  and  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
Gains  La^lius,  Marcus  Antonius,  Lucius  Licinius  Crassus, 
Servius  Sulpicius,  Hortensius,  Julius  Caesar,  Mark  Antony,' 
and  Cicero  are  some  of  the  most  prominent  names  that 
have  made  the  rostra  of  the  Roman  forum  and  the  assembly 
chamber  of  the  Roman  senate  famous  in  the  records  of 
oratory  and  eloquence.      Among  all  these  orators,  Horten- 

sius  and  Cicero  stand  preeminent. 

Hortensius  (114-50  h.c.)  was  a  famous  lawyer,  whose 
name  adorns  the  legal  profession  at  the  capital,  both  as  the 
learned  jurist  and  the  eloquent  advocate.  His  forensic 
talent  won  for  him  a  lucrative  law  practice  through  which 
he  gathered  an  immense  fortune.      His  easy  circumstances 

1  Grandson  of  Marcus  Antonius. 


LITERATURE,    PHILOSOPHY,   AND   LA  IV.       ^495 

and  the  lack  of  a  rival  to  spur  him  to  his  best  seem  to 
have  caused  him,  for  a  time,  to  lead  a  self-indulgent  life 
and  to  neglect  his  art.  His  friend  Cicero  refers  to  this  in 
the  following  interesting  passage:    '^\fter  his  consulship 

(I  suppose  because  he  saw  that  he  was  beyond  comparison 
the  first  speaker  among 
the  consulars,  and  took 
no  count  of  those  who 
had  not  attained  that 
dignity),  Hortensius  re- 
laxed the  efforts  which 
he  had  exerted  from  his 

boyhood  up,  and  being 

well  off  in  every  way 
chose   to   pass    his   time 

more  agreeably,  as  he 
thought,  or  at  any  rate 
less  laboriously.  Just 
as  the  brilliancy  fades 
from  the  coloring  of  an 

old  picture,  so  the  first, 

the  second,  and  the  third 
year    each    robbed    him 

of  something  not  noticeable  by  a  casual  observer,  but 
which  an  educated  and  discerning  critic  could  detect. 
As  time  went  on,  he  continued  to  deteriorate  in  his 
delivery,  especially  in  readiness  and  sustained  flow  of 
utterance,    until    he    became   every    day    more    unlike    his 

old  self.  ...    By  the  time  that  I  was  made  consul,  six 

years  after  his  own  consulship,  Hortensius  had  almost 
effaced  himself.      Then  he  began  again  to  take  pains  ;   for 


The   Orator   Quinxus   Hortknsius. 
(From  a  bust  in  the  Villa  Albani.) 


496 


ARCHITECTURE,  LITERATURE,   LAW. 


now  that  he  and  I  were  equals  in  rank,  he  wished  us  to  be 
equals  in  everything.  Thus  for  the  twelve  years  following 
my  consulship  we  two  were  engaged  in  the  most  important 
cases  with  unbroken  friendliness.  I  always  considered  him 
superior  to  myself;  he  put  me  first." -^ 

The  world  has  confirmed  the  judgment  of  Hortensius. 
Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  (106-43   b.c.)  is  easily  the  first  of 

Roman    orators, "  the    most    eloquent    of    all    the    SOnS    Ot 

Romulus."^      As  a  youth  he   enjoyed  every  advantage  that 

wealth  and  parental  ambition  could  confer  or  suggest. 
His  teachers  were  the  poet  Archias  and  the  orator  Crassus. 
Like  many  others  of  the  Roman  patrician  youth  of  his 
time,  he  was  sent  to  Greece  to  finish  his  education  in  the 
schools  of  Athens.  Returning  to  Italy,  he  soon  assumed 
a  position  of  commanding  influence  at  the  Roman  capital. 

nls  prosecution  of  Verres  shows  hi§  hatred  of  the  officidl 
corruption  and  venality  that  disgraced  his  times  (par.   184)  ; 

his  orations  against  Catiline  illustrate  his  patriotism  (par. 
188)  ;  his  essays  exhibit  the  wide  range  of  his  thoughts  and 

the  depth  of  his  philosophical  reflections.     All  his  produc 

tions  evince  the  most  scrupulous  care  in  their  prepara- 
tion. He  was  a  purist  in  language,  and  is  said  to  have 
sometimes  spent  several  days  hunting  for  a  proper  word  or 

phrase.    His  greatest  fault  wa^  hi§  overweening  vanity. 

which  appears  in  all  he  ever  wrote,  as  well  as  in  almost 
every  act  of  his  life.  But  the  times  in  which  Cicero  lived, 
rather  than   the  orator   himself,    are  responsible   for   this. 

2  Quoted  by  Strachan-Uavidson,  Cicero,  pp.  62,  63. 

3  Catullus,  quoted  by  Strachan-Davidson,  Cicero,  p.  i.  Some  critics, 
however,  are  unwilling  to  accord  much  praise  to  Cicero.  Mommsen 
declares  that  he  was  nothing  but  a  "dexterous  stylist." 


LITERATURE,  PHILOSOPHY,   AND  LAW, 


497 


The  ancient  Romans  possessed  scarcely  a  trace  of  that 
sense  of  propriety  which  has  grown  up  among  us,  and 
which  forbids   a  person's  celebrating  his  own  virtues. 

Cicero  was  a  most  delightful  letter-writer.  His  letters 
to  his  friend  Atticus  are  among  the  most  charming  speci- 
mens of  that  species  of  composition. 

307.    Latin  Historians.  —  Ancient  Rome    produced    four 

.  writers  ot    history  whose    worlcs    have    won    for  them  a  per- 

I  manent  fame  —  C'aesar,  Sallust,  Livy,   and  Tacitus.       SuetO- 

nius  may  also  be  mentioned  in  this  place,  although  his 
writings  were  rather  biographical   than  historical.'* 

Of  Caesar  and  his   Commentaries  on  the  GallU   IVa?-  we 

have  learned  in  a  previous  chapter  (par.  191).      This  work 

^  and  his  Memoirs  of  the  Civil  War  are  the  productions  on 

which  his  fame  as  a  writer  depends.      He   also  prepared  a 

\  Latin  grammar,  a  book  on  divination,  a  treatise  on  astron- 

omy, and,  besides,  composed  some  poems  that  are  not  with- 
out merit.  But  Caesar  was  a  man  of  affairs  rather  than  a 
man  of  letters.  Yet  his  Commentaries  will  always  be  men- 
tioned along  with  the  Anabasis  of  Xenophon  as  a  model  of 

the  narrative  style  of  writing. 

Sallust  (86-34  B.C.)  was  the  contemporary  and  friend  of 
Caesar.     He  was  praetor  of  one  of  the  African  provinces. 

Following  the  example  of  the  Roman  officials  of  his  time, 

he  amassed    by  harsh  if   not    unjust    exactions    an    immense 
fortune,   and  erected  at   Rome   a   palatial    residence    with 

*  A  fuller  list  of  Roman  histoj-ical  authors  would  have  to  admit  the 
name  of  Fabius  Fictor,  who  lived  in  the  age  of  Naevius,  and  was  the  first 
historian  of  the  Latin-speaking  race ;  that  of  Cato  the  Censor,  of  whose 
Antiquities  we  possess  the  merest  fragments;  and  that  of  Cornelius 
Nepos,  who  wrote  in  the  first  century  B.c. 


498 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATUKE,   LAW. 


extensive  and  beautiful  gardens,  which  became  one  of  the 
favorite  resorts  of  the  literary  characters  of  the  capital. 

The  two  works  upon  which  kls  fame  rssts  are  the  O/w^r- 

acy  of  Catiline  and  the  /u^urthine  War.  Both  of  these  pro- 
ductions are  reckoned  among  the  best  specimens  of  prose 
writing  in  the  entire  range  of  Latin  literature,  and  are 
found  in  the  hands  of  every  classical  Student  in  tlic  Univer- 
sities of  Europe  and  America. 

Livy  (59  B.c.-'v.D.  17)  was  one  of  the  brightest  ornaments 
of  the  Augustan  Age.      In  popular  esteem  he  holds  the  first 

place  among  Latin  historical  authofs.    Herodotus  aniohg 

the  ancient,  and  Macaulay  among  the  modern,  writers  of 
historical  narrative  are  the  names  with  which  his  is  often- 
est  compared.     His  greatest  work  is  his  Anmih,  a  history 

of  Rome  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  year  9  B.C.    Uufor 

tunately,  all  save  thirty-five  of  the  one  hundred  and  forty- 
two  books  of  this  admirable  production  perished  durmg 
the  disturbed  period  that  followed  the  overthrow  of  the 

empire.    Many  have  been  the  hmeiits  ovef  "  the  lost  book^ 

of  Livy."  The  books  which  remain  have  been  universally 
read  and  admired  for  the  inimitable  grace  and  ease  of  the 
flowing  narrative.  Livy  loved  a  story  equally  well  with 
Herodotus.     Like  the  Greek  historian,  he  was  over-credu 

lous,  and  relates  with  charming  ingenuousness,  usually 
without  the  least  questioning  of  their  credibility,  all  the 
legends  and  myths  that  were  extant  in  his  day  respecting 
the  early  affairs  of  Rome.  Modem  criticism  has  shown 
that  aU  the  first  portion  of  his  history  is  entirely  unreliable 
as  a  chronicle  of  actual  events.  However,  It  is  a  mo>t 
entertaining  account  of  what  the  Romans  themselves 
thought  and  believed  respecting  the  origin  of  the.r  race. 


LITERATURE,   PHILOSOPHY,   AND   LAW.  499 

the  founding  of  their  city,  and  the  deeds  and  virtues  of 
their  forefathers. 

The  works  of  Tacitus  are  his  Cermania,  a  treatise  on  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Germans  j   the  I.ife  of  Asricola 
his  History  and  his  Annals.     All  of  these  are  most  admi- 
rable productions,  polished  and  graceful  narratives,  full  of 

entertainment  and  instruction.     His  Gennania,  written,  it 

is  thought  by  some,  out  of  the  fulness  of  knowledge  derived 
from  personal  observation  through  service  or  residence  on 
the  Rhenish  frontier,  gives  us  the  fullest  information  that 

we  possess  respecting  the   manners,  beliefs,  and  social 

arrangements    of   our    barbarian    ancestors    while  they  were 

yet  living  beneath  their  native  forests.  Tacitus  dwells 
with  delight  upon  the  simple  life  of  the  uncivilized  Ger- 
mans, and  sets  their  virtues  in  strong  contrast  with  the 

immoralities   of    the    refined   and    cultured     Romans.      His 

treatise  on  the  life  and  campaigns  of  Agricola,  his  father- 
in-law,  is  pronounced  one  of  the  most  admirable  biographies 

in  the  entire  round  of  literature.    It  gives  a  most  vivid 

and  picturesque  portrayal  of  the  conquest  of  Britain  and 
the  establishment  of  Roman  authority  in  that  remote  island 
(par.  224).     The  History  and  Annals  cover  the  reigns  of 

some  of  the  best  and  of  some  of  the  worst  of  the  rulers  of 

the  early  empire.  The  hot  indignation  of  the  virtuous  and 
patriotic  historian,  poured  out  in  scathing  invective  against 
a  Tiberius,  a  Nero,  and  a  Domitian  has  caused  his  name 

to  be  frequently  placed  with  those  of  Persius,  Juvenal,  and 

the  other  Roman  satirists.    * 

Suetonius  ^born  about  A.r>.  yo")  was  the  biographer  of  the 

hrst  Twelve  Cccsars.  It  is  to  him  that  we  are  indebted  for 
very  many  of  the  details  of  the  lives  of  these  early  emperors. 


500 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


The  picture  which  he  draws  is  painted  in  dark  colors,  yet 
it  is  doubtless  in  the  main  a  fairly  reliable  portraiture  of 
some  of   the  most  detestable  tyrants  that  ever  disgraced  a 

throne. 

308.    Science,  Ethics,  and  Philosophy.  —  Under  this  head 

may  be  grouped  the  names  of  Varro,  Seneca,  Fliny  the 

Elder  and   Pliny   the   Younger,    Marcus    Aurelius,    l>pictetus, 

Quintilian,  and  Fha^drus. 

Varro  (116-27  ^•^•)  belongs  to  the  later  years  of  the 
republic.  His  almost  universal  knowledge  has  earned  for 
him  the  title  of  *' the  most  learned  of  the  Romans."  He 
witnessed  the  terrific  scenes  of  the  days  of  Sulla  and 
Marius,  of  Pompey  and  Cx^sar,  of  Octavius  and  Antony. 
He  himself  was  among  the  proscribed  in  the  lists  of  the 

cruel  Antony,  and  his  magnihcent  vulas  —  for  he  had  im- 
mense   wealth  —  were     confiscated.        Augustus    gave    him 

back  his  farms,  but  could  not  restore  his  library,  which 
had  perished  in  the  sack  of  his  villas.      Like  many  another 

in  those  turbulent  times,  when  he  saw  the  hopeless  ruin  of 

the    republic    and    the    establishment    of    despotism    in    its 

place,  he  sought  solace  in  the  pursuit  of  literature.  Almost 
the   entire   circle   of  letters   was   adorned  by  his  versatile 

pen;  he  i^  said  to  have  written  between  five  and  six 

hundred    books.       His    most   valuable    production,  however, 

was  a  work  on  agriculture,  a  sort  of  handbook  for  the 
Italian  farmer. 

Seneca  (about  a.d.  1-65),  moralist  and  philosopher,  has 

already  come  to  our  notice  as  the  tutor  of  Nero  (par.  220). 
The  act  of  his  life  which  has  been  most  severely  con- 
demned  was  the   defence  which   he    made   of    his  master 

before  the  senate  for  the  tyrant's  murder  of  his  mother, 


% 


LJTERATUJ^E,    PI/ILOSOrilY,    A/^n   law,  501 

Agrippina.  Nero  requited  but  poorly  the  infamous  serv- 
ice. Seneca  possessed  an  enormous  fortune,  estimated  at 
300,000,000  sesterces,  which  the  ever-needy  emperor  cov- 
eted ;  he  accordingly  accused  him  of  taking  part  in  a  con- 
spiracy against  his 
life,  ordered  him  to 

commit  suicide, 
and  confiscated  his 
estates.  The  phi- 
losopher met  his 
fate  calmly.  Upon 
receiving  the  de- 
cree of  his  master, 
heopened  the  veins 

of    his    body,    and 

died  in  the  warm 

bath,  whither  he 
had    retired    in 

order  that  the  flow 

of  the  blood  might 
be  accelerated,  for 
it   had    become 


Senfxa, 

(From  the  double  bust  of  Seneca  and  Socrates 
ill  the  Berlin  Museum.) 


sluggish  from   age. 

As  a  philosopher  Seneca  belonged  to  the  school  of  the 
Stoics.  He  wrote  many  essays  and  letters,  the  latter  in- 
tended for  publication,  containing  lofty  maxims  of  wisdom 
and  virtue,  which  he  certainly  did  not  always  follow  in  the 
conduct  of  his  own  life.  He  was  a  disbeliever  in  the  pop- 
ular religion  of  his  countrymen,  and  entertained  concep- 
tions of  God  and  his  moral  government  not  very  different 

from  the  doctrines  of  Socrates.    His  ethical  teachings  are 


502  ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 

SO  lofty  and  admirable  that  it  has  been  maintained  he 
came  under  the  influences  of  Christianity;  and  several  let- 
ters addressed  apparently  by  the  philosopher  to  the  apostle 

Paul,  which  are  still  extant,  were  formerly  referred  tO  as 
proof  of  this  fact ;  but  these  have  been  shown  to  be  spuri- 
ous. Besides  his  ethical  and  philosophical  writings,  Seneca 
composed  ten  tragedies,  designed  rather  for  reading  than 
for  the  stage.  Seneca's  name  will  ever  be  remembered  as 
that  of  a  great  teacher  of  virtue  and  morality  to  a  corrupt 
age,  whose  influence  upon  himself  all  his  philosophy  could 

not  wholly  resist. 

Pliny  the  Elder  (a.o.  23-79)  is  almost  the  only  Roman 
who  won  renown  as  an  investigator  of  the  phenomena  of 
nature.  His  life  was  a  marvellously  busy  one,  every  moment 
being  filled  with  public  services,  with  observations,  study, 
and  writing.  He  seldom  walked,  but  rode  or  was  carried 
in  a  litter,  tliat  he  might  not  lose  a  moment  from  his  studies. 
At  his  meals  and  toilet  he  had  a  slave  read  to  him. 

Pliny  lost  his  life  in  an  over-zealous  pursuit  of  science. 
He  was  in  command  of  the  Roman  fleet  at  Misenum  when 
occurred  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  which  resulted  in  the 
destruction  of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum  (par.  223). 
Subduing  the  fears  of  his  officers,  who  wished  to  flee  from 
the  scene,  Pliny  employed  the  ships  of  his  fleet  in  rescuing 
the  inhabitants  of  the  coast.  His  vessels,  while  engaged 
in  this  work,  were  covered  with  the  hot  ashes  that  dark- 
ened the  air  and  fell  incessantly  in  heavy  showers.  In 
order  to  gain  a  better  view  of  the  mountain,  the  philoso- 
pher ordered  his  sailors  to  put  him  ashore;  but  unfortil 
nately  he  ventured  too  near  the  volcano,  and  was  over 
come  and  suffocated  by  the  sulphurous  exhalations. 


LITERATURE,  PHILOSOPHY,  AND  LAW.         503 

The  only  work  of  Pliny  that  has  been  spared  to  us  is  his 
Natural  History,  embracing  thirty-seven  volumes.  It  is  a 
monument  of  untiring  industry  and  extensive  research.  It 
contains  twenty  thousand  citations  from  more  than  two 
thousand  volumes  of  various  authors.  It  was  the  Roman 
Encyclopc-edia,  containing  all  that  the  world  then  knew 
respecting  astronomy,  geography,  botany,  zoology,  medi- 
cine, and  the  arts  of  painting  and  statuary.  In  this  work 
he  defends  the  theory  of  the  sphericity  of  the  earth,  and 
declares  that  it  is  a  globe  hanging,  by  what  means  sup- 
ported he  knows  not,   in  vacant  space. 

In  connection  with  the  name  of  Pliny  the  Elder  must  be 
mentioned  that  of  his  nephew,  Pliny  the  Younger.  He 
succeeded  to  the  estate,  and  to  somewhat  of  the  fame,  of 
his  celebrated  uncle.  He  was  a  man  of  letters,  being  a 
graceful  writer  and  orator,  yet  was  not  a  naturalist  like  the 
first  Pliny.  He  was  a  servile  courtier,  and  wrote  a  eulogy 
upon  the  character  of  the  emperor  Trajan  which  is  fllled 
with  the   most  fulsome  praise.     The   large  number  of  his 

epistles,  poems,  histories,  and  tragedies  indicate  his  indus- 
try and  his  devotion  to  letters.^ 

Marcus   Aurelius   the   emperor    and    Epictetus   the   slave 

hold  the  first  place  among  the  ethical  teachers  of  Rome. 

The  former  wrote  his  Meditations  (par.  228)  ;  but  the  lat- 
ter, like  Socrates,  committed  nothing  to  writing,  so  that 
we  know  of  the  character  of  his  teachings  only  through 
one  of  his  pupils,   Arrian    by   name.     Epictetus   was   for 

many  years    a   slave   at    the   -capital,    but,    securing   in   some 

way  his  freedom,  he  became  a  teacher  of  philosophy. 
I^omitian   having  ordered  all  philosophers  to  leave  Rome, 

^  Compare  par.  226,  last  part. 


504 


AKCHITECTUKE^  LITERATURE^  LAW, 


Epictetus  fled  to  Epirus,  where  he  established  a  school  in 
which  he  taught  the  doctrines  of  Stoicism.  His  name  is 
inseparably   linked   with   that    of    Marcus   Aurelius   as  a 

teacher  of  the  purest  system  of  ethics  that  is  found  outside 

of  Christianity.  Epictetus  and  Aurelius  were  the  last  emi- 
nent representatives  and  expositors  of  the  philosophy  of 
the  Stoics.     In  them  Stoicism  bore  its  consummate  flower 

and  fruit.       The   doctrines    of    the    Oalilean    were  even   then 

fast  taking  possession  of  the  Roman  world  ;  for,  giving 
larger  place  to  the  affections  and  all  the  natural  instincts, 

they  readily  won  the  hearts  of  men  from  the  cold,  unsym- 
pathetic abstractions  of  the  Grecian  sage. 

Quintilian  (about  a.d.  40-118)  was  the  one  great  gram- 
marian and  rhetorician  that  the  Roman  race  produced.  For 
about  a  quarter  of  a  century  he  was  the  most  noted  lecturer 

at  Rome  on  educational  and  literary  subjects.  One  01  tne 
booksellers    of   the     capital,    after    much    persuasion,    finally 

prevailed  upon  the  teacher  to  publish  his  lectures.     They 

were  received   with   great  favor,  and   Quintilian's  lustitutcs 

have  never  ceased  to  be  studied  and  copied  by  all  succeed- 
ing writers  on  education  and  rhetoric.^ 

6  The  allusions  which  we  have  made  to  the  publishing  trade  suggest 
a  word  respecting  ancient  publishers  and  books.     There  were  in  Rome 

several  publishing  houses,  which,  in  their  day,  enjoyed  a  •wide  reputa- 
tion and  conducted  a  very  extended  business.  "  Indeed,  the  antique 
book  trade,"  says  Guhl,  "  was  carried  on  on  a  scale  hardly  surpassed  by 
modern  times.  .  .  .  The  place  of  the  press  in  our  literature  was  taken 
by  the   slaves."     Through  practice  they  gained   surprising   facility  as 

copyists,  and  books  were  multiplied  with  great  rapidity.    And,  as  to  the 

books  themselves,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  a  book  in  the  ancient 
sense  was  simply  a  roll  of  manuscript  or  parchment,  and  contained 
nothing  like  the  amount  of  matter  held  by  an  ordinary  modern  volume. 
Thus  Caesar's  Gallic  Wars,  which  makes  a  single  volume  of  moderate 


LITERATURE,  rillLOSOTHY,  AND  LAW,       505 

During  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  Phsedrus,  '*  the  Roman 
^sop,"  wrote  his  fables,  which  were,  for  the  most  part, 
translations  or  imitations  of  the   productions  of  his  Greek 

master.      A    little    later,    in    the   reign    of    Titus,    Trontinus 

wrote  a  valuable  work  on  military  strategy  and  a  still  more 
interesting  book  on  the  Roman  aqueducts.  This  latter 
work   gives   us   much    interesting   information   respectin<r 

those    stupendous    structures. 

309.  Writers  of  the  Early  Latin  Church.  —  The  Christian 
authors  of  the  first  three  centuries,  like  the  writers  of  the 
New  Testament,  employed  the  Greek,  that  being  the  lan- 
guage of  learning  and  culture.  Clement  of  Rome,  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria,  Justin,  Origen,  Eusebius,  Chrysostom, 
and  Basil  are  a  few  of  the  celebrated  fathers  of  the  early 
Church  who  used  in  their  works  the  language  of  Athens. 

Of    these    Chrysostom,  the  '^  golden-mouthed,"  so    called    on 
account  of    his   persuasive    oratory,  was    j^erhaps    the    most 

renowned. 

But,  though   the  Greek  language  was  first  chosen  as  the 

medium  for  the  dissemination  of  Christian  doctrines,  as 

the  Latin  tongue  gradually  came  into  more  general  use 
throughout  the  extended  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire, 
the  Christian  authors  naturally  began  to  use  the  same  in 
the  composition   of  their  works.      Hence  almost  all  the 

writings  of  the  fathers  of  the  Church  produced  durins^  the 
later  centuries  of  the  empire  w^ere  composed  in  Latin. 
From  among  the  many  names  that  adorn  the  Church  liter- 
size  with  us,  made  eight  Roman  books.  Most  of  the  houses  of  the 
wealthy  Romans  contained  libraries.  The  collection  of  Sammonicus 
Serenus,  tutor  of  Gordian,  numbered  62,000  books.  There  were  in 
Rome  twenty-nine  public  libraries  established  by  the  emperors. 


5o6 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


ature    of    this    period,  we    shall    select    only  two    for    special 

mention,  —  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Augustine. 

Jerome  (a.d.  342  ?-42o)  was  a  native  of  Pannonia.      He 
studied    at    Rome    and   at   Constantinople,   and    travelled 

through    all    the    provinces    of    tne    empire,   from    Kritain    to 

Palestine.  For  many  years  he  led  a  monastic  life  at  Beth- 
lehem. He  is  especially  held  in  memory  through  his 
translation  of  the  Scriptures  into  Latin.  This  version  is 
known  as  the  Vulgfih,  and  is  the  one  which,  with  shght 
changes,  is  still  used  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  "  It 
was  for  Europe  of  the  Middle  Ages,"  asserts  Mackail, 
"more  than  Homer  was  to  Greece." 

Aurelius    Augustine    (A.r*.  354-430)  was    Dorn    near  Car- 
thage, in  Africa.       He   was  the  most  eminent  writer  of   the 

Christian  C^hurch  during  the  later  Roman  period.  His 
numerous  works  —  sermons,  commentaries,  and   epistles  — 

form  a  perfect  library  of  themselves ;   but  his  fame  rests 

chiefly  on    his   Cofifessions  and    his    City  of  God,  two  of    the 

most  remarkable  productions  of  all  Christian  writings. 
The  larger  part   of   the   Confessions  is   a  touching  narrative 

of  Kls  struggles  o{  soul  tKat  resulted  in  his  conversion. 

This  work  is  a  classic  in  Christian  literature,  and  has  been 

translated  into  almost  every  language  in  which  the  Bible 
is  read.      The  City  of  God  is  a  truly  wonderful  work.      The 

book  was  written  just  when  the  Goths  and  Vandals  were 

taking  possession  of  the  empire,  when  Rome  was  becoming 

the  spoil  of  the  barbarians.  It  was  designed  to  answer  the 
charge  of  the  pagans  that  Christianity,  turning  the  people 

away  from  the  worship  of  the  ancient  gods,  was  the  cause 

of    the  calamities  that  were  befalling  the  Roman  state.       It 

symbolizes  Rome  as  the  city  of  the  world,  v/hich  only  pre- 


1 


\ 


LITERATURE,   PHILOSOPHY,   AND   LAW.  507 

sumptuously  can  call  itself  the  ''Eternal  City";  while 
under  the  figure  of  the  City  of  (;od  is  portrayed  the' endur- 
ing nature  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  New  Jerusalem, 
the  truly  "  Eternal  City." 

310.    Roman    Law   and    Law   Literature Although   the 

Latin  writers  in  all  the  departments  of  literary  effort  which 
we  have  so  far  reviewed  did  much  valuable  work,  yet,  as 
we  have  had  occasion  to  repeat  frequently,  the  Roman 
Intellect  In  all  these  realms  was  under  Greek  guidance; 
its  work  was  imitative,  and  throughout  all  its  course 
unmarked  by  any  great  originality,  boldness,  or  creative 
energy.     But  in  another  department  it  was  different.     We 

mean,    of    course,     the    field     of    legal    or   juridical    SCience. 

Here  the  Romans  cease  to  be  pupils  and  become  teach- 
ers. Here  they  are  no  longer  the  servile  imitators  of  the 
excellences  of  others,  —  although  they  do  not  refuse  help- 
ful   instruction,  —  but   they  become   creators   and   masters. 

Nations,  like  men,   have   their  mission.     Rome's  mission 
was  to  give  laws  to  the  world. 
Our  knowledge  of  the  law  system  of  the  Romans  begins 

with  the  legislation    of   the    Twelve   Tables,  about    450    li.c. 

(par.  59).  Throughout  all  the  republican  period  the  laws 
were  growing  less  harsh  and  cruel,  less  invidious  in  their 
distinctions  between  the  higher  and  lower  classes  of  the 
community,  and  were  gradually  effacing  the  marks  of  their 
barbarous  origin  and  becoming  more  liberal  and  scientific. 
From  100  K.C.  to  a.d.  250  lived  and  wrote  the  most 
famous  of  the  Roman  jurists  and  law  writers,  who  created 

tne  most  remarkable    law    literature    ever    produced    by  any 
people.      The  great  unvarying  principles  that    underlie  and 

regulate  all  social  and  political  relations  were  examined, 


5o8 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


illustrated,  and  clearly  enunciated.    Scaevola,^  Gaius,  Ulpian, 

Paulus,  Papinian,  and  Pomponius  are  among  the  most 
renowned  of  the  writers  who,  during  the  period  just  indi- 
cated, enriched  by  their  writings  and  decisions  this  branch 
of  Latin  literature. 

In  the  year  a.d.  527  Justinian  became  emperor  of  the 
Eastern  Roman  empire.  He  almost  immediately  entered 
upon  the  work  of  collecting  and  arranging  in  a  systematic 
manner  the  immense  mass  of  Roman  laws  and  the  writings 

of  tke  jurists.     TKe  undertaking  was  like  the  kbor  of  the 

commissioners  who  drew  up  the  code  of  the  Twelve  Tables, 

only  infinitely  greater.  Since  those  tablets  were  set  up  in 
the   forum,   a   thousand    years   had  passed.      During  these 

centuries  the  limits  of  Latium  had  gradually  expanded, 

until  they  had  come  to  embrace    all    the   countries   fringing 

the  Mediterranean;  and  over  all  these  regions,  with  their 
motley  populations,  Rome  had  extended  her  authority  and 

her  laws.    There  was  no  possible  relation  of  life  that  was 

not  recognized  and  dealt  with  by  the    Roman    government. 

Men's  relations  to  the  family,  to  the  city,  to  the  state,  to 
the   gods,   were    clearly   defined    and   legislated   upon    and 

decreed  about  by  the  senate,  emperors,  and  municipal 

magistrates.  During  all  these  centuries,  too,  the  best 
intellects  of  the  nation  had  been  busy  annotating  and  com- 
menting upon  all  this  growing  mass  of  legislation,  and  pro- 
ducing whole  libraries  of  learned  works  on  the  science  of 

jurisprudence  and  government.  Bearing  these  things  in 
mind,  we  can  form  some  faint  conception  of  the  enormous 
amount  of  material  of  a  legal  character  that  had  been  created 

by  the  time  of  the  subversion  of  the  empire  in  the  West. 

"  Quintus  Mucins  Scaevola,  surnamed  Pontifex. 


LITER  A  TURK,    PHILOSOPHY,   AND  LAW.  509 

Justinian  committed  the  task  of  collating,  revising,  con- 
densing, and  harmonizing  all  this  matter  to  the  celebrated 

lawyer  Tribonlan,  with    whom    were    associated    durin<^    the 

course  of  the  work  fourteen  assistants.  This  commission 
began   its  labors  in  the  year  a.d.  528,  and  in  live  years  the 

task  was  completed,  and  given  to  the  world  in  the  form  of 

the  Corpus  Juris  Ch'i/h,  or  ^'Body  of  the  Civil  Law." 
This  consisted  of  three  parts,  — the  Code,  the  Pandects, 
and  the  Institutes}     The  Code  was  a  revised  and  compressed 

collection  of  all  the  laws,  instructions  to  judicial  officers, 

and  opinions  on  legal  subjects,  promulgated  by  the  dif- 
ferent  emperors   since   the   time   of   Hadrian;    the    I'andccts 

("all-containing")   were   a  digest  or   abridgment    of   the 
writings,  opinions,  and  decisions  of  the  most  eminent  of 
the  old  Roman  jurists  and  lawyers.     Two  thousand  books 
of  thirty-nine  different  authors,  all  of  whom  lived   between 
100  B.C.  and  A.D.  250,  were  collected,  and  from  this  enor- 
mous mass  of  manuscript  were  culled  nine  thousand  ex- 
tracts, which  contained  the  sum  and  substance  of  all  that 
three   centuries  and  more  of   law  scholars   had   thought  out 
and  written  down.     These  excerpts  were  arranged  under 
their  proper  titles,  and  filled  fifty  books.     This  part  of  the 
Corpus  Juris  is  by  far  the  most  important  and  interesting, 
as  it  deals  with  the  principles  of  legal  science,  and   has   to 
do  with    private   law,  which   touches  the  transactions  of 
everyday    life,    while    the   Code   is   mainly   concerned  with 
public  law.     The  Institutes  were  a  condensed  edition  of  the 
Pandects,    and    were   intended   to  form  an  elementary  text- 
book for  the  use  of  students. 

^  A  later  work,  called  the  Novels,  comprised  the  laws  of  Justinian 
issued  subsequent  to  the  completion  of  the  Code. 


5IO  ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 

When  the  great  work  was  completed,  copies  were  fur- 
nished to  the  law  schools  of  Constantinople,  Rome,  Alex- 
andria, Berytus,  Caesarea,  and  other  cities  of  the  empire. 
It  was  the  sole  text-book  of  the  youth  engaged  in  the  study 

of  the  law. 

The  Body  of  the  Roman  Law  thus  preserved  and  trans- 
mitted was  the  most  important  contribution  of  the  Latin 
intellect  to  civilization.'-^  It  has  exerted  a  profound  influ- 
ence upon  all  the  legal  systems  of  modern  pAirope.  Dur- 
ing- the  Dark  Ages  its  study  abated;  but  early  in  the 
twelfth  century  there  was  a  great  revival  of  interest  in  it 
in  all  the  law  schools  of  Italy,  especially  at  Bologna.  As 
a  result  of  this  fresh  examination  of  the  admirable  system 
of  jurisprudence  of  ancient  Rome,  the  Justinian  Code  be- 
came the  groundwork  of  the  present  law  system  of  Italy,  of 
Southern  France,  and  of  Germany.     It  also  became  auxili- 

9  Notwithstanding  that  the  Romans  had  much  political  experience  and 
developed  a  wonderfully  complex  unwritten  constitution,  still,  aside  from 

their  municipal  and  administrative  systems  (pars.  74  and  2^1 ,  H.  l),  they 
made  no  permanent  contribution  to  the  art  of  government  or  to  the 
science  of  constitutional  law.  It  was  left  for  the  English  people,  prac- 
tically unaided  by  Roman  precedents,  to  work  out  the  constitution  of 
the  modern  free  state.     The  primary  assemblies  of  the  Romans  (par.  1 5) 

could  afford  no  instructive  precedents  in  the  department  of  kgiislation. 

The  practical  working  of  the  device  of  the  dual  executive  of  the  republic 
(par.  Ill,  n.  7)  was  not  calculated  to  commend  it  to  later  statesmen. 
Nor  was  there,  at  any  period  of  Roman  history,  anything  worthy  of 
imitation  in  the  separation  and  the  coordination  of  the  legislative,  the 
judicial,  and  the  executive  department  of  the  government.     The  single 

admirable  feature   in   the  composition  of   the  later  republican  senate  of 

Rome,  namely,  the  giving  of  seats  in  that  body  to  ex-magistrates  (see 
page  107),  has  not  been  imitated  by  modern  constitution-makers,  though 
James  Bryce,  in  his  commentary  on  the  American  Commonwealth, 
suggests  that  they  might  have  done  so  to  advantage  in  the  making  up 

of  the  upper  chambers  of  their  legislatures. 


LITERATURE,    PHILOSOPHY,    AND   LAW. 


si  I 


arylaw  in  Northern  France  and  in  Spain,  while  in  England 

the  laws  of  our  Teutonic  ancestors  were  by  it  greatly  influ- 
enced and  modified. ^^ 

Thus  has  Rome  given  laws  to  the  nations  — thus  does 
the  once  little  Palatine  City  of  the  Tiber  still  rule  the  world. 

The  religion  of  Judii'a,  the  arts  of  Greece,  and  the  law^  of 

Rome  are  three  very  real  and  potent  elements  in  modem 

civilization. 

REFERENCES. -Cruttwell  (C.  T.),  Histovy  of  Roman  Literature. 

SELLAR  (\V.  J.),  The  Roman  Poets  0/ the  Republic  and  The  Roman  Poets 
of  the  Augustan  Age.  Mackail  (J.  W),  Latin  Literature.  Thomas 
(E.),  ^*  Roman  Life  under  the  Ccssars,  chap.  xiv.  pp.  331-363.  "A 
Typical  Roman  of  the  Empire,  Pliny  the  Younger  "  ;  and  chap.  xi.  pp. 
253-275»    "'I'he    Representatives   of    Moral    Ideas   in  Roman  Society 

[Kpicletus,  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  Seneca]."   I.awre.vce  (K.),  Latin 

Literature  (Harper's  Half-Hour  Series).  Strachan-Davidson  (J.  L.), 
*  Cicero  (Heroes  of  the  Nations),  chap.  iii.  (first  part),  "  Cicero  as  an 
Advocate."  HadLEY  (J.),  '^  Lntroduction  to  Roman  Laia,  Lee.  HI., 
"  The  Roman  Law  before  Justinian,"  pp.  51-76.  Gikbon  (E.),*  Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap,  xliv.,  for  Roman  jurisprudence. 
This  chapter  is  one  of  the  most  noted  of  Gibbon's  great  work.  CUTTS 
(E.  L.),  Saint  fcrome  (Church  Fathers  Series). 

'^^  Hadley,  Lntroduction  to  Roman  Law,  p.  25  et  seq. 


u 


SOCIAL    LIFE. 


513 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

SOCIAL   LIFE. 

311.  Education.  — Under  the  republic  there  were  no 
public  schools  in  Rome;  education  was  a  private  affair. 
Under  the  early  empire  a  mixed  system  prevailed,  there 
being  both  public  and  private  scKools.     Later,  educatioH 

came  more  completely  under  the  supervision  of  the  state. 
In  A.D.  425  the  emperors  Theodosius  and  Valentinian  for- 
bade any  persons,  save  those  especially  authorized,  to  open 

schools.    The  salaries  of  the  teachers  and  lecturers  were 

usually  paid  by  the  municipalities,  but  sometimes  from  the 

imperial  chest. 

Never  was  the  profession  of  the  teacher  held    in  such 

esteem  as  among  the  kter  Romans.    Teachcrs  were  made 

exempt   from   many    public   burdens   and   duties,    and   were 

even  invested  with  inviolability,  like  heralds  and  tribunes.^ 

The  education  of  the  Roman  boy  differed  from  that  of 

the  Greek  youth  in  being  more  practical.     The  laws  of  the 

Twelve  Tables  were  committed  to  memory  ;  and  rhetoric 
and  oratory  were  given  special  attention,  as  a  mastery  of 
the  art  of    public   speaking  was  an  almost    indispensable 

acquirement  for  the  Roman  citizen  who  aspired  to  take  a 

prominent  part  in  the  affairs  of  state. 

After   their   conquest  of  Magna  Graecia   and  of  Greece, 
the  Romans  were  brought  into  closer  relations  with  Greek 

1  Dill.  }^onian  Society  in  the  Last  Qntury  of  the  Westaii  Empire,  p.  333- 

512 


culture    than    had    hitherto   existed.     The    Roman    youth 
were  taught  the  language  of  Athens,  often  to  the  neglect  it 
appear.,  of  their  native  tOnpe;   for  we  Kear  Cato  L  cln 
sor  complaining  that  the  boys  of   his  time  spoke   Greek 
before  they  could  use   their   own    language.      Voung  men 
belongmg    to    families    of   means    not    unusually  went    to 
Greece  just  as  the  graduates  of  our  schools  go  to  Europe, 
to  finish  their  education.     Many  of  the  most    prominen 
statesmen    of    Rome,   as,   for  instance,   Cicero   and    Julius 
Caesar  received  the  advantages  of  this  higher  training  in 

the  schools  of  Greece.  ^^ 

Somewhere  between  the  ages  of  fourteen  and  eighteen 
the  boy  exchanged  his  purple-hemmed  toga,  or  gown  for 
one  of  white  wool,  which  was  in  all  places  and  at  all  times 
tlie  significant  badge  of   Roman  citizenship  and  Roman 

equality.^ 

312.    Social  Position  of  Woman. -Until    after  her   mar- 
r.age,  the  daughter  of  the  family  was  kept  in  almost  ori- 

entai  seclusion.    Marriage  gave  her  a  certain  freedom 

hhe  might  now  be  present  at  the  races  of  the  circus  and 
the  various  shows  of  the  theatre  and  the  amphitheatre -a 
privilege  rarely  accorded  to  her  before  marriage. 

In  the  early  virtuous  period  of  the  Roman  state  the  wife 
and  mother  held  a  dignified  and  assured  position  i„  the 
I'-'Usehold,  and  divorces  were  unusual,  there  bein..  no 
mstanceof  one,  it  is  said,  until  the  year  231  b.c.  ;  but  in 

ci-ilr  whl'  '"T'""  °'  ""  '"'"'  ™^gis"««  ^"'l  the  senators,  every 
.V     hi    '  ;■      °:  P""''  "^'""""  orplebeian,  was  compelled,  ,vl,en 

.-    he  appe„ed  at  the  public  game*  or  attended  court  ceremonies.  .0 

e.,ua|i  V  nf  !r  '  ""^''°'-"^''  ">-"-      Thus  was  symbolized  the 

^q^ality  of  the  citizens. 


514  ARCHITKCTURE,    LITBRATURE,    LAW. 

later  and  more  degenerate  times  her  position  became  less 
honored,  and  divorce  grew  to  be  very  common.  The  hus- 
band had  the  right  to  divorce  his  wife  for  the  slightest 
cause,  or  for  no  cause  at  all.  In  this  disregard  of  the 
sanctity  of  the  family  relation  may  doubtless  be  found 
one  cause  of   the  degeneracy  and  failure  of  the   Roman 

stock. 

313.    Legacy  Hunting.  — The  decay  of  family  life  at  Rome 

in  the  last  century  of  the  republic  and  the  first  of  the 
empire  gave  birth  to  a  vice  so  characteristic  of  the  society 
of  those  times  that  we  must  not  pass  it  in  entire  silence. 
This  was  what  is  known  as  legacy  hunting. 

The  disesteem  in  which  family  life  had  come  to  be  held 
by  the  upper  classes  gave  rise  to  the  presence  in  society  of 
a  large  number  of  heirless  persons.  This  state  o£  things 
called  into  existence  a  despicable  class,  who  by  every  means 
tried  to  insinuate  themselves  into  the  favor  of  the  rich  but 
childless  person,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  name  them  as 

his  heirs.  The  practices  resorted  to  by  these  legacy 
hunters  were  as  shameless  as  they  were  ingenious.  Thc} 
became  the  obsequious  clients  of  the  one  whose  wealth  they 
coveted.     They  made  him  gifts  and   showered  upon  hin, 

attentions  of  every  kind.  Ttiey  offered  prayers  and  sacri- 
fices for  his  recovery  when  he  was  sick,  although  they  were 
hoping  for  his  speedy  death.  They  sat  on  the  foremost 
benches  when  he  read  verses  of  his  own  composition,  and 

though     almost     dead    with    weariness    applauded     loudl   . 

They  were  diligent  in  attendance  upon  his  lectures.  Cas- 
ually they  showed  him  their  own  wills,  drawn  in  his  favir. 
If  any  of  his  houses  chanced  to  burn  down,  they  were  t!ie 

first  to  subscribe  to  a   fund   to   maUe  good   KIs   loss.      And 


SOCIAL   LIFE. 


5'5 


thus  It  came  about  that  the  childless  and   heirless  person 

held  in  society  a  most  envied  place.    "  The  n,an  who  has 

he.rs,"  says  a  writer  of  the  times,  "is  never  invited  to  any 
fesfve  gathering,  but  is  left  to  associate  with  the  dre-^s  of 

hitherto  childless.  StraightW.ay  h.  kca.e  friendless  and 
Without  influence.^  Seneca  in  a  letter  to  a  mother  who  had 
lost  her  only  child  consoles  her  with  the  thought  th.at  now 
She  will  enjoy  a  social  position  which  she  could  not  have 

secured  had  her  heir  lived. 

But  there  was  another  side  to  the  matter.  The  deceivers 
were  often  deceived.  In  order  that  they  might  be  the 
recipients  of  the  attentions  and  the  gifts  bestowed  by  these 

legac).  hunters  upon  the  heirless  rich,  many  made  false 

|)retensions  to  the  possession  of  great  wealth.  I>uring  life 
such  persons  enjoyed  great  consideration,  and  dying,  left 
many  indignant  mourners. 

314.  Public  Amusements. -The  entertainments  of  the 

theatre,  the  games  of  the  circus,  and  the  combats  of  the 
amphitheatre  were  the  three  principal  public  amusements  of 
the  Romans.     These  entertainments,  in  general,  increased 

.n  popularity,  as  liberty  declined,  thc  great  feStiUG  g.ath.r 

">gs  at  the  various  places  of  amusement  taking  the  place 
of  the  political  assemblies  of  the  republic.  The  public 
e-vh.bitions  under  the  empire  were,  in  a  certain  sense, 
•l>e  compensation  which  the  emperors  otfered  the  people 

^M'etronius,   quoted  by    Inge,   So.i.,,i„   ^v,«.   uu^er  ,„c  Crsars, 
u.e  work  have  been  spared  to  us. 


5l6  ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE.    LAW. 

for    their     surrender    of    tke    rlgkt    of    partlCipitiOIl    IR    PUl]" 
lie   affairs;    and    the    people    were    content   to    accept    the 

exchange. 

Tragedy  was  never  held  in  high  esteem  at  Rome  ;  the 

people  saw  too  much  real  tragedy  in  the  exhibitions  of 

the  amphitheatre  to  care  much  for  the  make-helieve  trage- 
dies of  the  stage.  The  entertainments  of  the  theatres  usu- 
ally took  the  form   of    comedies,   farces,   and   pantomimes. 

Tke  last  were  particularly  popular,  both  because  the  vast 

size  of  the  theatres  made  it  quite  impossible  for  the  actor 
to  make  his  voice  heard  throughout  the  structure,  and  for 
the  reason  that  the  language  of  signs  was  the  only  language 

that  could  be  readily  understood  by  an  audience  made  up 

of  so  many  different  nationalities  as  composed  a  Roman 

assemblage. 

Almost  from  the  beginning  the   Roman  stage  was  gross 

and  immoral.    It  was  one  of  the  main  agencies  to  which 

must  be  attributed  the  undermining  of  the  originaUy  sound 
moral  life  of  Roman  society.  So  absorbed  did  the  people 
become  in  the  indecent  representations  of  the  stage  that 
they  lost  all  thou-ht  and  care  of  the  affairs  of  real  life. 
And  the  evil  was  not  conUned  to  the  capital.  In  all  the 
great  cities  of  the  provinces  the  theatre  held  the  same  place 
of  bad  preeminence  in  the  social  life  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  people  of  Carthage  ^vere  shouting  and  applauding  in 
the  theatre  at  the  very  moment  when  the  Vandals  were 
bursting   open   the   city   gates.      "The   Roman   world  died 

laughing." 

More  important  and  more  popular  than  the  entertain 
ments  of  the  theatre  were  the  various  games,  especiaUy  tiu 
chariot  races,  of  the  circus.      But  surpassing  in  their  terribic 


SOCIAL  LIFE. 


517 


iascinahon    all    other    public    amusements    were    the    animal 

baitings  and  the  gladiatorial  combats  of  the  arena. 

The  beasts  required  for  the  baitings  were  secured  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  world,  and  transported  to  Rome  and 

the  Other  cities    of    the  empire    at    enormous  expense.       The 

wildernesses   of    Northern    Europc   fumished   bears  and 
wolves;   Scotland   sent    fierce   dogs;    Africa   contributed 


Chariot-Racing. 

(Pompeian  wall-painting.) 

lions,  crocodiles,  and  leopards ;  Asia,  elephants  and  tigers. 

These  creatures  were  pitted  against  one  another  in  every 

conceivable  way.  Often  a  promiscuous  multitude  would  be 
turned  loose  in  the  arena  at  once.  But  even  the  terrific 
scene  that  then  ensued  became  at  last  too  tame  to  stir  the 

bi<>^d  Of  the  Roman  populace.    Hence  a  new  speeieg  of 

entertainments  was  introduced,  and  grew  rapidly  into  favor 
with  the  spectators  of  the  amphitheatre.  This  was  the 
gladiatorial  combat. 

315.  The  Gladiatorial  Combats.  —  Gladiatorial  shows  seem 

to  have  had  their  origin  in  Etruria,  whence  they  were 
brought    to    Rome.      It    was   a   custom    among    the    early 


5i8 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


Etruscans  to  slay  prisoners  upon  the  warrior's  ^'rave,  it 

being  thought  that  the  manes  of  the  dead  delighted  in  the 

blood  of  such  victims.  In  later  times  the  prisoners  were 
allowed  to  fight  and  kill  one  another,  this  being  deemed 

more  humane  than  their  cold-blooded  slaughter.   Thus  it 

happened  that  sentiments  of  humanity  gave  rise  to  an 
institution  which,  afterwards  perverted,  became  the  most 
inhuman  of  any  that  ever  existed  among  a  civilized  people. 

The  first  gladiatorial  spectacle  at  Rome  was  presented 

by  two  sons  at  the  funeral  of  their  father,  in  the  year  264 
B.C.  This  exhibition  was  arranged  in  one  of  the  forums, 
as  there  were  at   that   time   no   amphitheatres   in  existence. 

From  this  time  the  public  taste  for  this  species  of  enter- 
tainment grew  rapidly,  and  by  the  beginning  of  the  imperial 

period    had    become  a   perfect   Infatuation.       It  was  now  no 

longer  the  manes  of  the  dead,  but  the  spirits  of  the  living, 
that  the  spectacles  were  intended  to  appease.  At  first  the 
combatants  were  slaves,  captives,  or  condemned  criminals  ; 
but  at  last  knights,  senators,  and  even  women  descended 
voluntarily  into  the  arena.  l>aining-schools  were  estab- 
lished at  Rome,  C^apua,  Ravenna,  and  other  cities.     Free 

citizens  often  sold  themselves  to  the  keepers  of  these  semi- 
naries ;  and  to  them  flocked  desperate  men  of  all  classes, 
and  ruined  spendthrifts  of  the  noblest  patrician  houses. 
Slaves  and  criminals  were  encouraged  to  become  proficient 
in  the  art  by  the  promise  of  freedom  if  they  survived  the 
combats  beyond  a  certain  number  of  years. 

Sometimes  the  gladiators  fought  in  pairs ;  again,  great 
companies  engaged    at    once    in    the  deadly  fray.     They 

fought  in  chariots,  on  horseback,  on  foot  —  in  ah  the  ways 
that   soldiers   were   accustomed    to   fight    in   actual    battle. 


SOCIAL   LIFE. 


519 


The  contestants  were  armed  with  knees,  swords,  daggers, 

tridents,  and  every  manner  of  weapon.  Some  were  pro- 
vided with  nets  and  lassos,  with  which  they  entangled 
their  adversaries,  and  then  slew  them. 

The  life  of   a   wounded   gladiator  Wa.^,  m  ordinary  cases, 
m  the  hands  of  the  audience.       If  in  response  to  his  appeal 
for  mercy,  which  was  made  by  outstretching  the  forefino-er 
the    spectators 

waved   their 

handkerchiefs 
or  reached  out 
their     hands 

with  thumbs  ex- 
tended, that  in- 
dicated that  his 

prayer  had  been 

heard  •     but    if 

they   extended 

their     hands 

with    thumbs 

turned  in,  that  was  the  signal  for  the  victOr  tO  givC  him 

the  death  stroke.     Sometimes  the  dying  were  aroused  and 

forced   to   resume    the   fight,    by    being    burned   with   a   hot 

iron.     The  dead  bodies  were  dragged  from  the  arena  with 

hooks,  like  the  carcasses  of  animals,  and  the  pools  of  blood 

soaked  up  with  dry  sand. 

These  shows  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  they 
entirely  overshadowed  the  entertainments  of  the  circus  and 
the  theatre.  Ambitious  officials  and  commanders  arranged 
siuch  spectacles  in  order  to  curry  favor  with  the  masses  ; 
magistrates  were  expected  to  give  them  in  connection  with 


Gladiators. 

(Pompeian  wall-painting.) 


520 


ARCHITECTURE,    LITERATURE,    LAW. 


the  public  festivab ;  the  heads  of  aspiring  families  exhibited 

them  "  in  order  to  acquire  social  position  "  ;  wealthy  citi- 
zens prepared  them  as  an  indispensable  feature  of  a  fash- 
ionable banquet;  the  children  caught  the  spirit  of  their 
elders  and  imitated  them  in  their  plays.  The  demand  for 
gladiators  was  met  by  the  training-schools  ;  the  managers 
of  these  hired  out  bands  of  trained  men,  that  travelled 
through  the  country  like  opera  troupes  among  us,  and 
gave  e^'ihibitions  in   private  houses  or  in  the  provincial 

amphitheatres. 

The  rivalries  between  ambitious  leaders  during  the   later 

years  of  the  republic  tended  greatly  to  increase  the  number 
of  gladiatorial  shows,  as  liberality  in  arranging  these  spec- 
tacles was  a  sure  passport  to  popular  favor.  It  was 
reserved  for  the  emperors,  however,  to  exhibit  them  on  a 
truly  imperial  scale.  Titus,  upon  the  dedication  of  the 
Flavian  Amphitheatre  (|par.   222\  provided  games,  mostly 

gladiatorial  combats,  that  lasted  one  hundred  days.  Trajan 
celebrated  his  victories  with  shows  that  continued  still 
longer,  in  the  progress  of  which  ten  thousand  gladiators 
fought  upon  the  arena,  and  more  than  ten  thousand  wild 

beasts  were  slain.* 

316.  Luxury.  —  By  luxury,  as  we  shall  use  the  word,  we 
mean  extravagant  and  self-indulgent  living.  This  vice 
seems  to  have  been  almost  unknown  in  early  Rome.     The 

primitive  Romans  were  men  of  frugal  habits,  who,  like 
Fabricius  (par.  82),  found  contentment  in  poverty  and  dis- 
dained riches. 

A  great  change,  however,  as  we  have  seen,  passed  over 

Roman  society  after    the    conquest  of    the    East  and  the 
5  For  the  suppression  of  the  gladiatorial  games,  see  par.  270. 


SOCIAL    LIFE. 


521 


development  of  the  COrrupt  provincial  syst.m  of  the  late. 

republic.  The  colossal  fortunes  quickly  and  dishonestly 
amassed  by  the  ruling  class  marked  the  incoming  at  Rome 
of  such  a  reign  of  luxury  as  perhaps  no  other  capital  of  the 

world  ever  witnessed. 

This  luxury  was  at  its  height  In  the  last  century  of  the 
republic  and  the  first  of  the  empire.  Never  has  great 
wealth  been  more  grossly  misused  than  during  this  period 

at  Rome.   The  establishment  of  the  empire,  however,  ind 


Skmicircii.ar    I^inincj-Couch. 

(From  a  Pompeian  wall-painting.) 

the  accompanying  reform  of  the  administration  of  the 
provinces,  gradually  destroyed  those  sources  whence  had 
been  drawn  many,  at  least,  of  the  ill-gotten  and  rapidly 
accumulated  fortunes  of  the  earlier  period.  There  was 
still,  of  course,  a  wealthy  class ;  but  the  fortunes  of  these 
had  generally  come  to  them  through  inheritance.  There 
were  fewer  '^new  men."  This  later  aristocracy  was  more 
like  the  English  landed  aristocracy  of  to-day.  In  such  a 
society  there  will  be  found  less  foolish  ostentation  and 
gross  living  than  in  a  society  like  that  of  the  days  of  the 
failing  republic  of  Rome. 


522 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


The  character  of  the  expenditures  of  this  later  Roman 
aristocracy  was  determined  very  largely  by  the  circum- 
stances of  the  times.  Among  ourselves  the  greater  part  of 
the  income  of  the  wealthy  classes  is  employed  in  industrial 
enterprises.     At  Rome  it  was  not  so.     There  were  not  so 

many  opportunities  then  as  there  are  now  for  the  profitable 
and  safe  use  of  capital.  The  fortunate  possessor  of  a  large 
income  was  shut  up  to  expending  it  in  adding  new  fields 
to  his  estate,  in  multiplying,  enlarging  or  beautifying  his 
palaces  and  villas,  or  in  the  maintenance  of  an  expensive 
domestic  establishment.  Most  of  the  large  private  incomes 
of  the  imperial  period  — and  there  were  many  great  land- 
owners   who  enjoyed    incomes    ranging  from  $100,000  to 

$800,000  in  our  money were  expended  in  one  or  in  all  ot 

these  ways,  which  were  forms  of  expenditure  that  seemed 
to  ffood  citizens  legitimate  and  reasonable,  and  which 
offended  neither  the  good  taste  nor  the  conscience  of  the 

time.  ''The  real  canker  at  the  root  of  that  society  was 
not  gross  vice,  but  class-pride,  want  of  public  spirit,  absorp- 
tion in  the  vanities  of  a  sterile  culture,  cultivated  selfish- 
ness."^ 

But  the  most  of  these  faults  are  faults  which  have  charac- 
terized every  aristocracy  of  wealth  that  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  During  the  last  four  centuries  of  the  empire  the 
luxury  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  was  perhaps  little  more 
extravagant  or  selfish  than  that  of  any  of  the  aristocracies 
that  since  the  fall  of  Roman  civilization  have  absorbed 
and  expended  so  large  a  part  of  the  wealth  of  the  different 
European  countries. 


6  Dill,    Roman    Society    in    the    I^ast    Century   of  the   Roman    EmJ>ire, 
p.   176. 


SOCIAL    LIFE. 


523 


317.  State  Distribution  of  Corn.  -  The  free  distribution  of 
corn  at  Rome  has  been  characterized  as  the  -  leading  fact  of 
Roman  life."  It  will  be  recalled  that  this  pernicious  prac- 
tice had  its  beginnings  in  the  legislation  of  Gains  Gracchus 
(par.  155).     Just  before  the  establishment  of  the  empire 

over  three  hundred  thousand  Roman  citizens  were  recipi- 
ents of  this  state  bounty.  In  the  time  of  the  Antonines 
the  number  is  asserted  to  have  been  even  larger.  The  corn 
for  this  enormous  distribution  was  derived,  in  large  part, 
from  a  grain  tribute  exacted  of  the  African  and  other  corn- 
producing  provinces.  In  the  third  century,  to  the  lar- 
gesses of  corn  were  added  doles  of  oil,  wine,  and  pork. 
The   evils    that    resulted    from    this    misdirected    state 

chanty  can  hardly  be  overstated.  Idleness  and  all  its 
accompanying  vices  were  fostered  to  such  a  degree  that 
we  probably  shall  not  be  wrong  in  enumerating  the  prac- 
tice as  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the   demoralization  of 

society  at  Uome  under  the  emperors. 

318.    Slavery The  number  of    slaves   In    the    Roman 

State  under  the  later  republic  and  the  earlier  empire  was 
probably  as  great  as,  or  even  greater  than,  the  number  of 

rreemen.       .^ome  large  proprietors  owned  as  many  as  twenty 

thousand.  The  love  of  ostentation  led  to  the  multiplica- 
tion of  offices  in  the  households  of  the  wealthy,  and  the 
employment  of  a  special  slave  for  every  different  kind  of 

work.  Thus  there  was  the  slave  called  the  sanJa/io,  whose 
sole  duty  it  was  to  care  for  his  master's  sandals;  and 
another,  called  the  nomendator,  whose  exclusive  business 
It  was  to  accompany  his  master  when  he  went  upon  the 

Street,  and  gW^  kim  tke  names  of  such  persons  as  he  ought 
to  recognize.      The   price   of  slaves   varied  from  a  few  dol- 


524 


ARCHITECTURE,   LITERATURE,   LAW. 


lars  to  ten  or  twenty  thousand  dollars  — these  last  figures 

teing  6f  course  exceptional.   Greek  slaves  were  the  most 

valuable,  as  their  lively  intelligence  rendered  them  service- 
able in  positions  calling  for  special   talent. 

The  slave  class  was  chiefly  recruited,  as  in  Greece,  by 

war,  and  by  the  practice  of  kidnapping.  Some  of  the  out- 
lying provinces  in  Asia  and  Africa  were  almost  depopulated 
by  the  slave  hunters.  Delinquent  taxpayers  were  often 
sold  as  slaves,  and  frequently  poor  persons  sold  themselves 

into  servitude. 

The  feeling  entertained  towards  this  unfortunate  class  in 
the  later  republican  period  is  illustrated  by  Varro's  classi- 
fication of  slaves  as  "vocal  agricultural  implements,"  and 

again  by  Cato  the  Censor's  recommendation  to  masters  to 

sell  their  old  and  decrepit  slaves,  In  order  to  save  the 
expense  of  caring  for  them  (par.  137).  Sick  and  hope- 
lessly infirm  slaves  were  taken  to  an  island  in  the  Tiber 

and  left  there  to  die  of  starvation  and  exposure,   in  many 

cases,  as  a  measure  of  precaution,  the  slaves  were  forced 
to  work  in  chains,  and  to  sleep  in  subterranean  prisons. 
Their  bitter  hatred  towards  their  masters,  engendered  by 

harsh  treatment,  is  witnessed  by  the  well-known  proverb, 

"As  many  enemies  as  slaves,"  and  by  the  servile  revolts 
and  wars  of  the  republican  period. 

Slaves  were  treated  better  under  the  empire  than  under 
the  later  republic  — a  change  to  be  attributed  doubtless 
to  the  influence  of  Stoicism  and  Christianity.  From  the 
first  century  of  the  empire  forward  there  is  observable  a 
growing  sentiment  of  humanity  towards  the  bondsman. 
Imperial  edicts  take  away  from  the  master  the  right  to  kill 
his  slave,  or  to  seU  him  to  the  trader  in  gladiators,  or  even 


SOCIAL    LIFE. 


525 


to  treat  him  with  undue  severity.     This  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  a  slow  reform  which  in  the  CQUrSC  Of  tCn  Of  tWClve 

centuries    resulted    in    the    complete,    or    almost    complete, 
abolition   of  slavery  in   Christian   Europe. 


Roman  J.amentatiun  fur  the  Dead. 

(From  an  ancient  marble  relief.) 

References.  — Inge  (\V.  R.),  '^^ Society  in  Rome  under  the  Cccsars  ; 
a  prize  essay  on  the  social  life  of  Rome  in  the  first  century  of  our  era. 

Morality,  eduiatioii,  daily  life,  amusements,  and  luxury  are  some  fea- 

tares  of  this  life  that  are  touched  upon.  I.kcky  (W.  E.  II.),  History 
of  European  Morals  frotn  Au^^nstus  to  Charlemagne,  i  vols.  A  book  of 
first  importance.  The  student  is  recommended  to  read  vol.  i.  chap.  ii. 
GUHL  (E.)  and  Koner  (W.),  The  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
(From  the  German.)  Dill  (S.),  **  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century 
of  the  iVestern  Empire.  Kead  bk.  v.  pp.  321-376,  on  "Characteristics 
of  Roman  Education  and  Culture  in  the  Fifth  Century."  Preston 
(II.  W.)  and  Dodge  (L.),  The  Private  Life  of  the  Rotnans  (The  Stu- 
dents' Series  of  Latin  Classics).  Thomas  (E.),  *  Roman  Life  under 
the  Ccesars.     Oilman  (A.),  The  Story  of  Rome  (Story  of  the  Nations), 

chap,  xvill.  pp.  271-291,  "  v^ome  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Roman 
People."  Frif-DL-^NI^KR  (I-),  Dat'stellungcn  aus  der  Sittcfigeschichte 
Roms,  3  vols.  Fling  (F.  M.),  Studies  in  European  History  ((^ireek 
and  Roman  Civilization),  second  edition,  1S99,  chap.  x.  pp.  146-163, 
"  Roman  Law," 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING  VOCABULARY. 


Note. —  In  the  case  of  words  whose  correct  pronunciation  has  not 

seemed  to  be  clearly  indicated  by  their  accentuation  and  syllabication,  the 

sounds  of  the  letters  have  been  denoted  thus  :  a,  like  a  in  ^rdy  ;  a,  like 
a,  only  less  prolonged  ;  a,  like  a  in  /idve  ;  a,  like  a  \\\  far  ;  e,  like  ee  in 
meet  ;  e,  like  e  in  end  ;  €  and  ch,  like  /• ;  9,  like  s  ;  g,  like  g  in  get  ;  g,  like 
y;  o,  like  o  in  note  ;  o,  like  o  in  for  ;  s,  like  z  ;   ri,  like  ng  in  song. 


A-€hae'an  league,  how  formed, 
184  ;  hostages  in  Italy,  190; 
war  with  Rome,  190;  dissolu- 
tion, 19^. 

A-cha'i-a,  province,  lo^. 

Ae'ti-um,  battle  of,  309. 
Adolf.      See  Ataulf. 
A'dri-an-o"ple,  battle  of  (a.d.  323), 
394;  battle  near  (a.d.  378),  420. 

Adriatic  Sea,  2. 

yEdUes  (e'dlls),  plebeian,  duties, 
70;  made  sacrosanct,  89;  tabu- 
lated facts  respecting,  no. 

yEduans,  287. 

yE-ga'tian    Islands,    naval    battle 

near,    153. 
-rKmilianus.      See  Scipio. 
^-ne''as,  legend  of,  57. 
/E-nc'id,  the,  489. 
.(^'qui-ans,  early  enemies  of  Rome, 

00,  81  ;  territory  incorporated  in 

Roman  domain,  126. 
Ae'ti-us,  Roman  general,  437. 
.^tolian     league,     formation     of, 

183 ;    ally   of    Rome    in    First 


Macedonian     War,     175;     dis- 
solved,  193. 
A'ger  puhlicus.     See  Public  lands 
and  Agrarian  laws. 

Ager  Komanns,  90  anJ  n.  3. 

Agrarian  laws  :  of  Spurius  Cassius, 

73-75  ;lawof  1  iberiusCJracchus, 
212  ;  its  effect,  217. 
A-gric'o-la,  in  Britain,  352. 

A-grip'pa,  M.,  458,  467,  n.  8. 

Ag'rip-pi"na,  344. 
Aix-la-Chapelle       (aks-la-sha-per), 

470. 
Alaric,  his  first  invasion  of  Italy, 

427  J  wrings  ransom  from  Rome, 

430;     sacks     the    city,    432;    his 
death,  433. 
Alba  Longa,  its  situation,  41  ;   tra- 
ditional founding,  57  ;  destroyed 
by  the  Romans,  59. 

Alban   IIills,  41. 

Alban  Lake,  93;  emissary  at,  93, 

94. 
•AT^i-bi^'a-des,  169,  n.  7. 
ATe-man'^ni,  417. 


52? 


528      INDEX  AND    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


A-le'si-a,  288. 

Alexander   the    Great,   compared 

with    Roman    generals,    125. 
Algeria,  463,  n.  5. 
Al'gi-dus,  Mount,  80. 
Arii-a,  battle  of  the,  97. 
Alphabet,  gift  to  the  Romans  from 

the  Greeks,  10. 

Alps,  Julian,  4  ;    Maritime,  227. 
Am-bdr-vd'li-d,  32,  n.  3. 
Ambrose,  bishop,  425. 
Amphitheatres,   spectacles  of,  ar- 
ranged by  Augustus,  32/ ;  the 

Flavian,  460-462  ;  shows  of,  517. 

A-mu'li-us,  king  of  Rome,  57. 

Ancestor  worship  among  the 
Romans,  13;  most  important 
element  in  their  religion,  31 ; 
culminates  in  cult  of  the  em- 
peror, 330. 

An-chi'ses,  57. 

An'cus  Mar'ti-us,  king  of  Rome,  46. 

Andalusia    (an-da-lu'she-a    or,    in 

Spanish,   an-da-loo-tKe'a),  origin 

of  the  name,  435- 
Andes,  487. 

An'dro-ni''cus,  Livius,  poet,  4S2. 
Angles  invade  Britain,  436. 

A'ni-0  River,  256. 

An-tig'o-nus,  general  of  Alexander, 

267,  n.  3. 
Antioch,    population    at     time    of 
Augustus,  327. 

An-tro-€hu5  the  Oreat,  king  of 

Syria,    forms    an    alliance    with 
Philip    V.    of    Macedonia,    185  ; 
war  with   Rome,   186  ;   defeated 
at  Magnesium,  187. 
An'ti-um,  121. 

An'to-ni"nus  Pi'us,  emperor,  364. 


Antony,  Mark,  the  triumvir,  offers 
crown  to   Caisar,  301  ;  delivers 

funeral  oration  over  Laesar  s 
body,     304  ;     plays     the     tyrant, 

304  ;  opposed  by  Octavius,  305  ; 
enters  the  Second   Triumvirate, 

305  ;  receives   the   government 

of  the  East,  306;  his  revels  with 

Cleopatra,  308  ;  his  expedition 
against  the  Parthians,  309;  at 
the  battle  of  Actium,  310  ;  his 
death,  310. 

Ap'en-nines,  the,  4, 5. 

Apollo,     temple     at     Rome,    329; 

statue  of,  set  up  by  Constantine, 

403,  404. 
A-pol'lo-do^rus,  architect,  363. 
Appeal,  right   of,  secured  by  the 

Lex     Valeria^     66  ;    law    revived, 
89. 

Appian  Way.     See  Via  Appia. 
Appius  Claudius.     See  Claudius. 
Ap'pu-le''i-us  Saturninus,  231,  232  ; 

his  death,  233. 

Apulia,  2. 

Apulians  join  Hannibal,  172. 

A'quae  Sex'ti-ae,  battle  of,  22S,  n.  i. 

Aqueducts,  Roman,  general  de- 
scription of,  465-467- 

Aq'ui-le''i-a,  besieged  by  the  Mar- 
comani,  366 ;  battle  at,  between 
Theodosius  and  Eugenius,  424. 

Aq'ui-ta''ni-a,  2S9,  n.  2. 

Arabia-Petraea,  province,  jj^. 

Ar-ca'di-us,   emperor  of  the  East, 

426. 
Arch,  use  of,  by  Roman   builders, 

456- 
Ar'chi-as,  poet,  496. 

Ar''€hi-me''''des,   174. 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      529 


Architecture,  Roman,  Greek  origin 
of,  456;  use  of  the  arcli,  45^. 

Ai'e-thu"sa,  492. 

Arianism,  denounced  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Nica^a,  396. 

A-rim'i-num,  Latin  colony,  134, 
n.  7,  138. 

A'ri-o-vis"tus,  287. 
A'ri-us,  396,  n.  4. 

Armenia,  province,  acquired,  358  ; 

abandoned,  360. 
Ar-min'i-us  defeats  Varus  at  the 

Teutoburg  W^ood,  322-324. 

Army,  Roman,  the,  before  Servian 
reforms,  5 1  ;  after  Servian  re- 
forms, 53;  strength  in  time  of 
kings,  54;  changes  effected  in, 
by  Marius,  229. 

Ar'no  River,  5  ;  Roman  dominions 
carried  to,  131. 

Ar'nus.     See  Arno. 

Ar-pi'num,  115. 

Ar-re'ti-um,  8. 

Ar-ver'ni,  288. 

As-ca'ni-us,  57. 

As'cu-lum,  battle  of,  131. 

Asia,  political  and  economic  con- 
dition of,  before  Mithradatic 
wars,  245-247;  province  of, 
246;  massacre  of  Italians  in, 
248. 

As-pen'dos,  theatre  at,  459. 
Assemblies,  public,  tabulated  facts 

respecting  nature,  number,  and 
competence,  108  ;  effect  upon, 
of  enfranchisement  of  the  Ital-' 
lans,  243  ;  judicial  functions 
transferred  to  jury  court,  259; 
legislative  powers  lessened,  260 ; 
functions  under  Augustus,  318  ; 


deprived  of  the  right  to  elect 

magistrates,  334.  See  Comitia 
and  Concilium  triimtnm  plebis. 

Assyria,  province,  acquired,  358; 
abandoned,  360. 

At'aulf,  Gothic  chieftain,  434. 

Ath'a.na''si-us,  jgri,  n.  4. 

Athens,  joins  Mithradates  against 
the  Romans,  248;  taken  by 
Sulla,  254. 

At'ta-lus,  T.,  king  of  Pergamus,i86, 

"'8;  HI.,  bequeaths  his  king- 
dom to  the  Roman  people,  246. 

At'ti-la,  leader  of  the  Huns,  436; 
his  defeat  at  Chalons,  437  ;  in- 
vades Italy,  437  ;  death,  438. 

Au'fi-dus  River,  4. 

Augurs,  college  of,  t^t^,  34. 

Augustan  Age,  486. 

Au'gus-tine,  Aurelius,  Church 
Father,  506. 

Au-gus'tu-lus.     See  Romulus  Au- 
gustus. 

Augustus  Caesar.       See  Octazfitis. 
Aurelian,  emperor,  379. 
Au-re'li-us,  Marcus,  emperor,  reign, 
364-368  ;  his  persecutions  of  the 

Christians,   365;    the    Marco- 
manic    War,    366 ;    death,    36S  ; 
his  Meditations,  503 ;  as  a  repre- 
sentative of  Stoicism,  504. 
Auspices  (as'-pi-sez),  taking  of  the, 

Jji  taken  bj  means  of  .sacred 

fowls,   151. 
Austro-Hungarian  monarchy,  450. 
Av'en-tine  (-tin)  hill,  51. 

Ba'den-Ba'den,  470. 

Baet'i-ca,  321,  n.  8. 

Bagaudae,  the,  386. 


530       INDEX    AND    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Baiae  (ba'ye),  344^  470- 

Balbi,  the,  342. 

Barbarians,  German,  movements 
in  the  last  century  of  the  em- 
pire, 416;  effects  of  invasions, 
417,  n.  8;  the  so-called  "Bar- 
barian   Kingdoms,"   434-436  i 

advance  in  civilization,  454;  the 
proximate  cause  of  the  fall  of 
the  Roman  empire  in  the  West, 

455- 
Barca.     See  Ham  Hear. 

Barrack  emperors,  372. 

Ba'sil,  Church  Father,  505. 

Batavians,  348. 

Baths.     See  Thermce. 

Bel'gi-ca,  289,  n.  2,  322,  n.  10. 

Ben'e-ven'^tum,  battle  ol,  131. 
Be-ry'tus,  510. 

Bes'ti-a,  Lu'ci-us  Cal-pur'ni-us,  con- 
sul, 225. 
Bib'u-lus,  admiral,  295. 

BUhyn'i-a  given  provincial  consti- 
tution, 282,  n.  5. 
Bo'i-i,  Gallic  tribe,  157. 
r.ologna  (bo-16n'ya),  510. 
Bon'i-face,  Count,  435. 

Books,  Roman,  504?  ^'  6* 

Kos'po-rus,  396. 

Bo'vi-a''num  taken  by  the  Romans, 

124. 

Bren'nus,  Gallic  leader,  99,  100. 

Britain,  invaded  by  Caesar,  288; 
conquest  of,  in  reign  of  Clau- 
dius, 343  ;  Agricola  in,  352 ; 
the  Hadrian  WaU,  360-362, 
and  notes;  legions  withdrawn 
from,  436 ;  ravaged  by  Picts  and 

Saxons,  43^  •.  Angles  and  Saxons 

settle  in,  436. 


Bri-tan'ni-a,  Roman  province,  343. 

Brun-di'si-uni,  294. 

Bruttians  join  Hannibal,  172. 

Brut'ti-um,  2. 

Brutus,  Lucius  Junius,  consul,  64; 
condemns  sons  to  death,  65. 

Brutus,  Marcus,  joi  ;  heads  con- 
spiracy against  Caesar,  301,  302  ; 
seeks  refuge  in  Greece,  304 : 
death   at   Philippi,   308. 

Burgundians  establish  kingdom  in 
Southeastern  Gaul,  435. 

Burgundy,  435. 

Bur'rhus,  344. 
Bu'sen-ti^'nus  River,  434. 

By-zan'ti-um,  396. 

C^^G,  8 ;  gives  asylum  to  Roman 

vestals,  98  ;  made  a  fnunicipiiim, 
112. 

Cxritan  franchise,  iii,  112. 
C^sar,  Augustus.     See  Octavius. 

Ciesar,  Gaius.    See  Calipila. 

Csesar,  Gaius  Julius,  in  the  Sullan 
proscription,  256;  his  early  life, 
284;  consul,  286;  assigned  as 
proconsul  Gallic  provinces,  286  ; 
campaigns    in    Gaul,    286-288 ; 

invades  Britain,  2S8  ;  results  of 
his  Gallic  wars,  288-290  ;  rivalry 
with  Pompey,  292;  crosses  the 
Rubicon,  293  ;  civil  war  between 
him  and  Pompey,  293-295;    in 

Egypt,  296;   defeats  Pharnaces. 

296 ;  as  an  uncrowned  king,  297  ; 

his  triumph,  297;  as  a  statesman, 

298;  reforms  the  calendar,  300; 

unfinished     projects,    300;    his 

assassination,  301 ;  his  literary 

works,  497. 


INDEX   AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.       531 


Caes'a-re'^a,  510. 

Caesarion  (se-za''re-on),  310. 
Ca-la'bri-a,  2,  n.  1. 
Caledonia,  362,  436. 
Calendar,  Julian,  300  ;  Gregorian, 
300,  n,  1 1 . 

Ca-lig'u-la,  reign,  5:59-341- 

Cam'e-ri"um,  341. 
Ca-mirius.       See  Purius. 

Campagna  (kam-pan'ya),  466. 
Campania,  2. 

Campanians,  mercenaries  seize 
town  of  Messana,  143,  n.  3. 

Cam'pus  Mar'ti-us,  54. 

Can'nae,  battle  of,  1 69-1 71  ;  events 
after,  171. 

Cantons  of  earljr  Latium,  30-41. 

Canuleian  law,  90. 
Can'u-le"i-us,    Gaius,    tribune,    90, 
91. 

Cap'i-tol-Tne  hill,  43. 

Capitoline    temple,    location,    50 ; 

burned,  255;  rebuilt,  348;  robbed 

of    trophies    by    Vandals,    440; 

description,  457,  n.  2. 
Ca'pre-ae,  island,  ^yj. 
Cap'u-a,  revolts  from  Rome,  172; 

Hannibal's  winter  quarters,  173; 

fall    of,     174;     as    a    prefecture, 
236,   n.   8. 

Car'a-cal'la,  emperor,  reign,  374- 
376;  confers  citizenship  upon 
all  free  men  of  the  empire,  375. 

Ca-rac'ta-cus,  343. 

Carbo,  Gnaeus  Papirius,  consul, 
255. 

Carthage,    location,    142;    empire 

of'   '39;    government   and   reli- 

gion,  1 40  ;    compared  w-ith  Rome, 
140-142;   navy  at   beginning  of 


Punic  wars,  142;  Truceless  War, 

158;  prosperous  condition  just 
before  Third  Punic  War,  200; 
destruction,  203-204 ;  Gaius 
Gracchus  founds  colony  on  site, 
221  ;  becomes  capital  of  Van- 
dal empire,  435. 
Carthage,  New,   159. 

Carthaginians,  their  empire  in 
Spain,  159;  unpromising  char- 
acter of  their  civilization,  204. 

Ca'rus,  emperor,  379. 

Cas'si-us,  Gaius,  conspirator,  301  ; 

death,  308. 
Cassius,     Spu'ri-us,     renews     the 

Latin  alliance,  71  ;  his  agrarian 

law,  73-75 ;  his  martyrdom,  y,. 

Catacombs,  389. 

CaCi-li"na,  Lu'ci-us  Ser'gi-us,  in 
the  Sullan  proscription,  256;  con- 
spiracy of,  282  ;  his  death,  283. 

Catiline.     See  Catilina. 

Cato,  Marcus  Porcius,  the  Censor, 
195-199;  military  record,  196; 
civil  life,  197  ;  attitude  toward 
Greek  culture,  197;  advice 
touching  slaves,   198;   counsels 

the     destruction     of     Carthage, 
200. 

Cato,  Marcus  Porcius,  the  Younger, 

exiled,  286 ;   his  suicide,  296. 

Ca-turius,  poet,  485. 

Cat'u-lus,  C.  Lutatius,  consul,  153; 

Q.  Lutatius,  consul,  265. 
Cau'dine    Forks,    humiliation    of 

Romans  at,   121. 
Cau'di-um.     See  Caudine  Porks. 
Ce'ler,  Petronius,  ^6j,  n.  5, 

Celt'i-be"ri-ans,  205. 

Censors,  creation  of  office,  91,  92  ; 


532      INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY 


functions  and  duties,  92 ;  wide 

range  of  authority,  92,  n.  lO; 
tabulated  facts  respecting,  no; 
powers  absorbed  by  Augustus, 
317*  318. 

Censorship,  office  practically  abol- 
ished by  Sulla,  260. 

Census,  how  often  taken,  92,  n.  9  ; 
of  the  year  265  li.c,  141,  n.  8; 
table,  333. 

Century,  unit  of  military  organiza- 
tion, 53. 

Cer-ci'na,  island,  252. 

Ce'ri-a^lis,  Roman  general,  348. 

Cervetri  (cher-va'tree).    See  dere. 

-Ghair'o-ne''a,  battle  at,  254,  n.  7. 

Charce-don,  battle  of,  394. 

Chalons  (sha'loiV),  battle  of,  436. 

Chinese  WaU,  the,  419,  n.  2. 

Christ,  birth,  331  ;  crucifixion,  338. 

Christianity,  first    preached,  338; 

gains  adkerents  from  the  higher 

classes,  354  ;  under  Trajan,  359  ; 
martial  spirit  enters  the  Church, 
392-394;  made  in  effect  state 
religion  by  Constantine,  394  ; 
effects  upon,  of  imperial  patron- 
age, 395,  406;  as  an  element  of 
strength  in  the  imperial  govern- 
ment, 403;  State  of  the  Church 
at  Julian's  accession,  405 ;  de- 
stroyed the  unity  of  the  Graeco- 

Roman  world,  408  ;    its  morality 

borrowed  by  Julian,  410;  one 
of  the  most  vital  elements  in  the 
empire,  415;  heresy  and  idolatry 
suppressed  by  Theodosius  and 

Gratlan,  421-424;  its  triumpK 
under  Theodosius  and  Gratian, 
423-425  ;  represents  a  new  moral 


force,  426;  influence  in  suppress- 

ing  the  gladiatorial  combats, 
428  ;  effects  of  monasticism  upon 
the  population  of  the  empire, 
447  ;  effects  of  doctrines  on  the 
military  spirit,  449;  on  the  civic 
virtues,  453  ;  effects  of  sectarian 
quarrels  on  the  fortunes  of  the 
empire,  453.  See  Christians. 
Christians,  the  persecution  of, 
under  Nero,  345;  under  Domi- 

tlan,352;  underMarcus AurellUS, 
365  ;  motives  of  these  persecu- 
tions, 365  ;  the  Christian  legion, 
367  ;  persecutions  under  Diocle- 
tian, 386-389  ;   number  at  this 

time,  3S8;  status  under  Julian, 

408-410;  teachers  excluded  from 

the   schools,    409;    name    first 
applied  to  converts  at  Antioch, 

412. 

Chrys'os-tom,  Church  Father,  505. 

Cicero,  Marcus  TuUius,  his  prose- 
cution of  Verres,  274  ;  First 
Oration  against  Catiline,  283 ; 
banished  from  Rome,  286;  pro- 
scribed, 306  ;  death,  307  ;  as  an 
orator,  496;  his  letters,  497. 

Ci-lic'i-a,  rendezvous  of  pirates, 
278  ;  government  organized,  282, 

n.  5. 
Cim'bri,  the,  226-229. 

Cln'oln-na'^tus,  Lucius  QumC  tl-US, 

legend  of,  80. 
Cin'e-as,  minister  of  Pyrrhus,  1 30. 
Cinna.     See  Cornelius. 
Cir-ce'i-i  (cir-se'ye),  251. 

Circus,  games  of  the,  3S.  5i6. 

Cir'cus    Max'i-mus,    location,    5 1  ; 

description,  458. 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      533 


Cisalpine  Gaul,  inhabitants,  ad- 
mitted to  the  city,  299,  n.  10. 

Citizenship,  Roman,  privileges  of, 
2 1 ;  rights  bestowed  in  instal- 
ments, 22,  23,  n.  5  ;  definition  of, 
23,  n.  5;  Rome's  liberal  policy  in 
conferring  upon  aliens,  44 ;  citi- 
zens enjoying  Caeritan  rights 
III,  112;  dual  citizenship  of 
the  burghers  of  municipia,  115  ; 
Gaius  Gracchus  proposes  that 

Latins  be  made  citizens,  221  ; 
status  of  citizens  as  compared 
with  aliens,  235;  demanded  by 
the  Italians,  238  ;  secured  by 
them  as  result  of  the  Social 
War,  241 ;  conferred  upon  Latin 

towns  of  Transpadane  Gaul, 
241,  242  ;  given  inhabitants  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  299,  n.  10  ; 
Caesar's  liberality  in  conferring 

upon  provincials,  299;  conferred 

by  Caracalla  upon  all  free  inhab- 
itants of  the  empire,  375. 

City-state,  Rome  as  a,  17. 

Ci-vi'lis,  Claudius,  348. 

Civitates  faderatce.      See    Italian 

allies. 

Clan.     See  Gens. 
Classes,  the  five  Servian,  51. 
Claudius,  emperor,  reign,  341-344  ; 
admits  GaUic  nobUity  to  Roman 

senate,  34  T;   conquest  of  Britain, 
343  ;    Claudian     aqueduct,    343  j 
his  death,  344. 
Claudius,  Appius,  father-in-law  of 
Tiberius  Gracchus,  216. 

Claudius,    Appius.   Caecus,   125: 

counsels    Romans    not    to     treat 

with  victorious  foe,  130. 


Claudms.    Appius,    decemvir,   84  ; 

his   misconduct,  87  ;    suicide,  88. 
Claudius,  Publius,  consul,  151. 
Clement    of    Alexandria,    Church 

Father,  505. 

Clement  of  Rome,  Church  Father. 

505. 

Cleon,  Athenian  demagogue,  169, 
n.  7. 

Cleopatra,  Caesar  secures  for  her 
the  throne  of  Egypt,  296;  mCCtS 

Mark  Antony,  308  ;   at  the  battle 

of  Actium,  309;  her  death,  311. 

Clients, of  the  family,  1 4 ;  of  the  gens 

and  the  state,  14,  n.  10  ;  members 

of  the  plebeian  order,  22,  n.  4  ; 

of  the  plebeian  assembly,  82. 

-Clo-a'ca  Max'i-ma,  48  and  n.  7. 
Clovis,  king  of  the  Franks,  433,  n.  7. 
Clusium,  8  ;  besieged  by  Gauls,  97. 
Clyde,  Frith  of,  352. 

Code,  the,  of  Justinian,  509. 

-Go'cles,  Ho-ra'ti-us,  legend  of,  60. 
Coemption  12,  n.  8. 

Coria-ti"nus,  Tar-quin'i-us,  consul, 
64. 

Colleges,  sacred,  y., 
Colline,  city  district,  52,  n.  10. 
Colline  Gate,  battle  at,  255. 
Colonies,   Latin,   why  so    caHed, 

134;    rights    of  colonists,    134; 

curtailment   of   privileges,   i]i, 

n.  7  ;  status  of  settlers  in,  com- 
pared to  that  of  settlers  in  a 
territory  of  the  United  States, 
135;  number  at  time  of  Second 
Punic  War,  135  ;  influence  in 
spreading  Roman  culture,  135; 
list  of,  137;  in  the  Social  War, 
240,  241. 


534      II^DKX   AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Colonies,  Roman,  rights  and  privi- 
leges,   133    and    n.    5;     taWe    ot, 

138;  in  the  Social  War,  241,  n.  6. 
Co'los-se^'um,  origin  of  name,  350  ; 

description,  460. 
-Co-mtti-a  centuriata^  outgrowth  of 

Servian  reforms,  54  and  n.  %  \ 

manner  of   voting  in,  54  ;    tabu- 
lated facts  respecting,  loS. 

curiata,  functions   of,   19;  a 

non-representative     body,     20 ; 

tabulated  facts  respecting,  io8. 

trihuta,  patricio-plebeian   as- 


sembly,   first     appearance,    90; 

tabulated  facts  respecting,  108. 
Co-mVti-iimy  the,  49. 
Commerce  of  early  Rome,  4J,  46. 

Com  mere  turn.      See  /us  com  me  ret  i. 

Com'mo-dus,  emperor,  reign,  371. 

Con-cil'i-nm  tributum  plebis,  ori- 
gin, 82 ;  its  resolutions  given 
the  force  of  law,  88 ;  tabulated 

facts  concerning,   108. 

Concord,  temple  of,  105,  223. 
Confarreatio,  ii,  n.  7. 
Conmibhim.     ^ee  Jus  conftubii. 
Constans,  emperor,  405. 

Constantlne  tKe  Great,  reign,  ^(^\- 
404 ;  defeats  Maxentius  at  the 
Milvian  Bridge,  392  ;  makes  the 
cross  his  standard,  392  ;  defeats 
Licinius  at  Adrianople  and  Chal- 

cedon,  394;  grants  toleration 
to  Christians,  394;  recognizes 
Sabbath  as  a  rest-day,  395; 
summons  council  of  Nicaea,  396; 
founds  Constantinople,  396  ; 
reasons    for    transfer    of    the 

capital,  397-399 ;  reorganizes 
the  government,  400  ;  separates 


civil  and  military  powers,  400, 
401 ;    court,    402 ;    character, 

403  ;      sacrifices    offered     before 

his  Statues,  404. 
Constantine,  son  of  preceding,  405. 
Constanrinople,     founded,     396 ; 

advantages  of  situation,  39J- 

399 ;  captured  by  the  Turks, 
426. 

Constantius  I.,  as  Caesar,  3S5  ;  as 
emperor,  390,  391 ;   II.,  405- 

Consuls,  first  chosen,  62  ;  original 
powers,  62;  immunity  from  pros- 
ecution, 64  ;  authority  restricted 
hyXh^Lex  Valeria, 66;  tabulated 
facts  respecting,  109;  clothed 
with  dictatorial  powers,  283  and 

n.  6  ;  term  of  office  shortened 
by  Augustus,  318,  n.  3. 
Consulship,  made  illegal  to  hold 
successive  years,  261  ;  Sulla  pro- 
vides that  entrance  to,  shall  be 
through  quaestorsKip  and  prse- 

torship,   261  ;    age   of   eligibility 

to,  261,  n.  7. 
Cora,  120. 
Cor-fin'i-um,  240. 

Corinth,  defies  Rome,  igi;  its 

destruction,  191  ;  why  destroyed, 
192. 
Co'ri-o-la"nus,      Gaius       Marcius, 

legend    of,  76. 

Co-ri'o-H,  Volscian  city,  76,  n.  3. 

Corn,  free  distribution  of,  272  ;  in 
time  of  Augustus,  327;  Augustus 
restricts  the  number  receiving 
the  dole,  327,  n.  5;  evils  of  the 
practice,  523.     See  Corn  laws. 

Cor-ne'll-a,  mother  of  the  U^accni, 
211;   her  monument,  223 


/NBEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      535 


Cornelians,  the,  257. 

Cornelius     CInna,    Lucius,    consul, 

252. 

Corn  laws,  the  Gracchan,  219. 
Cor' pus  Ju'ris   Ct-vi'lis,   509-511  ; 
its  influence,  510. 

Corsica,  island,  relation  to  Italy. 

3;  province,  155. 
Cor'un-ca^'ni-i,  the,  341. 
Cotta,   L.    Aurelius,  praetor,   272, 

n.  7. 

Council,  first,  of  church,  396. 

Crassus,  Marcus  Licinius,  defeats 
the  gladiators,  269,  270  ;  elected 
consul,  270;  his  great  wealth, 
how  gained,  284,  n.  7;  enters 
the  First  Triumvirate,  28  ^j  his 

Parthian  campaign,  290  ;    death, 
291. 

Crem'e-ra  River,  -j^. 

Cre-mo'na  Colony,  158. 

Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  246. 

Ctes'i-pKon,  t^^j ,  413. 

Curia,    16;    number   of   curies   in 

early  Rome,  17,  43. 
"Gu'ri-a''ti-i,  59. 
■CuM-o,  G.  Scribonius,  295. 

Currency  of  Rome,  ij2,  n.  4. 

Curtius,  Marcus,  legend  of,  28,  n.  9. 
Curule  (ku'rul)  offices,  no. 

Cyb'e-Ie,  goddess,  yj. 
Cyn'os-ceph^'a-la;,  battle  of,  186. 

Dacia  reduced   to  a  province   by 

Trajan,  355,  356. 
Dacians  exact  promise  of  tribute 

from  Rome,  352. 
Danube,  the,  bridged  by  Trajan, 

356;    crossed  by  the  Ooths,  417. 
Debtor,     Livy's     picture     of,     68; 


•    provisions  regarding,  in  Twelve 

Tables,  85. 
De-cem'virs,    first    board,    83-87  ; 

second,  87;    their   misrule   and 

overthrow,  ^-j,  ^'^. 
Decius,  emperor,  37S. 

Deems  Mus,  Publius,  consul,  de- 
votes himself  for  his  army,  120. 

Decius  Mus,  son  of  preceding, 
devotes  himself,  127. 

Decuriales,  the,  385,  n.  8. 

Delatores.    See  Delatoys. 

De-la^'tors,  ■t^^,'^. 

Delos,    sacked    by    pirates,    277 ; 

inherits   the   trade    of   Corinth, 

192,  193. 

I  democracy  supersedes  monarchy 

in  Grasco-Roman  world,  56,  n.  5. 
Den-ta'tus,    Manius    Curius,    131, 
196. 

Dictator,  his  powers,  63;  how- 
nominated,  d^,  64,  n.  10;  appeals 
from  his  decisions,  89,  n.  3  ; 
tabulated  facts  respecting  office, 
109;  term  first  made  indefinite 
in  Sulla's  case,  258;  consuls 
clothed  with  dictatorial  powers, 

283  and  n.  6. 

Dioceses,  400,  401. 

Di'o-cle"ti-an,  emperor,  reign,  381- 
390  ;  governmental  reforms, 
381-384;  administrative  system, 

384-386;    persecution   of  the 

Christians,    3S6-389 ;    his   abdi- 
cation, 389;  his  villa  at  Salona, 

473- 
Divination,  32. 

Divorce,  freouency  of,  ^28. 

iJominus,  title    assumed    by   Dio- 
cletian, 383. 


536      INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Domitian,  emperor,  reign,  351- 
354- 

Do'mi-tir'la,  354- 

Uraco,  84,  n.  5. 

Drama,  Roman,  480-4S4. 

Drep'a-na,  sea  fight  at,  151,  n.  7. 

Drusus,  son  of  Tiberius,  337. 

Drusus,  stepson  of  Augustus,  322. 

Drusus,  Marcus  Livius,  tribune, 
222 ;  becomes  champion  of  the 
Italians,  238 ;  his  assassination, 

23QJ  his  character,  2^0. 

Du-il'lius,     Gaius,     consul,      gains 

victory  at  Mylae,  146,  I47- 
Du-um'vi-ri,  385,  n.  8. 
Dy-ra'chi-um,  295. 

E'bro  River,  160. 

Ec-no'mus,  naval  battle  near  prom- 
ontory of,  148. 
E-des'sa,  378,  n.  i. 
Education,     under     Julian,    409; 

statement     respecting,     amOHg 
the    Romans,   512;    exemptions 
of  teachers,  512;   Roman   youth 
in  schools  of  Greece,  513. 
Egypt,  condition  about    200  B.C., 

183;  its  grain  trade,  185;  made 

a  Roman  province,  311. 
El'a-gab^a-lus,  emperor,  376. 
Elbe  (elb)  River,  321,  322. 
Elephants,  use  in  war,  149. 
Er6U-§in''i-an  mysteries,  ij6,  n.  i. 

E-leu'sis,  156,  n.   i. 

En'ni-us,  poet,  483. 
Ep'ic-te''tus,  the  Stoic,  503. 
Eq'u i-tes  (ek'wi-tez) .    See  Knights. 
Esquiline,  city  district,  52,  n.  10. 

E-truM-a,     location,     2  ;     sOutKem 

part  Romanized,  96. 


E-trus'cans,  their  early  civilization, 

8 ;  decline  of  their  power,  1 1  s ; 

suffer  defeat  at  Vadimonian 
Lake,    124  and  n.   2. 

Eu-dox'i-a,  empress,  439. 

Eu-ge'ni-us,  emperor,  424. 

Eu'me-nes,  king  of  Pergamus,  187. 

Eu'no-us,  leader  of  slaves  in  Serv- 
ile War,  209. 

Eu-se'bi-us,  Church  Father,  505. 

Fa'bi-i,  the,  legend  of,  77-80. 

Fabius   Maxlmus,    '*  the   Delayer,'' 

165-169. 
Fabius  Maximus  Gur'ges,  128. 
Fabius  Maximus  Rul'li-a^'nus,  1 24  ; 

compared   with   Alexander   the 

Great,  1 2  5. 
Fabius,    Quintus,     ambassador    to 

the  Gauls,  97. 
Fabius,    Quintus,   ambassador    to 

the  Carthaginians,  160. 

Fa-bricl-us,  Roman  statesman, 
131- 

Fa-le'ri-i,  Etruscan  city.  III. 

Family,  the  Roman,  11-14;  i*** 
place  in  Roman  history,  15. 

Fasces  (fas'sez),  the,  18;  signifi- 
cance of  the  removal  of  the  axe 
from,  67. 

Fav'o-ri"nus,  rhetorician,  363. 

Festivals.      See  Sacred  Games. 

Fetiales.     See  Heralds. 

Fl-de'nse,  Etruscan  stronghold,  93; 
fall  of  amphitheatre  at,  338. 

Flam'i-nesy  25,  n.  6. 

Flaminian    Way.      See    Via    Fla- 

minia. 

Flam'i-ni''nus,  Roman  general, 
186. 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      537 


Flamininus,  L,  Quintius,  senator, 

197. 

Fla-min'i-us,   Gaius,    Roman  gen- 
eral, 165. 
Flavian  Age,  347. 
Forth,  Frith  of,  352. 
Forum,   the    Roman,   in   time   of 

the  kings,  48-50. 
Franks,  the,  form  first  settlement 

in  Gaul,  435. 
Fr aires  A  males,  32,  n.  3. 
Frit'i-gern,  Visigothic  leader,  420. 

Fron-ti'nus,   505. 

Fulvia,  wife  of  Mark  Antony,  307. 

Funeral,    provisions    of     Twelve 

Tables  respecting,  86. 
Furius  Camillus,  Marcus,  dictator, 

takes  city  of  Veil,  04 ;  ransoms 

Rome  with   steel,  <^c^  ;    dissuades 

the  Romans  from  abandoning 
their  city,  100;  dedicates  temple 
to  Concord,  105. 

Gabinian  law.      See  I.ex  Gabinia. 
Ga-bin'i-us,  A.,  tribune,  277. 
Gaius,  grandson  of  Augustus,  330. 
Gaius,  jurist,  508. 
Gaius  Caesar  (Caligula),  emperor, 

^e'S"»  339-341- 

Galba,  emperor,  347. 
Ga-le'ri-us,    Caesar,    -^Z,  389 ;   em- 
peror, 390,  391. 
Garii-a  Cis'al-pi"na,  geographical 

situation,  I  ;   origin  of  name,  2. 

Garii-a  Nar'bo-nen^sis,  2S6. 

Gaul,  conquest  of,  by  Caesar,  286- 
288 ;  results  of  the  Gallic  wars, 
288 ;     Romanization     of,     289 ; 

native  tribes  formed  into  munici- 
palities,  289,  n.  3.     See  Gauls. 


Gauls,  early  settlement  in  North 

Italy,  2,  9;  sack  Rome,  96-100 ; 
besiege  Clusium,  97  ;  victory 
over  the  Romans  near  the  AHia, 
97  ;  besiege  the  Capitol,  99 ; 
Rome's  war  with,  between  First 
and  Second  Punic  Wars,  156- 
158;  join  Hannibal,  165. 

Geiseric,  Vandal  leader,  439. 

Ge'lon,  king  of  Syracuse,  76. 

Gens,  15,  16;  number  of  gentes 
in  early  Rome,  41. 

Gen'ser-ic.       See  Geiseric. 

Geography,  influence  upon  the 
fortunes  of  Rome,  45. 

Ger-man'i-cus,  nephew  of  the  em- 
peror  Tiberius,  retakes   eagles 

lost    by    Varus,    335. 

Ge'ta,  emperor,  374. 

Gladiatorial  combats,  given  by 
Augustus,  327  ;  naval  spectacle 
in  reign  of  Claudius,  343 ;  Nero 

descends  into  the  arena,  544; 

Commodus  as  a  gladiator,  372  ; 
their  suppression,  428  ;  attitude 
of  Christians  towards,  429  ;  gen- 
eral description   of   the  shows, 

57-5-0- 
Gladiators,  war  of  the,  269. 
Glaucia.      See  Serz'ilizis. 
Golden  Horn,  398. 
Golden  House,  Nero's,  346,  471. 
Gordian,  emperor,  378. 

Goths,   Eastern.       See   Ostrogoths. 
Western.       See    Visigoths. 

Gracchan  constitution,  essentials 
of,  restored  by  Pompey,  271-273. 
See  Tiberius  and  Gaius  Gracchus. 

Grac'clius,  Gaius,  his  noble  birth, 

211;     motives    and    aims,     218  j 


53^       INDEX   AND    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


reform  measures,  219;  downfall 

and  death,  221, 222. 

Gracchus,  Tiberius,  early  life,  21 1 ; 
his  agrarian  law,  212;  resorts 
to  unconstitutional  means,  214; 
defends  his  action,  215;  his  vio- 
lent death,  2i6j  effects  of  his 

land  law,   217. 
Gratian,  emperor,  417;  associates 
Theodosius  with   himself  in  the 
government,    421  ;     refuses    to 
receive  the  insignia  of  the  office 

of   Pontifex   Alaximus,   4~^   y    ^^' 

moves  the  statue  of  Victory 
from  senate  chamber,  422  ;  dis- 
establishes the  sacred  colleges, 

423- 
Great    Fire    at    Rome    In    Nero's 

reign,    344. 
Greece,    looks    towards    the    east, 
6 ;  Rome's  first  intervention  in 
its  affairs,  156;  becomes  a  Ro- 
man province,  193;  how  "ruin 

averted  ruin,"  193;  reaction  up- 
on Rome,  194  ;  enthralls  her  cap- 
tor, 195;  effects  of  conquest  by 
Rome  on  Roman  literature,  484. 
Greeks,  settlement  in  South  Italy, 

10,  89  ;  contend  with  Carthagini- 
ans for  mastery  of  Sicily,  142; 
liberty  of  Greek  cities  restored 
by  Flamininus,  186 ;  join  Mithra- 
dates,  248. 

Habeas  Corpus  Act,  67,  n.  2. 
Hadrian,  emperor,  reign,  360-364; 
villa  at  Tibur,  473  ;  Mausoleum, 

475- 

Hadrian  Wall  in  Britain,  360-362; 

left  unguarded,  436. 


Ha-mircar  Barca,  Carthaginian 
general,  132;  in  Spain,  1 59. 

Hannibal,  as  a  youth,  159;  attacks 
Saguntum,  160;  marches  from 
Spain,  162  ;  passage  of  the  Pyre- 
nees, 163  ;  passage  of  the  Rhone, 
163;  passage  of  the  Alps,  163; 

in  Italy,  164-178  ;  his  stratagem, 
168;     winters    in     Capua,     173; 
before    Rome,    174;    at  bay  in    • 
Bruttium,  178;  defeat  at  Zama, 
178;  as  a  statesman,  189;  exile 

and  death,  1 89,  IQO. 
Hanno,  Carthaginian  general,  153. 

Ha-rus'pi-ces,  art  of  the,  32. 
Has'dru-bal,  brother  of  Hannibal, 
in  Spain,  1 59 ;  at  the  Metaunis, 

176-178. 
Hasdrubal,  son-in-law  of  Hamilcar, 

159. 
Helvetians,  287. 
Her'a-cle"a,  battle  of,  1 29. 
Heralds,  college  of,  32,  35. 
Her'cu-la"ne-um,  350. 
Hercules,  Pillars  of,  139. 
Hermann.      See  Armim'us. 
Hernicans     form     alliance     with 

Rome  and  the  Latin  towns,  71. 

Her''u-U,  the,  441. 

Hi'e-ro,     King    of    Syracuse,     144, 

172. 
Him'er-a,  battle  of,  143,  n.  2. 
Hip^po-drome   at    Constantinople, 

300- 

His-pa'nl-a,  Citerior,  178,  n.  4  ;  Ul- 
terior, 178,  n.  4. 

Ho-no'ri-us,  emperor,  426;  sup- 
presses gladiatorial  games,  429. 

Horace,  poet,  326, 490. 

Ho-ra'ti-i,  combat  with  Curiatii,  59- 


INDEX   AND    PRONOUNCIATG    VOCABULARY.      539 


Horatius,  Marcus,  consul,  88. 
Hortensian  law,  128,  n.  6. 
Hor-ten'si-us,  jurist,  494. 
Hos-tiri-us,  Tullus,  king  of  Rome, 

46. 
Hungary,  Huns  of  Attila  settle  in, 

438,  n.  9. 

Huns,     drive      Ooths      across      the 

Danube,  419;  defeated  at  Cha- 
lons, 437  ;  part  taken  by,  in 
founding  the  Hungarian  state, 
438,  n.  9. 

Hy-ge'i-a,  temple  of,  199. 

I'a-pyg''i-ans,  6,  n.  3. 

Ilium,  203. 

Illyrian      corsairs      punished     by 

Rome,  156. 

Tl-lyr'i-cum,  286. 

If?if>erator,  the  title,  317. 

Im-pe'ri-unty  63, 

Institutes  of  Justinian,  509. 

Intercession,   consular    rights   of, 

62. 
Intermarriage   between    patricians 

and  plebeians,  21. 
I  titer  rex,  18. 
Psar  River,  163. 

Isere  (e-zar^).       See  Isar. 
Isis,  37. 

I-ta'ii-a,  application  of  the  name,  i. 

Italian  allies,  status  before  the 
Social  War,  236,  237  ;  how  en- 
rolled in  the  tribes,  244,  n.  12. 

See  Social   Wat-. 

Italians,  chief  states,  6. 

I-taPi-ca.     See  Corjitiium. 

Italy,  divisions,  2  ;  geography,  1-6  ; 

mountain  system,  3;  rivers,  4; 

the  front  of  the   land,   5 ;   geo- 


graphical relation  to  Greece,  5, 

6  and  n.  2 ;  its  early  inhabitants;, 

6-10 ;  united  under  Rome,  132; 
becomes  a  province  of  the  East- 
ern empire,  441. 

Ja-nic'u-lum,  the,  34,  n.  4. 

Ja'nus,  Roman  deity,  30 ;  doors 
of  temple  closed  in  reign  of 
Augustus,    325,   331. 

Jerome,  Church  Father,  506. 

Jerusalem,  taken  by  Pompey,  281  ; 

by    Titus,    347  ;      made    site     of 

Roman    colony,    363;    Julian's 
attempt    to    restore    temple    at, 
411. 
Jews,  revolt  of  in  reign  of  Hadrian, 

302, 303 ;  hnal  dispersion  of, 3^3  ; 
Julian's   relations    to,    411.      See 
/erusalem. 

Josephus,  historian,  347. 

Jovian,  emperor,  concludes  treaty 

with  Persian  king,  414;  restores 

Christianity,  414. 

Ju'ge-ra,  103,  n.  i. 

Ju-gur'tha,  w^ar  with  Rome,  224- 

226. 
Julia,  daughter  of  Augustus,  310. 

Julian  Alps,  4. 

Julian  line  of  emperors,  346. 

Julian  the  Apostate,  reign,  405- 
414;  state  of  Church  at  his 
accession,  405 ;  his  religion,  407  ; 

means  used  to  effect  the  pagan 
restoration,  408  ;  attempts  to  re- 
build temple  at  Jerusalem,  411  ; 
campaign  against  the  Persians, 
412;  death,  413. 

Ju-li-a'nus,  Didl-us,  373. 

Ju'Ii-i,  341. 


540      INDEX  AJVn   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Juno,  Roman  goddess,  29 ;  Etrus- 

can,  94. 

Ju-no'ni-a,  burgess  colony,  221. 

Jupiter  Latiaris,  41. 

Jupiter  Tonans,  367. 

Jura  Mountains,  287. 

Jury  courts,  in  hands  of  knights, 

220  ;    Sulla  provides  that  judges 

shall  be  selected  from  senators, 
259;  reconstituted  by  Pompey, 
272  and  n.  7. 
Jus  auxilii,  of  the  plebeian  tribune, 

^9;  iommercu,  JefineQ,  1\  \  GI\- 
joyed  by  plebeians  in  early  Rome, 
23;  ft?// «z/^//,  defined,  21  ;  with- 
drawn from  Latin  colonies,  1 34, 
n.    7  ;    honorum,    defined,    21  ; 

imasinmu  defined,  91 ;  frm- 

cationis,   defined,   21  ;    suffragii, 

defined,  21. 
Justin  Martyr,  365. 
Justinian,  emperor,  his  code,  50S. 

Juvenal,  satirist,  493. 

Khedive  (ka'dev")»  427.  n.  i. 

Kings,  the  Roman,  their  early 
power,  i8;  names  transmitted 
by  legend,   46;    expelled  from 

Rome,   56.       See    Tarquins. 

Knights,  95,  n.  i ;  character  of  the 
order,  220 ;  administration  of 
criminal  courts  placed  in  their 
hands,  220;    pervert  justice  in 

t 

the    jury  courts,    239,   n.    I  ;    in 
control  of  these  courts,  272  and 

n.  7. 
Lab'a-rum,   392,  n.    10;    removed 

from  the  army,  409;  restored, 
414. 


La-cin'i-um,  promontory  of,  129. 
Lae'li-us,  Gaius,  orator,  494. 

Lands,     public,     management     of, 
71— 73  J       monopolization     by     a 

few    families,    446.      See   Ager 
fubliais  and  Agrarian  laws. 
Lares,  cult,  31 ;  worship  interdicted, 

424;  secretly  practised,  425. 
Lat-i-fiiu'di-a,,  growth,  223. 
Latin  colonies.     See  Colonies. 
Latin  Festival,  41. 
Latin   League,   in   earliest   times, 

411   reestablished  by  Spurius 

Cassius,    71;     dissolution,    120. 
See  Latins. 
Latin   rights,  in   what   these  con- 
sisted,  133;    conferred  by  Ves- 
pasian upon  Spanish  cities.    See 

Colonies. 
Latins,  early  institutions,  7;  ethnic 
relationship,  7;    throw   off   the 
Roman     yoke,    66;     revolt    of 
Latin  towns   in   340  B.C.,  117; 

how  treated   by  Rome    after  the 
Latin  War,  120  ;   political  status 
of,  235. 
La'ti-um,    2 ;    before    the    rise    of 

Rome,  39. 

Lau-ren'tum,  20. 

La-vin'i-a,  legendary  princess,  57. 

La-vin'i-um,  57. 

I^aw.     See  Jus  and  Roman  Law. 

Legacy  hunting,  514. 

Legion,  its  normal  strength  and 

tactical  formation  in  early  times, 
53  ;  changes  in  formation,  95, 
n.  2  ;  citizens  without  property 
enrolled,  229;  changes  in,  made 
by  Marius,  230,  n.  4 ;  size  re- 
duced by  Constantine,  400. 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.       54 1 


Lenormant  (leh-nor'moh'')  quoted, 
479- 

Leo  the  Great,  bishop,  turns 
Attila  back,  438;  intercedes  for 
Rome  with  Geiseric,  439. 

Lep'i-dus,  Marcus  /L-miri-us,  his 
revolt,  264 ;  his  death,  265. 

Lepldus,  Marcus  ^.milius,  son  of 

preceding,  the  triumvir,  aids 
Antony  in  his  usurpation,  304 ; 
enters  the  Second  Triumvirate, 
305 ;  receives  the  government  of 

Africa,  joO. 

Lex,  Aureiia,  272,  n.  7;  Jrumen- 
taria,  219,  n.  2;  Gabinia,  277, 
n.  9,  and  278;  Jiilia,  241,  n.  7; 
Julia  municipalis,  2()()',  Justicia- 
ria,  220,  n.  3;  Phuitia  Papiria, 

241,    n.  8;   Pompcta,   242,   n.    9; 
Sempronia,    246,   n.   5 ;    Thoria, 
223,   224;    Valeria,  66. 
Library,  Alexandrian,  burned,  300, 
301. 

Till  , 

Licmian  laws,  103-105. 
Licinius,  competitor  for  the  impe- 
rial throne,  394. 
Li-cin'i-us,  Gaius,  tribune,  103. 
Lictors,  attendants  of   the   king, 

18;  consular,  62. 

Li-gu'ri-a,  i. 

Ligurians,  6,  n.  3. 
Li'ris,  the,  5. 

Literature,  Roman,  under  Augus- 
tus, 325  j   relation  to  Greek 

models,  477,  478. 
Li-ter'num,  190. 
Liv'i-us,  Marcus,  consul,  177. 
Livy,   historian,    mentioned,   326; 

his  history,  498. 
Lon-gi'nus,  rhetorician,  379. 


Lu'can,  poet,  put  to  death  by  Nero, 

34^  i  ^^^  ^^^^^^>^t?//(^,  493,  n.  10. 

I-u-ca'ni-a,  2. 

Lucanians,     mentioned,    6;     join 

Hannibal,  172. 
I^ucca,  290. 
Lu'ce-res,  tribe  in  early  Rome,  43, 

n.  1 1. 
I^u-ce'ri-a,  Apulian  town,  121. 
Lu-cil'i-us,  poet,  485. 
Lucius,    grandson     of    Augustus, 

330. 

Lu-cre'ti-us.  poet,  485. 

Lu-cul'lus,  Lucius  Licinius,  Sulla's 
lieutenant,  254;  in  Third  Mith- 
radatic  War,  279,  280;  super- 
seded by  Pompey,  280. 

Lug-du-nen'sis,  289,  n.  2. 

Lu'per-ccl"li-a,  the,  32,  n.  3. 
Lu-per'cl,  guilds  of  the,  32,  n.  3. 
Lu'si-ta"ni-a,  province,  321,  n.  8. 
Lusitanians,  205;   invite  Sertorius 
from  Africa,  26';. 

Lusf7-ti7n,  c)2,   n.  g. 

Luxury,  Roman,  520-522. 
Lyc'i-a  given   to  the  king  of  Per- 
gamus,  1 87. 

Maceaonia,    condition     about     200 

B.C.,  182  i  organized  as  a  prov- 
ince, 188. 
Macedonian     War,     First,     175  ; 
Second,  185;  Third,  188. 

Ma-cri'nus,  emperor,  '^j^k 

Mas-ce'nas,  patron  of  literature, 
326,  486. 

Magistrates,  Roman,  immunity 
from  prosecution  while  in  office, 
64  and  n.  11  j  tabulated  facts  re- 
specting, 109, 1 10;  order  in  which 


542     ijvn^ix  Ajvn  rRoivocrjvc/A^G   vocabulary. 


different    offices    were    entered, 
261,   n.  7  ;    ages    of    eligibility, 

261,     n.    7  ;      under     Augustus, 

Magna  Charta,  the  Roman,  88. 
Magna    Graecia,    origin    of   name, 
2 ;    effects    of    conquest  by  the 

Romans  upon  Roman  literature, 
481. 

Mag-ne'si-a,  battle  of,  187. 
Ma'go,  brother  of  Hannibal,  170. 
Magyars  (mod'yors),  438,  n.  9. 
Ma-har'bal,  Carthaginian  general, 
171. 

Mamertine  dungeon,  226. 

Mam'er-tines,  143,  n.  3. 

Manilian  law,  279,  n.  2. 

Manlius,  Marcus,  defends  the  capi- 
tal, 99  ;  champion  of  the  ple- 
beians, 102  ;    condemnation  and 

death,  102,  103. 
Manlius,    Titus,    consul,    opposes 
demands    of    the    Latins,    119; 
inflicts  death  penalty  upon  his 

son,  119;    compared  with  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  125. 

Ma'nus,  12,  n.  8. 

Mar-ceHus,      Marcus      Claudius, 

Roman  general,  I73« 

Mar'co-man"i,  366. 

Ma'ri-us,  Gains,  in  Jugurthine 
War,  226 ;  destroys  the  Cimbri 
and  Teutones,  227-229;  fifth 
consulship,  228;  confers  Roman 
citizenship  upon  allies,  229; 
makes  changes  in  the  army,  229; 
attempts  revolution,  231  ;  sup- 
presses disorder  in  Rome,  233; 
votive  journey  to  Asia,  233 ;  in 

the   Social   War,  24 1  ;   contends 


with  Sulla  for  command  against 
Mithradates,  249 ;  is  proscribed, 

250:  his  wanderings,  251;  re- 
turns to  Italy,  252  ;  his  proscrip- 
tion, 252;  his  seventh  consulship, 
253;  his  death,  253. 
Marriage,  forms  among  the  Ro- 
man?, II,  H.  7  j  intermarriage  of 

patricians  and  plebeians  pro- 
hibited by  law  of  Twelve  Tables, 
90,  n.  7;  made  legal  by  Canu- 
leian  law,  90 ;  held  in  disesteem 
in  later  times,  447. 

Mars,  god  of  war,  29. 

Marsians  in  the  Social  War,  240. 

Marsic  War.      See  Social  War. 

Martial,  poet,  493. 

Mas^i-nis'^sa,  king  of  Numidia,  200, 

201. 

Massilia,  295. 

Master  of  the  horse,  64. 

Mau'ri-ta"ni-a,  321. 

Max-en'ti-us,    competitor    for    the 

imperial  throne,  392. 

Max-im'i-an,  emperor,    3S5  ;   abdi- 
cation, 390. 
Max'i-mln,  emperor,  377. 
Maximus,  emperor,  439. 
Mesopotamia,  province,  accjuired, 

358  ;    abandoned,  360. 
Mes-sa'na,  town,  143,  n.  3. 
Metamorphoses,  the,  of   Ovid,  491. 
i    Metaurus  River,  4. 
Metaurus,   battle   of   the,    177  ;  a 

turning   point   in    history,    204. 

MeteUus,  L.  Caecilius,  consul,  149. 
Metellus,    Quintus    Caecilius,  trib- 
une,  294. 
Metellus,  Quintus  Cx-cilius,  Pius, 

Roman  general,  267,  26X. 


INnRX    AJVn    PROJVOUJVC/JVG    VOCABULARY.       543 


Migration   of   the  German    tribes 
checked  by  Caesar,   290. 

Military  roads,  construction  begun, 

125  ;  description,  462-465. 
Military  spirit,  decline   of,  among 

the  Romans,  449. 
Military  system,  Roman,  modified 

by  long  siege   of   Veii,  c/^,  5c. 

See  Ar-my. 
Milvian  Bridge,  battle  at,  392. 
Minerva,  goddess,  29. 
Min-tur'nze,  251. 

Mi-nu'ci-us,  master  of  horse,  169. 
Mi-ge'num,  502. 
Misopogon,     the,     satire     by      the 

Emperor  Julian,  413. 
Mith'ra,  worship  of,  y]. 
Mith'ra-da^'tes   VI.,   Eupator,   the 

Great,  king  of  Fontus.  his  char- 

acter,  247  ;  orders  massacre  of 
Italians  in  Asia,  248 ;  invades 
Europe,  24S ;  first  war  against 
Rome,  253  ;  sues  for  peace, 
254  ;  second  war  against  Rome, 

278,  n.  I  ;  third  war,  278-281; 
his  death,  281. 

Mithradatic  War,  First,  253 ;  Sec- 
ond, 278,  n.  I  ;  Third,  27S- 
281. 

Moesia,     province,     322  ;     Dacians 

make   inroads   into,  352. 
Mo'loch,  Carthaginian  deity,  140. 
Monasticism,     effects     upon      the 

empire,  447,  453. 

Money,  coining  forbidden  to  sub- 
ject states,  132,  n.  4;  right  to 
coin  taken  from  Latin  colonists, 
134.  n-  7- 

Moftuvientuvi  Ancyranum,  328,  n. 

0,  and  3ji. 


Morality  in  early  Rome,  1 5  ;  state 
of  morals  in  the  later  empire, 
454. 

Mulvian  Bridge.      See  Milvian. 

Mum'mi-us,  Lucius,  consul,  de- 
stroys Corinth,  191  ;  story  of, 
192  ;  his  triumph,  192. 

Mun\la,  battle  of,  297,  n.  7. 

Municipal  system,  nature  and  be- 
ginnings, 1 1  2-1 1  5  ;  effects  upon, 
of  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
Italians,  244,  245 ;  introduced 
into  Gaul,   289,  n.  3;  the  Lex 

Julia      mitnicipalis,      299.        JSee 
Municipia. 
Mu-ni-cip'i-a,  meaning  and  use  of 
the  term,  112  and  n.  5;  number 
increased  as  an  outcome  of  the 

social  War,  244  ;  diiYerent  grades 
reduced  to  one,  245,  n.  3  ;  lose 
self-government  under  later  em- 
perors, 384.  See  Alunicipal 
System. 

Mus.    See  Decius, 

My'l«,  naval  battle  near  promon- 
tory of,  146. 

Nas'vi-us,  poet,  482. 
Naples,  harbor,  6. 

Narbonensis.       See  Gallia. 
Na-si'ca.      See  Scipio. 
Ne-ap'o-lis.      See  A^aples. 
Neoplatonists,  407. 
Ne'pos,  Cornelius,  497,  n.  4. 

Nero,     emperor,     reign,     344-3465 

persecution    of    the  Christians, 

345;  death,  346. 
Nero,  Gaius  Claudius,  consul,  177. 
Nerva,  emperor,  reign,  354. 

-Cae'a,  church  council  at,  396. 


544      INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      545 


Nic'o-me'Mes  III.,  king  of  Bithynia, 

wills  kls  kingdom  to  Roman 

people,  279. 
Nimes  (nem),  465,  n.  6. 
No'nien-cld'tor,  523. 
Nor'i-cum,  province,  322. 
Nmlh  the,  of  Justinian,  509. 
Nu'ma,  king  of  Rome,  46. 
Nu-man'ti-a,    destruction   of,    205, 

206. 
Numantine  War,  205. 
Nu'mi-tor,  king  of  Rome,  57. 

Octavia,  sister  of  Augustus,  490. 

Octavius,  Gains,  opposes  Antony, 
305  ;  enters  the  Second  Trium- 
virate, 305 ;  receives  the  govern- 
ment of  tKe  West,  306;  gives 

up  to  the  assassins  his  friend 
Cicero,  306;  at  the  battle  of 
Actium,  310  ;  sole  master  of  the 
Roman    world,  310  ;  his    reign, 

31^555;  character  of  his  gov- 
ernment, 315;  reforms  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  provinces, 
319  ;  rounds  out  the  empire,  320; 
population  of  the  empire  under 
him,  324;  its  resources,  325; 
literature  and  the  arts  during  his 
reign,  325  ;  social  life,  328  ;  re- 
ligious life,  328 ;  his  death  and 
apotheosis,  330 ;  his  tomb,  474 ; 
his  patronage  of  literature,  486. 

Octavius,  Gnaeus,  consul,  252. 
Octavius,  Marcus^  tribune,  214. 
Od'e-na^'tus,  prince  of  Palmyra,379. 
Odoacer.      See  Odoz'aker. 
OdVva''ker,  leader  of  the  Ileruli, 

441 ;  rules  in  Italy  as  ''Patrician," 
441. 


O-pim'i-us,  Lucius,  consul,  222. 

Optimates,  term  defined,  211. 

Oracles,  none  at  Rome,  32  ;  the 
Delphian,  32  ;  Romans  consult 
the     Delphian,  during    siege   of 

Veil,  93. 
Oratory,  Roman,  494-497. 
Or-€hom'e-nus,  battle  at,  254,  n.  7. 
O-res'tes,    the    Pannonian,    places 

his  son  on  the  imperial  throne, 

441  ;  put  to  death,  441. 
Orient,  condition    of,  about    200 

B.C.,    181— 185. 

Or'i-gen,  Church  Father,  505. 
Ostia,  founding  of,  46  ;   pirates  in 

the  harbor  of,  277. 
Ostrogoths,    cross     the    Danube, 

410;  reduced  to  obedience  by 

Theodosius,  421. 

O'tho,  emperor,  347. 
Ov'id,  poet,  326,  491. 

ra'dus.   Sceft^. 

l*aes'tum.      See  Posidonia. 

Paganism,  ancient    cults   restored 
by   Augustus,   329;   relation   of 
pagan    cults    to    morality,    410, 
411;    restoration   of,   under  Ju- 
lian, 40S-41  I  ;  removal  of  statue 
of  Victory   from   senate  cham- 
ber, 421  ;   prohibition  of  pagan 
cults,  422  ;  abolished  by  Roman 
senate,  424  ;  "  no  longer  any  pa- 
gans," 425  ;  effect  upon,  of  sack 
of  Rome  by  the  barbarians,  433. 
Paganus,  how  the  term   acquired 

religious  significance,  425. 
Palaces    on    the    Palatine,    471  ; 

Nero's  Golden  House,  471. 

PaPa-tlne  (tin)  Kill,  42. 


Palmyra,  fall  of,  379. 

f (indicts,  the,  5og. 

Pan-no'nia,  province,  322. 
Pa-nor'mus,  battle  of,  149. 
Pantheon,  the,  458. 
Papacy,  effects  upon,  of  the  fall  of 
Rome,  442. 

Pa-pin'i-an,  jurist,  374,  508. 
Papirius,  senator,  99. 
Papirius   Cursor,    Lucius,  consul, 
123. 

Parthians,   defeat    Crassus,    290, 

291  ;  their  empire  overthrown, 
405,  n.  2. 

Pa'ter-fa-mil"i-as,  ri  ;  power  of,  12. 

Patres,  20. 

Pd'tri-a  po-tes'tas,  12,  n.  8;  provi- 
sion touching,  in  Twelve  Tables, 
85,  ^6. 

Patricians,  term  explained,  20 ;  in 

early  Rome,  22. 
Paul  the  Apostle,  67    and    n.  3 ; 

victim  of  the  Neronian  persecu- 

tion,  345. 

Paulus,  jurist,  508. 

Pau'lus,  Lu'cius  ^-miPi-us,  con- 
sul, 169,  n.  7. 

Paulus,  Lucius  .^milius,  son  of 
preceding,  victor  at  Pydna,  188. 

Pausanias,  the  traveller,  194. 

Pax  Romana.     See  Roman  Peace. 

Pei-rae'us,  besieged  by  Sulla,  253. 

Pe-na'tes,  household  gods,  31 ;  wor- 
ship interdicted,  424  ;  secretly 
practised,  425. 

Per'ga-mus,  kingdom  of,  187. 
Per'seus,  king  of  Macedonia,  188. 
Persian  Empire,  New,  established, 

405.  n.  2;   Julian's   campaign 

against,  412. 


Per'si-us,  poet,  493. 

Per'ti-iiax,  empQror,  j!?^. 

Pestilence,  effects  on  the  popula- 
tion of  the  empire,  44S. 

Peter  the  Apostle,  martyr  at  Rome, 
345- 

Petronius,  313,  n.  3. 

Ph^e'drus,  505. 

Phar'na-ces,  281  ;  defeated  by 
Caisar,  296. 

Phar-sa'li-a,  the,  of  Lucan,  493, 
n.  10. 

Phar'sa-lus,  battle  of,  295. 

Philip,  emperor,  yj%. 

Philip  v.,  king  of  Macedonia, 
forms  alliance  with  Hannibal, 
172;  in  First  Macedonian  War, 
175;  in  Second,  185,  186. 

Phi-lip'pi,  battle  of,  307. 

Pi-ce'num,  2. 

Pictor,  Fabius,  497,  n.  4. 

Picts   ravage  province  of  Britain, 

417. 

Piracy  in  early  times,  45,  46. 
Pirates,     in     the      Mediterranean, 

275-278  ;  punished  by  Pompey, 

278. 
Pis-to'ri-a,  battle  at,  283. 

Placentia,  colony,  158. 
Plau^ti-us,  Roman  general,  343. 
Plautus,  dramatist,  4S3. 
Plebeian  assembly.    See  Concilium 
tributiim  plebis. 

Plebeians  (ple-be'yans),  origin  of 
the  order,  22  ;  their  status  in 
early  Rome,  23  ;  when  properly 
called  citizens,  23,  n.  5  ;  signifi- 
cance  to   them  of   the  Servian 

reforms,    54;   become   passive 

citizens,  55  ;    first  secession,  (>"]— 


546      INDEX   AND    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


INDEX    ANn    rROIVOUNCING    VOCABULARY.       547 


69;  marriage  with  patricians 
made  legal,  90;  secure  admis- 
sion to  the  consulship,  104;  to 
the  dictatorship  and  other  offices, 
104,  n.  4  ;  import  of  admission 
to  full  citizenship,  105;  third 
secession,  1 28,  n.  6. 

fleb-is-fl'tu,  88. 

Pliny  the  Elder,  his  life  and  work, 

502,  503;  his  death,  350. 
Pliny  the  Younger,  letter  to  Trajan, 
360  ;  literary  notice,  503. 

Po  River,  4. 
Pce'ni,  142,  n.  i. 
Pol-len'ti-a,  battle  at,  427- 
Po-lyb'i-us,  the  historian,  his   ac- 
count of  the   First  Punic  War, 

m:  at  the  sack  of  Corinth, 

191  ;  his  opinion  of  his  country-    ^ 

men,  193  ;  on  the  destruction  of 

Carthage,  203. 
PoPy-carp,  Church  Father,  365. 
Pompeii  (pom-pe'yi  or  pom-pa'yee) 

destroyed,  350  5  excavations  at, 

350,  n.  1. 
Pompey,  Gnae'us,  the  Great,  joms 

Sulla  as  a  volunteer,  255;  sent 

into    Spain    against    Sertorius, 

267  ;  settles  the  affairs  of  Spam, 
26S  ;  annihilates  band  of  gladi- 
ators, 270  ;  elected  consul,  270 ; 
restores  the  Gracchan  constitu- 
tion, 271-273;  his  violation  of 

Constitutional  fule,  273 ;  given 

command  against  the  pirates, 
277  ;  chastises  them,  278 ;  given 
charge  of  war  against  Mithra- 
dates,  280  ;  conquers  Syria,  280 ; 

takes  Jenisalem,  281  j  his  tri- 
umph,  282  ;   how  he  increased 


his  patronage,  285;  enters  the 
First  Triumvirate,  285  ;  receives 

the  government  or  the  tWO 
Spains,  291  ;  rivalry  between 
him  and  Caesar,  292  ;  civil  war, 
293-295  ;  his  death,  295. 
Pompey,  Gnaeus,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, 507,  n.  7. 

Pompey,  Sextus,  297,  n.  7. 
Fom-po'ni-us,  508. 
Pons  Su-blic'i-iis,  34»  n.  4. 
Pontifex  Maxim  us,  34  ;  powers  of, 
conferred  upon  Augustus,  317. 
Pontiffs,  college  of,  32,  34. 
Pon'tine  (or  pon'tin)  marshes,  300. 
Pontius  Gavius,  Samnite  general, 
entraps   Roman   army  at   Cau- 
dium,  122;  put  to  death,  128. 

Pop-lic'o-la.     ^QG  Pu/>iius  Valerius. 

Population  of  Rome,  under  Augus- 
tus and  in  the  reign  of  Hono- 
rius,  327,  n.  4  ;  decline  of,  in 
later  empire,  446 ;  cause  of  the 

decline,  447-449- 
Pop'u-lus  Ro-ma'ftus,  20. 

Por'ci-i,  the,  341- 

Por-sen'na,  Lars,  king  of  Clusium, 

60,  66. 

Poriui  Ro-nufnm,  m- 

Po-sei'don,  Greek  god,  156,  n.  2. 

Pos'i-do"ni-a,  9. 

Posilipo    (po-sfc-le'-po),   grotto    of, 

464. 
Possession  form  of  land  tenure,  73 

and  n.  10. 
Pos-tu'mi-us,  Aulus,  dictator,  66. 

Postumius,  S.,  consul,  121. 

Prae-nes'te,  120,  235,  n.  7. 

Praetorian  guard,  corps  created  by 

Augustus,  337,    n.    4  ;    these  sol- 


diers sell  the  empire,  2)7^) ;  dis- 
banded by  S.  Severus,  374. 

Prae'tors,  original  title  of  the  con- 
suls, 62  ;  creation  of  the  office 
104 ;  tabulated  facts  respecting, 
109;  as  provincial  magistrates, 
154;  number  raised  to  six,  178, 

»•  4  J  number  raised  to  eight, 

259.  n.  3. 
Pre'fect,  praetorian,  401. 
Pre'fec-tures,  the  government   of, 

under  the    republic,  236,  n.  8  ; 

the   subdivisions   of    the    later 

empire,   400. 

Priam,  203. 

Princeps^  the  title,  317. 
Probus,  emperor,  379. 
Proconsuls,  or  governors  of  prov- 

mces,  I  54,  n.  9. 

Pro-per'ti-us,  poet,  492. 

Pro-pon'tis,  1S4. 

Pro-prae'tors  as  provincial  magis- 
trates, 154,  n.  9. 

Proscriptions,  of  Sulla,  355 ;  of  the 

triumvirs,  306. 
Provinces,  first  Roman  province, 
154;    misgovern  men  t     of,     279, 
2S0  ;  list  of  provinces  organized 

under  the  republic,  313;  under 

the  empire,  314;  imperial  prov- 
inces, 319;  senatorial  provinces, 
320 ;  government  of,  reformed 
by  Augustus,  319;  number  in- 
creased by  Diocletian,   400;  by 

Constantine,  400. 
Provincial  system,  Roman,  its  be- 
ginnings, 155;  status  of  provin- 
cials, 155  ;  how  a  province 
was  governed,  154.  See  Prov- 
uices. 


Public  assemblies.     See  Coinitia. 
Public  lands  at   the  time  of  the 

^iracchi,  200—211. 

Pub-lin-us,  Volero,  tribune,  82. 
Punic  War,  First,  142-152. 

Second,  162-180. 

Third,  200-204. 

Pu-t^'o-li,  563. 

Pyd'na,  battle  of,  188. 

Pyr'rhus,  takes  command  of  the 
Tarentines,  129;  campaigns  in 
Italy,   129,   130;  in  Sicily,   131  ; 

defeated  at  Beneventum,  131  ; 

returns  to  Epirus,  131. 

Qunes'tors  (kwes'tors),  number 
raised  from  two  to  four  by 
Valerio-Horatian  laws,  80  j  tab- 
ulated facts  resjjecting,  no; 
number  raised  to  twenty,  259; 
ex-qusestors  given  seats  in  the 
senate,  259. 

Quinqueremes      (kwm'kwe-rems), 

first  fleet  of,  built  by  the  Romans, 
144  J    number  lost   by   Romans 
and      Carthaginians      in     First 
Punic   War,   152  and  n.  S. 
Quin-tiPi-an,  504. 

Quirinal  hill,  42. 

Quirites  (kwl-ri'-tez),  i6. 

Rad'a-gai"sus,  429. 
Rae'ti-a,  province,  322. 
Ram'nes,  the,  41,  4^. 

Re-gir-lus,  Lake,  battle  at,  66. 

Reg'u-lus,  A-tiPi-us,  Roman  gen- 
eral, made  prisoner  by  Cartha- 
ginians, 148;  as  an  ambassador, 
150;  legend  of  his  death,  150. 

Religion,  Roman,  25-38  ;  no  priest- 


548      INDEX   AND    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY, 


hood  at  Rome,  25  and  n.6  ;  place 
in  the  history  of  Rome,  25  ; 
Roman   gods    contrasted    with 

Greek  divinities,  26 ;  utilitarian 
character  of  the  religion,  27  ;  ! 
expiatory  sacrifices,  28 ;  legal 
character  of  the  religion,  28 ; 
chief  deities,  29,  30;  defects  of 
ihe  system,  36-38. 

Re'mus,  57. 

Representation,    principle    of,    un- 
known to  the   Romans,  20. 

Rex  sacrortwi,  62,  n.  9. 

Rhe'a  f^Uvla,  vestal,  57- 

Rhe'gi-um,  143,  n.  3. 

Rhe'nus  River,  305. 

Rhodes,  head  of  Rhodian  League, 
184;  centre  of  Hellenistic  cul- 
ture, 184. 

Rhodian    League,    formation    of, 

184. 
Ri9'i-mer,  Count,  441. 
Ro-ga'tions,  meaning  of  term,  104, 

n.j. 

Roma,  temple  of,  363. 

Roma  Quadrata,  42. 

Roman  citizens,  number  after 
Social  War,  242;  division  in 
body  of,  after  Social  War,  243. 

See   C'lttzenshtP. 

Roman  colonies.     See  Colonies. 

Roman  empire,  definitively  estab- 
lished by  Augustus,  315;  fron- 
tiers established   by   him,  320; 

greabet  extent  uiidef  Trajan, 

358;  public  sale  of,  373;  its 
final  division,  426 ;  the  Eastern, 
426;  FaU  of  the,  in  the  West, 
440  ;  import  of  its  downfall,  441  ; 
lack  of  unity  in,  450-452 ;  sum- 


mary of  the  causes  of  its  fall, 

445-455- 
Roman   government  becomes   an 

undisguised      monarchy      under 

Diocletian,    381. 
Roman  law,  507-511. 
Roman  Peace  {Pax  Romano),  132 

and  n.  3 ;  established  in  (iaul,  289. 

Romance  nations,  OriglH,  306. 
Romanization,   of    Southern    Ktru- 

ria,  96;    of    Italy,  132,   133;  of 
Gaul,  289. 
Rome,  early   society  and  govern- 

ment,  11-2];  under  the  Kings, 

39-60;   its   beginnings,  41  ;   first 
enlargement,  42  ;   three  tribes  in 
early   city,   43;  causes  of  early 
growth,  45  ;  early  commerce,  45, 
46 ;  early  coinage,  46  ;    growth 
of,  under  the  Tarquins,  47-56} 
why  caUed  "  City  of  the  Seven 
Hills,"   48;     legendary    account 
of  its  foundation,  57»  5^  ;  sacked 
by   the   Oauls,   96-100;    its  re- 
building,    100-102;     compared 

with  Carthage,  140-142;  effect 
upon,  of  conquest  of  the  East, 
194;  destroyed  by  the  great 
fire,  344 ;  rebuilt  by  Nero,  345 ; 

effects  upon,  of  the  founding 

of  Constantinople,  397,  "-  5! 
last  triumph  at,  428  ;  ransom  of, 
by  Alaric,  430-43^  ;  sacked  by 
Alaric,432  ;  by  the  Vandals,  438; 

impoUQlHs  fall,  441. 

Rom'u-lus,  king  of  Rome,  46,  57,  59- 
Romulus  Augustus,  last   emperor 

of  the  West,  441. 
Ros'tra,   49    and    n.   8 ;    origin    of 

name,  121. 


INDEX   AA^D    PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.      549 


Rou-ma'ni-a,  356  and  n.  2. 
Rubicon     River,     4;     crossed    by 

Csesar,  203. 

Ru-pil'i-us,  P.,  consul,  209. 
Ru-tiri-us,  C.  Marcius,  first  plebe- 
ian dictator,  104,  n.  4. 
Rutulians,  prehistoric  folk,  57. 

Sabbath,  adopted  as  day  of  rest  by 

Constantine,     39^  j      Babylonian 

institution,  396,  n.  3. 
Sabines,  country  of  the,  2 ;  settle- 
ment  on  Quirinal,  42  j  Roman 

youth  seize  Sabine  women,  58  ; 
union  of  Sabine  and  Roman 
community,   59. 

Sacred  colleges,  election  of  mem- 
bers taken  away  from  the  people, 
361.      See  Colleges. 

Sacred  games  among  the  Romans. 

35'  36. 

Sacred  Mount,  first  withdrawal  to, 
of  plebeians,   68 ;   second,   88  ; 

third,  128,  n.6. 

Sa-gun'tum,    taken    by    Hannibal, 

160. 
St.  Angelo,  Castle  of,  475. 
St.  Bernard,  hittle,  pass,  163. 
SaKa-mis,  battle  of,  143,  n.  2. 
Sa'li-i^  guilds  of,  32,  n.  3. 
Sallust,  historian,  497. 
Sa-lo'na,  390. 
Samnite  War,  First,  116;  Second. 

1 21-125;  Third,  126-128. 

.Samnites,  place  in  Roman  history, 
8  ;  their  part  in  the  Social  War, 
240. 

Sam'ni-um,  2;  depopulated  by  Sul- 
lan  proscriptions,  256;  settlement 

in,  of  adherents  of  Sulla,  256, 257. 


Sa'por,  King  of  Persia,  yj^,  n.  i, 
414. 

Sardmia,  relation  to  Italy,  3  ;  with 
Corsica,  made  a  Roman  prov- 
ince, 155. 

Saf  iir-na" li-a,  36. 

Sat'ur-ni'^nus.     See  Apuleius. 

Saxons,  417,  436. 

Scaev'o-la,  Mucins,  60. 

Scacvola,  Quintus  Mucius,  jurist, 
508. 

Scipio,  Gnasus  Cornelius,  in  Spain, 

176  and  n.  j, 

Scipio,    Lucius    Cornelius    (Asiati- 

cus),  1 87. 
Scipio,  Publius  Cornelius,  engages 

Hannibal,    164,  165  ;  in  Spain, 

176  and  n.  3. 

Scipio,  Publius    Cornelius   (Africa- 

nus  Major),  in  Spain,  176  and 
n.  3  ;  defeats  Hannibal  at  Zama, 
178  ;  his  death,  190. 
Scipio,  Publius  Cornelius  .Emilia- 

nUS  (Africanus  Minor),  at  siege 

of    Carthage,    203  ;    at   siege    of 

Numantia,  205. 
Scipio,  Publius  Cornelius,  Nasica, 

pontifex  maxim  us,  217. 

Se-ja'nus,  i^i^^. 

Se-leu'ci-dae,    origin    of,   dynasty, 
1S2,  n.  7. 

Se-leu'cus  Ni-ca'tor,  182,  n.  7. 
Sem-pro'ni-us,  Tiberius,  164,  165. 
Senate,  Roman,  under  the  kings, 

iS  ;  tabulated  facts  respecting 
number  of  members,  compe- 
tence, etc.,  107;  senators  com- 
pared to  English  peers,  220  ; 
power  restored  by  Sulla,  258; 
ex-quaestors  given  seats  in.  259  ; 


550    !NDEX  AND  rHONOUNClNG  VOCABULARY, 


number  of  members  increased 
to  about  six  hundred,  259;  given 
by  Sulla  the  initiative  in  legisla- 
tion, 260  ;  number  of  members 
raised  to  one  thousand  by  An- 
tony, 318  ;  reduced  to  six  hun- 
dred by  Augustus,  318  ;  shorn 
of  all  real  power  by  him,  318; 
provincials   given    seats   in,   by 

Augustus,  318  ;  Tiberius  confers 
upon,  right  to  elect  magistrates, 
334 ;  admission  to,  of  Gauls, 
341  ;  stronghold  of  the  pagan 
cults,  422. 

Senate-house  in  regal  Rome,  50. 

Sen'e-ca,     moralist,     Nero's     tutor, 

344 ;  his  teachings,   501  ;  letter 
to  a  mother,  515  ;  death,  501. 
Sen'o-nes,  Gallic  tribe,  342. 

Sen-trnum,  battle  of,  127. 

Sepulchral  monuments,  474. 

Se-re'-nus,  Sam-mon^i-cus,  504,  n.  6. 

Ser-to'ri-us,  Quintus,  propraetor  of 
Farther  Spain,  266,  n.  i  ;  his 
character,  265,  266  ;  wide  scope 
of  plans,  26O ;  his  assassination, 
268. 

Servian  reforms,  54-56. 

Servile  War,  First,  207  ;  Second, 
230. 

Ser-viri-us  Glaucia,  231    and    n.    5; 

his  death,  2^,^ 
Servius    TuUius,  builds    walls    of 

Rome,    48;  his  reforms,  51-56; 

five    classes    of,   51  ;    four    new 

tribes  created  by,  li. 

Seven   Hills,  the,  45. 

Se-ve'rus,     Alexander,      emperor, 

377- 
Severus,    Septimius,    reign,     373 ; 


disbands    the    praetorian    guard, 

374- 
vSextus,  Roman  governor,  252. 

Shiraz  (she'raz),  378,  n.  i. 

Sib'yl-line   books,    33  ;    number    of 

keepers    raised     to     ten,     104  ; 
prophecy  in,  157  ;   burned,  255. 
Sicily,  relation  to  Roman  history, 
2  ;  at  the  beginning  of  the  First 

Punic  War,   142;  Wtlefielcl  of 

the  nations,  143;  conquest  of, 
by  the  Romans,  144  ;  becomes 
a  Roman  province,  1 54  ;  First 
Servile   War   in,   207  ;    Second, 

230. 
Sira-rus,   defeat  of    gladiators   at. 

270. 
Slavery,  in  early  Rome,  15;   con- 
dition of  slaves  in   Sicily,  207- 
209  ]  merges  into  serfdom,  j86, 

445,  524;  disastrous  effects  of, 
upon  Roman  society  and  govern- 
ment, 445;  effects  on  popula- 
tion, 447;  general  statements 
respecting,  523-525. 

Social    War,    240—242  ;     comments 

upon,    242 ;     effects    upon    the 

municipal  system,  244. 
So'ci-i.     See  Italian  allies. 
Solon,  his  reforms  at  Athens,  55. 

.^olway  FirtK,  360. 

Spain  becomes   Romanized,  206. 

Spa-la'to,  473. 

Spar'ta-cus,   leader   of    gladiators, 
269  ;  his  death,  270. 

^pu-rin'na,  astrologer,  302. 

Statius,  poet,  493.  "•  10- 
Stiri-cho,    Vandal    general,    drives 

(;oths  from  Greece,  427;  defeats 
them  at  Pollentia,  427;  his  tri- 


INDEX  AND  PRONOUNCING   VOCABULdRW      55 1 


umph,  428 ;  withdraws  legions 
from  Britian,  436;   death,  430. 

Stoicism,  relation  to  civic  virtues, 
453;  represented  by  M.  Aure- 
lius  and  Epictetus,  504. 

Su-bu'ran,  city  district,  52,  n.  10. 

Sue-to'ni-us,  biographer,  499. 

Sue'vi,  287. 

Suf'fe-tes,  Carthaginian  magis- 
trates, 140. 

Sulla,  Lucius  Cornelius,  in  Jugur- 
thine  war.,  226;  in  Social  War, 
241  ;  given  command  against 
Mithradates,  250;  marches  upon 
Rome,  250;  embarks  for  the 
East,  251  ;  campaign  against 
Mithradates,  253;  exacts  indem- 
nity from  cities  of  Asia,  254; 
returns  to  Italy,  254;  war 
between    him   and    the    Marian 

party,  254;  massacres  Samnite 
prisoners,  255;  his  proscriptions, 
2 5 5-2 58;  effects  of  these,  257; 
made  dictator,  258;  his  consti- 
tution, 258-262 ;  its  breakdown, 
1^1 ;  hie  abdication  and  death, 

262  ;    results  of  his  dictatorship, 
263. 
Sullan    constitution,   258-262;    its 
overthrow,  270-273. 

i'iul-pic'i-iis  Riifus,  I'ublius,  tiib- 

une,  250. 
Sulpicius,  Servius,  orator,  494. 
Sym'ma-chus,  422. 
Syracuse,  early  Cireek  colony,  ro; 

its  possessions  at  beginning  of 

First    Funic    War,    142;    forms 
alliance     with     Carthage,     172; 
fall  of,  173,  174. 
Syria,  dominion  of  the  Seleucida;, 


182;    made   a  Roman  province, 

281. 

Syrtis,  Greater,  139. 


Tacitus,  emperor,  379. 

Tacitus,  historian,  499. 
Taras.      See  Tarentum. 

Tarentum,  Greek  colony,  10;  war 
with  Rome,  128-131  ;  character 

of  inhabitants,  \i%. 

Tar-pe'i-a  (-ya),  103,  n.  9. 
Tarpeian  Rock,  103,  n.  9. 
Tar-quin'i-i,  Ftruscan  city,  8,  1 1 1 . 
Tar-quin'i-us      Priscus,     king     of 

Rome,  46. 
Tarquinius     Superbus,     king     of 

Rome,    47;    his    expulsion,     ^6  ; 

attempts    to    reinstate    himself 
in  Rome,  64-66. 
Tar'ra-co-nen^'sis,    province,    321, 

n.  8. 

Ta'ti-us.  Sabine  king,  59. 

Taxation,  Roman,  land  tax  abol- 
ished, 1 88  ;  made  more  oppres- 
sive by  Constan tine's  adminis- 
trative reform,  401  ;  in  the  later 
empire,  446;  effects  on  popula- 
tion, 447. 

Td'a-mon,  battle  at,  157. 

Te-lem'a-chus,  monk,  429. 

Ter'ence,  dramatist,  4S4. 

Terentilian  rogation,  84,  n.  6. 
Ter'en-til"i-us    Harsa,    Gains,    84, 

n.  6. 
Ter-tuKli-an  (-yan).  Church  Father, 

453- 

Tetrarchy  (tet'rark-y),  385,  n.  6. 

Teutoburg  Wood  (toi''to-borg), 
scene  of  defeat  of  Varus,  323; 
location  of,  323,  n.  i. 


552      INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Teu'to-nes,  226-229. 

'^I  nap  sus,  oattle  or,  290. 
Theatres,     Roman,     construction, 

459;     entertainments    of,    516; 

immorality  of  the  stage,  516. 
The-mis'to-cles,  194,  n.  5. 

Theodoric,  King  of  the  Visigoths, 

killed  at  Chalons,  437. 
Theodosius  I.,  the  Great,  emperor, 

reduces  Goths  to  submission, 
421  ;  zeal  for  the  Church,  421 ; 

the  "Destroyer  of  Paganism," 
424;  defeats  Eugenius,  424; 
orders  massacre  at  Thessalo- 
nica,  425;  bows  to  Bishop  Am- 
brose, 425,  426;  sole  emperor, 
426  J  divides  the  empire,  ^26. 

Theodosius  II.,  emperor,  425. 
Ther'mae,  Roman,  description  of, 

467—470 ;    baths    of    Diocletian, 

469 ;  of  Caracalla,  469. 
Thes'sa-lo-ni^'ca,  massacre  at,  425. 

Thirty  Tyrants,  tne,  378. 

Tiber  River,  4. 

Tiberius,  emperor,  reign,  334-339. 
Tiberius,  stepson  of  Augustus,  in 
Germany,  322,  323. 

Ti-buHus,  poet,  403. 

Ti'bur,  situation,  40  ;  in  Latin  war, 
120. 

Ti-ci'nus,  battle  of  the,  165. 

Titles,  tribe  in  early  Rome,  43,  n.  1 1 . 

Titus,  emperor,  at  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem, 347  ;  reign,  349,  350. 

Tiv'o-li.      See    Tibur. 

Toga,  the,  513  and  n.  2. 
Tragedy,  little  esteemed  at  Rome, 
516. 

Trajan,  emperor,  reign,  354-360; 
his  Dacian  campaigns,  355;  ex- 


pedition against  the  Parthians, 

357,   358 ;  Kis  patronage  of  tKe 
arts,  359;  his  letter  from  Pliny 
the     Younger     respecting     the 
Christians,  360;  death,  360. 
Tras'i-me'^nus  Lake,  battle  at,  165. 

Treason,  the  Lm  of  Majistiu 

under    Tiberius,    336;     the    law 
abolished,   354- 

Tre'bi-a,  battle  of  the,  165. 

Tribes,  as  divisions  of  the  Roman 
community,  17  ;  the  three  origi- 
nal, in  early  Rome,  17,  43;  the 
four  Servian,  52  and  n.  10; 
made  up  at  first  of  freeholders, 
52 ;  number  raised  to  twenty, 
83,    n.    3  J    number    raised    to 

twenty-one,  8^;  distinction  be- 
tween city  and  rural  tribes,  83, 
n.  3  ;  non-landowners  enrolled, 
96,  n.  4  ;  number  increased  to 
twenty-seven,  121,  n.  14;  num- 
ber brougnt  up  to  twenty-nine, 
121  ;  to  thirty-one,  126,  n.  4; 
to  thirty-three,  126  and  n.  4; 
brought  up  to  thirty-five,  the 
maximum  number,  244,  n.  12. 

Tri-bo'ni-an,  jurist,  ;oo. 

Tribunes,  military,  with  consular 
power,  creation  of  office,  91  ; 
abolished,  104. 

Tribunes,  plebeian,  first,  69  ;  num- 
ber, 69;  duties,  69;  their  right 
of  aid,  69 ;  sacrosanct  character, 
70  ;  importance  of  the  creation 
of  the  tribunate,  70 ;  germs  of 
mischief  in  the  office,  70 ;  ac- 
quire the  right  to  sit  within  the 

senate  hall,  89 ;  tabulated  facts 
respecting,    109;    their   right   of 


INDEX   AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY.       553 


veto,  214,  n.  4;  Gracchan  law 
makes  legal  reelection  without 
an  interval,  219;  power  lessened 
by  Sulla,  259,  260;  penalty  im- 
posed for  abuse  of  right  of  in- 
tercession, 260 ;  disqualified  for 

nolding  curule  offices,  261  ;  pre- 
rogatives restored  by  Pompey, 
272;  powers  absorbed  by  Au- 
gustus, 317. 

Triumph,  last  at  Rome,  428. 

Triumvirate,  First,  285 ;  Second, 

304-307- 
Truceless  War,  the,  158. 
Turn  us.  King  of  Rutulians,  57. 
Tusculum  a  municipiiim,  1 12,  n.  6; 

Cato's  birthplace,  ig6. 

Twelve  Tables,  the,  83-S7  ;  influ- 
ence of,  87. 

Tyne  (tin),  the,  360. 

Tyr-rhe'ni-an  Sea,  2. 

Ul'pi-an,  jurist,  508. 

Ulpian  Lil^rary,  359. 

Um'bri-a,  2. 

Umbro-Sabellians,  6-8. 

U'sus.,  Roman  form  of  marriage, 

12,  n.  §. 
Utica,    becomes     leading     city    in 
Africa,  204. 

Vadimonian  Lake,  124,  n.  2. 

Valens,  emperor,  416,  n.  7 ;  admits 

Visigoths  within  the  emplrvi,  j'l  .>  ; 

refuses  to  admit  the  Ostrogoths,, 
419;  his  death,  420. 
Varen-tin''i-an    I.,   emperor,    416, 

n.  7i  his  death,  417.  j 

Va-le'ri-an,  emperor,  378,  n.  i. 
Valerio-Horatian  laws,  88-90. 


Va-le'ri-us,  Lu'ci-us,  consul,  88. 

I    Valerius,   Publius,   consul,  secures 
j        passage  of  the  Lex  Valeria,  66 ; 
I        treats  with  insurgent  plebeians, 
69. 

i   Vandals,   in    Tannonia,    i-xy    in 

;  Spain,  435  ;  in  Africa,  435  ;  sack 

Rome,  438. 
Varro,  the  writer,  500. 

Varro,GaiusTerentius,consul,i69, 
n.  7;  at  Cannas,   170;  thanked 

by  senate,  171. 

Varus,  Quintilius,  defeated  by  Ar- 
minius,  322. 

Veientians ensnare  the  Fabii,78-8o. 
Veii    (ve'yi),    Etruscan     city,    8; 

siege  and  capture,  93-96. 

Ven'e-ti,  the,  2S7. 

Ve-ne'ti-a,  i. 

Venetians,  6,  n.  3. 

Venice,  mentioned,  5  ;    its  begin- 

"i"g'S  43/'  438- 
Venus,  temple  of,  at  Rome,  363. 
Ve-nu'si-a,  Latin  town,  237. 
Ver-cel'lcx,  battle  at,  228. 
Ver-cin'get'^o-rix,  288. 
Vergil,  mentioned,  326;  life,  487, 

488  ;    works,  4S8— 490. 

Ve-ro'na,  battle  at,  427. 

"^/"er'rcs,  proprae'-or,  his  scandalous 
misgoveinment  of  Sicily,  273, 
274 ;  his  prosecution  by  Cicero, 

274 
Ve'spHslaii  (\es-pT.'zhi-an),  Flavius, 

emperor,  reign,  347-349. 
Vesta,  worship  o*^,  30;  temple  of, 
30,  ;o. 

YeMs,the,3o;  house  of,  30,11.1. 

Vesuvius,    eruption     of,    destroys 
Pompeii,   350. 


554      INDEX  AND   PRONOUNCING    VOCABULARY. 


Veturius,  T.,  consul,  121. 

Vl^a  JE-mirU,  l^S,  n.  1\  AppU, 

construction  begun,  125;  tombs 
along,  474  ;  Fla-min'i-a,  construc- 
tion of,  1 57  ;  its  course,  463  ; 
Sacra,  51. 
Victory,  statue  of,  removed  from 
senate  hall,  421. 

Villas,  when  palaces  are  so  desig- 
nated, 471  ;  description,  473. 
Vin'do-bo''na,  368. 
Virginia,  plebeian  maiden,  87. 

Vir'i-a"thus,   Lusitanian  chief,  205. 

Visigoths,  cross  the  Danube,  417— 
421  ;  revolt  under  Fritigern,  420  ; 
reduced  to  submission  by  Theo- 
dosius,  421  ;  invade  Italy,  427  ; 

second  invasion,  430-433;  es- 
tablish kingdom  in  Southern 
Gaul  and  in  Spain,  434  ;  at 
Chalons,  437.     See  A  lark. 


Vi-terii-us,  emperor,  347. 

Volscians,  border  wars  witli  Krime, 

75'  76,  77- 
Volsinii,  Ktruscan  city,  8. 

Voting,  manner  of,  in   Roman  as- 
semblies, 19. 

Wallia,  king  of  the  (ioths,  434. 
Woman,  social   status  of  the   Ro- 
man wife,  513;  divorce,  513. 

Xan-thip'pus,  Spartan    general  in 

Carthaginian  service,  148,  n.  6. 

Yoke,    symbol  of    submission,  81 
and  n.  9. 

Za'ma,  battle  at,  178. 

Ze''la,  battle  at,  296. 

Zeno,  emperor  of  the  ?2ast,  441. 

Zenobia,  Queen  of  Palmyra,  379. 


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of  all  ages,  the  (^uide  attempts  to  serve  the  needs  of  school 
children  and  their  teachers,  as  weU  as  college  students  and 
instructors  and  advanced  investigators;  to  aid  librarians 
and   book-buyers;    and    to    be   serviceable   to   all   who   are 

interested  in  American  history  and  politics. 

Besides  the  services  to  teachers  and  pupils,  the  Guide 
may  be  helpful  to  school  libraries  by  taking  the  place  of 
more  expensive  bibliographies  and  by  suggesting  a  choice 
of  good  books.  The  book  is  meant  to  be  a  contribution  to 
good  citizenship. 


GINN    &    COMPANY,    Publishers, 

Boston.    New  York.    Chicago.    San  Francisco.   Atlanta.    Dallas.    Columbus.    London. 


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COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY   LIBRARIES 

This  book  is  due  on  the  date  indicated  below,  or  at  the 
expiration  of  a  definite  period  after  the  date  of  borrowing^,  as 
provided  by  the  library  rules  or  by  special  arrangement  with 
the  Librarian  in  charge. 


DATE    BORROWeO 

DATE  0\J^ 

DATE  BORROWED 

DATE  DUE 

W  Feb'47 

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JUL  2i  6  1937 


